Evaluative expectations and the gender schema: Is failed inconsistency better?

Sex Roles, VoL 28, Nos. 11/12, 1993

Evaluative Expectations and the Gender Schema: Is Failed Inconsistency Better? 1

Arnie Cann 2

University of North Carolina at Charlotte

Are evaluative assessments a part of the information that constitutes the gender stereotype? Two studies tested this question by presenting participants (50 female and 43 male college students, for whom English was their native language) with information that manipulated both the knowledge of gender roles and the evaluative assessments of performance in those roles. Participants tried to learn statements like 'Jane is a good nurse" or 'John is a bad nurse." Memory for these relationships was then tested Results indicated that when the person's name and the role were consistent with the gender stereotype, a positive evaluative connection made the statement easier to recall than a negative evaluative connection. However, an inconsistent name-role pairing was easier to recall when the evaluative connection was negative rather than positive. The results are interpreted as support for an evaluative bias that is part of the knowledge associated with gender differences.

Stereotypes have increasingly come to be viewed as one type of schema (Fiske & Taylor, 1991; Taylor & Crocker, 1981). A stereotype, or role schema, contains the knowledge that an individual possesses about a particular group. The information would generally include the traits, physical appearance qualities, behavioral tendencies, and social role possibilities assumed likely among or diagnostic of members of the stereotyped group.

1This work was supported in part by funds from the foundation of The University of North Carolina at Charlotte and from the State of North Carolina. Thanks to Tracey Mercer Browning for her assistance with data collection, and to Helene Hilger and two anonymous reviewers for valuable comments on an earlier version of the manuscript .

ZReprint requests should be addressed at Depar tment of Psychology, University of North Carolina at Charlotte, Charlotte, NC 28223.

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0360--0025/93/0600-4)667507.00/0 © 1993 Plenum Publishing Corporation

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The schema associated with a social group will often influence the way an individual processes new information about any individual member of the group. The variety of information processing effects produced by schematic ("top down") processing have been well documented (see Fiske and Taylor, 1991, or Schneider, 1991, for recent reviews), and include influences on encoding, memory, and inferences.

One prediction resulting from the schematic approach to stereotyping is that information inconsistent with a stereotype will often be ignored or inefficiently processed because of its failure to fit the expected pattern. The extra effort required to integrate contradictory information into an organized schema will typically be avoided unless accuracy of perception is essential to the perceiver (Fiske & Neuberg, 1990). The stereotype will, as a result, remain relatively stable, since contradictory information will be lost or mis- perceived. Although there has been a continuing controversy in the literature surrounding this prediction (see Fiske and Taylor, 1991, or Schneider, 1991), since a logical case can be made for the opposite prediction (inconsistent information could serve as a highly salient and distinctive cue that attracts careful and thorough information processing), a majority of the data appear to support the "consistency is preferred" position (Ruble & Stangor, 1986), at least for schemas that are well developed or mature (Stangor, 1988; Stangor & Rubble, 1989; Stangor & McMillan, 1992).

The gender stereotype is an example of a stereotype that is well developed and nearly universal (Ruble & Stangor, 1986; Williams & Best, 1982). Although there is some evidence indicating individual differences in reliance on gender stereotypic information (Bern, 1981; Markus, Crane, Bernstein, & Saladi, 1982), there is little doubt that most individuals possess a rich, mature, and commonly shared information base describing potential gender differences. These gender-based expectations appear to develop early (Gettys & Cann, 1981; Martin & Halverson, 1981), and to cover behaviors, traits, and roles. The pref- erence for gender stereotype consistent information has been well documented in children (Cann & Newbern, 1984; Carter & Levy, 1988; Ruble & Stangor, 1986), and adults show many similar effects that can be traced to gender stereotypes (see Ruble & Stangor, 1986, for a review).

One area where it is assumed adults differ from children is in making evaluative judgments based solely on stereotype consistency. Young children (5-9 years) often view deviations from gender stereotypes as wrong (Stoddard & Turiel, 1985) and as predictive of evaluative inferiority (Cann & Garnett, 1984; Cann & Palmer, 1986). Adults and older children, however, are assumed more flexible in applying gender stereotypes (Ruble & Stangor, 1986). The descriptive content of the gender schema may persist with age as an organized network, but the strong evaluative biases evi- denced by young children should fade as the individual matures (Swim,

Evaluative Expectancies and Gender Schema 669

Borgida, Maruyama, & Myers, 1989). In fact, it has recently been proposed that a distinction be drawn between the knowledge that defines the schema about a group, and attitudes toward the group (DelBoca, Ashmore, & McManus, 1986; Devine, 1989; Signorella & Liben, 1985). The attitude would include affective and evaluative elements, and the knowledge schema would be more objectively descriptive. For children, the knowledge would increase with age as they learn more about societal assumptions about groups. This growth of knowledge would produce a more fixed set of expectations, but the attitude should become more flexible as the child learns that stereotypes are not always applicable to all individuals from a group. Among adults, the knowledge should be relatively constant across individuals, but the application of the knowledge will vary due to the attitude (Devine, 1989). However, if the knowledge is evaluatively biased rather than descriptive, the schema may have, at least subtle, prejudicial effects on any judgments about group members.

The present research attempts to assess the content of the gender schema to see if evaluative expectations may be part of the knowledge structure. In doing this, an attempt is made to counter a criticism of pre- vious research on gender stereotypes and gender-related attitudes. Ashmore, DelBoca, and Wohlers (1986) and DelBoca, Ashmore, and McManus (1986) argue that the measures used to assess gender information are usu- ally obtrusive, highly reactive measures that might produce biased responding. A less reactive way to assess the presence of evaluative information in the schema is to test for memory effects rather than evaluative judgments. Using the fact that information inconsistent with a stereotype should be more difficult to process, it should be possible to vary separately the knowledge and evaluative consistency of the information presented to see if variations in evaluative content have any impact on memory independent of knowledge consistency.

The social roles content of the gender stereotype provides an avenue to readily access evaluative biases. Social roles represent a significant com- ponent of the gender stereotype; in fact, it has recently been proposed that the unequal distribution of men and women in certain social roles may account for the consistency with which other components of the gender stereotype develop (Eagly & Steffen, 1984). The formal social roles defined by occupations are easily differentiated by gender. Adults and children have a clear appreciation of the gender segregation that is common in many occupations (Albrecht, Bahr, & Chadwick, 1977; Gettys & Cann, 1981; Panek, Rush, & Greenawalt, 1977; Shinar, 1975), and recent trends in the workplace have done little to alter these gender-segregated patterns (Bielby & Baron, 1984).

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By using occupational social roles as the entry into the gender schema, it is possible to separately vary the gender role consistency (knowledge) and the evaluative information. For example, the statement "Jane is a nurse" would be consistent with the knowledge content of the gender stereotype. If there is an evaluative assumption related to this statement, it would be that "Jane is a good nurse." Thus, the statement that "Jane is a bad nurse" would be consistent knowledge, but inconsistent evaluation. Would "Jane is a bad nurse," therefore, be a more difficult bit of information to process? If the evaluative reaction is part of the schema, the "consistent" evaluative modifier should be more easily processed than the inconsistent modifier. "Jane is a good nurse" and "John is a bad nurse" should be more easily processed than "Jane is a bad nurse" and "John is a good nurse." No evaluative modifier differences would be expected on a memory task if evaluative information is not part of the schema.

Two conceptually similar experiments were designed to test for possible evaluative biases within the gender schema. Participants were presented with a set of statements that connected a male or a female name (e.g., Jane) with an occupation stereotyped as female or male typical (e.g., nurse). The connection included an evaluatively positive or negative modifier (e.g., "Jane is a successful nurse"). After being exposed to these statements, participants were tested for their ability to remember the information. If the evaluative information differentially affects recall when it is consistent, this would demonstrate that the gender schema includes evaluative biases. Since it is likely that most individuals will assume that "what is common is correct and therefore good" (Eagly & Steffen, 1984), it is predicted that an evaluative bias will be found.

M E T H O D

Study 1

Subjects. Subjects were 21 female and 22 male students from introductory psychology courses. Research participation fulfilled a course requirement. Eng- lish was the native language for all participants. Although each participant's race was not recorded, the population from which the participants were drawn contains approximately 20% minority group members.

Procedure. All participants were tested individually. The instructions and stimuli were presented on Apple microcomputers, and all responses were automatically recorded. Participants were seated at individual stations and were told to follow the instructions that would appear on the monitor. The program that controlled the session randomly generated the stimulus statements for each participant by combining 32 male and 32 female names


with 32 female and 32 male occupations using one of 16 different positive or negative modifiers. Each participant was exposed to 8 distinct instances of each of the 8 possible types of combinations (M or F Name x Positive or Negative Modifier × M or F Occupation), for a total of 64 stimulus statements. An example of a statement would be, "Nancy is a successful engineer." The occupations were selected from lists of gender-typed occupations reported in prior research (Albrecht et al., 1977; Panek et al., 1977; Shinar, 1975). Participants were told to try to learn the statements since their recall would be tested later. Each statement was presented for 5 seconds, with a 2.5-second interval between stimuli. The stimuli were then presented a second time, in a new random order, for a shorter time (2 seconds, with a 1.5-second intertrial interval). Given the amount of information presented (64 statements, involving 64 separate names and 64 occupations), a second presentation was included to ensure a reasonable opportunity to learn the information and avoid "floor" effects on the recognition measures. After the second presentation, each participant was presented with a series of simple math equations and was asked to verify the answer provided by pressing T or F. The math task lasted for 2 minutes and was designed to prevent active rehearsal.

The test phase began immediately after the 2-minute math task. The participant was presented, one at a time, with each of the 64 names paired with an occupation. For example, a typical pairing might be "Nancy was a librarian." The test stimuli were created so that for each of the 8 stimuli within a type (M + M), there were 4 correct pairings and 4 incorrect pairings. Participants responded to each stimulus by indicating true (T) or false (F). The responses and reaction times were automatically recorded.

After the 64 test stimuli were completed, each participant was presented with each name correctly paired with the original occupation, i.e., "Nancy was an engineer." The task during this phase of the experiment was to indicate whether the person had previously been described as good or as bad at the occupation. Responses were made by pressing a plus or minus sign. Responses and reaction times were automatically recorded.

Experiment 2

Subjects. Subjects were 29 female and 21 male s tuden t s f rom introductory psychology courses. Research participation fulfilled a course requirement. English was the native language for all participants. Although each participant's race was not recorded, the population from which the part icipants were drawn contains approximately 20% minority group members.

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Procedure. Short stories were created describing a class reunion. In the stories, 32 names were mentioned (16 male and 16 female) and they were paired with gender-typed occupations (16 female and 16 male) using one of the 16 positive or negative modifiers. The pairings resulted in 4 distinct instances of each of the 8 types of combinations possible (M or F Name x Positive or Negative Modifier x M or F Occupation). There were two versions of the story created by changing the pairings. Participants were run in small groups (3-6 per group). They were given ~a printed version of the story and were allowed 10 minutes to study the story in anticipation of a later test of recall. After the 10 minutes, the participants were given a sheet of math problems to complete as a distraction task, and 2 minutes were allowed to work on that task.

The memory test was administered immediately after the math task was ended. An answer sheet was provided that listed, alphabetically, the 32 names that had been mentioned in the story. A separate alphabetical listing indicated 64 different occupations (32 male and 32 female). The task was to select the correct occupation for each individual named. Par- ticipants were asked to select an occupation for every name and they were allowed 5 minutes for this task.

RESULTS

Experiment 1

The 4 dependent measures collected were number of correct recognitions of the name-occupat ion pairings, the average reaction time for the response, the number of correct identifications of the modifier that provided the evaluative information, and the reaction time for making that decision. Each of these measures was subjected to a 2 × 2 × 2 × 2 (Gender of Participant × Male or Female Name × Positive or Negative Modifier x Female or Male Occupation) analysis of variance with Gender of Participant as the only between-groups factor. The critical effect to be examined would be the three-way interaction involving name-modif ie r -occupat ion since the two forms of consistency (knowledge and evaluation) were both varied within that effect.

The analysis of the recognition measure, correct recognition of the name- occupation pairing, revealed significant effects for Gender of Participant, F(1, 41) = 5.75, p < .05, the Gender of Participant × Name interaction, F(1, 41) = 4.59, p < .05, and the predicted Name × Modifier x Occupation interaction, F(1, 41) = 5.60, p < .05. Female participants (M = 6.45) had higher scores than males (M = 5.73), but each gender was better at recognizing pair-


Table I. Study 1: Correct Recognitions as a Function of Name, Modifier, and Role a

Male names Female names

Modifier Modifier

Negative Positive Negative Positive

Roles Male 6.07 6.33 5.98 5.75

1.42 1.34 1.75 1.75

Female 6.28 6,09 5,98 6.19 1.56 1.23 1.42 1.55

aThe cell entries are means and standard deviations. There were 43 participants per cell. Scores could range from 0 to 8.

ings involving a same gender as opposed to an opposite gender named individual (Females: female names, M = 6.52, and male names, M = 6.38; Males: female names, M = 5.44, and male names, M = 6.01).

The Name x Modifier x Occupation interaction was consistent with the predicted effects of evaluative information (see Table I). When the Name-Occupa t ion pairing was consistent with the gender stereotype (Male Name/Male Occupation, or Female Name/Female Occupation) recognition was higher when there was a positive modifier. However, an inconsistent pairing (F/M, or M/F) led to better recognition when the modifier was negative. "Bad" inconsistency and "good" consistency were more efficiently processed.

The analysis of the reaction times for the name-occupat ion pairings responses revealed only a Modifier main effect, F(1, 41) = 4.87, p < .05. Participants responded more quickly when the modifier was positive (M = 2.09 seconds) rather than negative (M = 2.19 seconds). The three-way interaction, consistent with the recognition results, was not significant. Since the participants were not asked to respond quickly, and no mention was made of a reaction time measure, these results should not be interpreted as direct measures of speed of access of information. Participants could have paced themselves, without making any effort to respond as soon as they decided on a response. Given the small reaction time differences often reported as significant, the absence of instructions designed to encourage fast responding could easily have eliminated these differences.

The analysis of the recall of the modifier as positive or negative yielded only a Modifier main effect, F(1, 41) = 14.35, p < .05. Recall was higher for positive evaluative information (M = 5.56) than for negative evaluations (M = 5.00). The reaction time measures for this decision produced a single significant effect involving the Gender of the Participant x

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Occupation interaction, F(1, 41) = 5.49, p < .05. Males responded faster on male occupations (M = 2.05) than on female occupations (M = 2.20), and females showed a similar same gender bias (M = 1.96 for female occupations and M = 2.07 for male occupations). Again, some caution should be used when interpreting these results, since the task was not presented as a reaction time task, and participants probably were not making any effort to respond as soon as an assessment was made.

Experiment 2

The dependent measure in the second experiment was the number of correct matches of the name with the occupation presented in the story. A 2 (Gender of Participant) x 2 (M or F name) x 2 (Positive or Negative Modifier) x 2 (M or F Occupation) analysis of variance was performed, with Gender of Participant as the only between groups factor. The main effects for Name, F(1, 48) = 6.12, p < .05, and for Modifier, F(1, 48) = 4.55, p < .05, were significant. Male names (M = 1.03) were more likely to be correctly matched than were female names (M = .89), and positive modifiers (M = 1.04) led to better matching than did negative modifiers (M = .86).

The three-way interaction involving name-modifier-occupation also was significant, F(1, 48) = 7.93, p < .05. This was consistent with the results from Experiment 1, and the pattern of means was consistent with the earlier results (see Table II). When the name-occupation pairing was consistent with the gender stereotype, accuracy of matching was higher for the positive modifier, and an inconsistent pairing led to better performance when the modifier was negative. Once again, evaluatively "bad" inconsistency and "good" consistency were more efficiently processed.

DISCUSSION

The issue at hand is whether evaluative consistency will have any effect on information processing beyond the effects of knowledge consistency. Is "bad" inconsistency, "John as a lousy nurse," better than "good" inconsistency, "John as a good nurse." If the evaluative consistency manipulation has the predicted effects, it would support a conclusion that the gender schema includes evaluative biases. The critical test of this prediction would be evident in a three-way interaction involving the gender of the name, the evaluative information, and the gender of the social role. The pattern required is one in which a positive connection between a name and a role of the same gender would be easier to process than a negative connection,


Table II. Study 2: Correct Matches as a Function of Name, Modifier, and Role a

Male names Female names

Modifier Modifier

Negative Positive Negative Positive

Roles

Male 0.84 1.22 0.90 0.96 1.09 1.13 0.95 0.90

Female 1.06 0.98 0.62 1.00 0.96 1.17 0.92 1.23

aThe cell entries are means and standard deviations. There were 50 participants per ceil. Scores could range from 0 to 4.

and, a negative connection between a gender mismatched name and role would be processed more efficiently than a positive connection.

The results from the two separate studies provide very strong support for the prediction that evaluative biases operate in the gender schema. The only minor exception to the predictions was in Study 2 where for female names paired with male occupations, the positive connection resulted in slightly higher performance (M = .96) than did the negative connection (M = .90).

The evaluative content that was included in the statements that were to be learned obviously influenced the processing of the information. The effects of the evaluative modifier were not simply the result of positivity or negativity effects. It is the evaluative consistency with the gender expectation that affects memory. In processing the relationship between a gendered name and a gendered social role, there must be an expectation concerning the "goodness" of fit such that some "knowledge-based" inconsistencies are easier to process and some "knowledge-based" consistencies are more difficult. The results also can- not be dismissed as due to a response bias that leads participants to make stereotype consistent guesses (Stangor, 1988), since the predicted pattern is not based solely on knowledge consistency. If participants simply guessed the name-role match that was suggested by the gender stereotype, the predicted pattern of means would not have resulted, since the evaluative information would have had no effect on recognition performance.

The results suggest that the representation of gender-stereotyped name-role pairings in memory may be similar to the representation of structurally balanced interpersonal triads (Heider, 1958). For example, Sentis and Burnstein (1979) found that information about balanced triads, involving two individuals and their attitudes toward each other and some social issue, was more efficiently processed than was information implying

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an imbalanced structure. Extending their logic to the present results leads to the assumption that the "appropriate" evaluative connection between a name and a role (positive if the name-role pair is gender stereotype consistent and negative if pairing is inconsistent) creates a structurally balanced set of relationships, and easier cognitive processing.

The impact of the evaluative modifier appears to be at the encoding stage rather than at retrieval. Two observations from Study 1 can be used to support this conclusion. First of all, the reaction time data, although suspect because the instructions did not encourage fast responding, revealed no differences that corresponded with the memory effects. The absence of react ion t ime d i f fe rences might mean tha t the evaluat ive information may no longer, at retrieval, be relevant. Whatever information was lost, the loss must have occurred as the statements were processed initially. If the evaluative modifier was still relevant during retrieval, it should have taken longer to access schema-inconsistent information. A second factor suggesting an encoding effect is the lack of any relevant differences in recall of the evaluative modifier. Positive modifiers were more likely than negative modifiers to be remembered, but recall was unaffected by the consistency or inconsistency of the name-role pairing or evaluative connection. The main information that appears stored is the name and the role, any encoding of the evaluative relationship is not evident.

There are some indications that the positive evaluative information is, in general, more efficiently processed. In Study 1, reaction times were faster for positive relationships, and in Study 2, more positive relationships were remembered. This is probably a reflection of a general positivity bias (Sears, 1983), which may make positive information more consistent with global expectations and thus easier to encode.

Overall, the results indicate that the gender schema may serve to screen information based not only on knowledge, or "factual," consistency, but also on an assessment of the evaluative consistency of the information. As information relevant to the gender schema is encountered, encoding will be disrupted to the extent that the data do not fit an expected evaluative relationship. Those who are portrayed as engaging in stereotype appropriate activities are expected to be "good" or "successful," and those who violate the stereotype are assumed "bad."

Does this mean that evaluative prejudice is inevitable in dealing with any gender-stereotyped situation? Probably not. The memory task em- ployed in the current research probably minimized the activation of any social restraints that may operate to reduce prejudicial judgments (Devine, 1989), or encourage attention to incongruent information (Stangor and McMillan, 1992). In settings where the social implications of gender bias are clear, or on tasks where incongruent information is likely to receive


particular attention, individuals may be able to resist or overcome their tendency to make biased assessments. A recent review by Stangor and McMillan (1992) identifies some of the potential moderator variables that could determine just how strong the stereotype consistency bias would be in any specific cognitive processing situation. On the other hand, the results do call into question the proposal that the gender stereotype operates pri- marily as a knowledge structure without evaluative content. Future inves- tigations should focus on whether there are individual differences or situational factors that may alter or override the encoding bias evident in the present results.

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