14
Christian-Islamic Encounters on Thirteenth-Century Ayyubid Metalwork: Local Culture,Authenticity, and Memorys EVA R. HOFFMAN TuftsUniversity Abstract This paper explores a multilayered Christian_Islamic en_ counter that is inscribed on a group of celebrated and well_ studied Ayyubid silver-inlaid metalwork objects with Christian themes, made in Syria and Egypt between the late 1230s ancl the 1250s. Studies have demonstrated the possibility of an extraordinary range of patronage and functions for t'hese works.Indeed, the success of these works depended on their connectionto a variety of Christian and Muslim audiences and on readings from variousChristian andMuslimperspec_ tjye1..flisarticle explores, further, these multiple ieadings, highlighting the centralityof local culture in tie production Biographies of things can make salient what might otherwise remain obscure._- . what is significant about the adoption of alien objects-as of arien ideas-is not the fact that they are adopted, but the way they are culturaily redefined and put to use. Igor Kopytoffl functions. They have been singled out as a distinctive group because of their inclusion of Christological themes. Full nar_ rative scenes, suchas the Virgin and Child Enthroned, the Na_ tivity, Presentation in the Temple, and Entry into Jerusalem, may be found, for example, on the spherical side of a canteen, now in the Freer Gallery of Art, Washington, DC (Figs. 1_4). Christian scenesalso appear in abbreviatedforms: the An_ nunciation,Adoration, Raising of Lazarus,Entry into Jerusa_ lem, and the Last Supper or Marriage at Canacan be found in the small medallions on the exterior walls of a basin, also in the Freer Gallery of Art (Fig. 5). Representations of saints framed within arcades appear on both the interior walls of the basinand on the back of the canteen (Figs. 2 and 6). A number of closely relatedAyyubid works of enameled glasswith Chris_ tian themes should be included in the considerationof this group as well.a At least ten of theseglassobjects survive, in_ cluding bottles,canteens, beakers, a horn, and fraqments. that contain related motifs.5 The visual vocabulary used in thesemetal and glassob_ jects is clearly rooted in the local Ayyubid milieu. ihe style and motifs of vegetal designs,hunting, and astrology nt neaUy into the body of Islamic Ayyubid metalwork made in Syria and Egypt during the first half of the thirteenth century.6 Although certain iconographic mistakes and divergences have beennotedin some of the Christian images,for the most part the models for thesescenes can be located solidly in the indig_ enous Eastern Christian sphere.The Nativity, Entry into Jeru- salem, and Presentation in the Temple sceneson the Freer Canteen, for example, are closely related to scenes in Syrian Christian manuscripts,in particular to the British Library Add. MS 7170, dated 1219-1220, andto the Vatican Librarv. MS Syr. 559, dating to abott 1220J Furthermore,the format as well as a number of expandednarrative scenes on the Freer Canteen find striking comparisons in the rectangular head_ piecesfor eachof the four Gospelsin paris, Institut Catholique. MS Copte-Arabe L8 Studying theseworks as a group, scholars have outlined a variety of possible combinations for Muslim-christian inter- section in the making and viewing of these objects. Never_ theless, the identities of the makers, patrons,functions, and )r IS ih 1d ry sis xo- 0), and reception of objects. A fully shared local visial culture explains the interchangeabitity of Christian and non_Christian r on these pieces of metalwork, with indigenous Chris_ and Muslims as participants and inhabiraits of the same culture. The consideration of local identiry for these 'also informs their Crusader patronage ani ieception. the Crusaders, these works carried tie imprima'tur of entic.ity and helped to shape the memory oy iheir expen_ in the Holy Land. objectsplayed a central role in definins and visual culture in the Mediterranean world between and thirteenthcenturies. The implications of porta_ I the relationshipsforged by portable works were varied. Portability allowed an obiect to extend well itself, travelingfar and wide through space and time, extending cultural relationshipsand connections process, expanding identitiesand meanings.2 At the , however, the range and frequency of movement fromthese encounters and experiences, making it access the multiple layers of identity and meaning explores a multilayered Christian-Islamic involvinga group of celebratedand well-studied ver-inlaid metalwork objects made in Syria and the late 1230s and the 1250s.3 Theseeishteen ising candlesticks, ewers, cylindrical boxes, trays,a basin, and a canteen, are typical of , representing a full range of styles and The International Center of Medieval Art2004 129

Eva R Hoffman, “Christian-Islamic Encounters on Thirteenth-Century Ayyubid Metalwork: Local Culture, Authenticity, and Memory,” Gesta 43/2: 129-142

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Page 1: Eva R Hoffman, “Christian-Islamic Encounters on Thirteenth-Century Ayyubid Metalwork: Local Culture, Authenticity, and Memory,” Gesta 43/2: 129-142

Christian-Islamic Encounters on Thirteenth-Century AyyubidMetalwork: Local Culture, Authenticity, and Memorys

EVA R. HOFFMAN

Tufts University

Abstract

This paper explores a multilayered Christian_Islamic en_counter that is inscribed on a group of celebrated and well_studied Ayyubid silver-inlaid metalwork objects with Christianthemes, made in Syria and Egypt between the late 1230s anclthe 1250s. Studies have demonstrated the possibility of anextraordinary range of patronage and functions for t'heseworks. Indeed, the success of these works depended on theirconnection to a variety of Christian and Muslim audiencesand on readings from various Christian and Muslim perspec_tjye1..flis article explores, further, these multiple ieadings,highlighting the centrality of local culture in tie production

Biographies of things can make salient what might otherwise remain obscure. _ - .what is significant about the adoption of alien objects-as of arien ideas-is not thefact that they are adopted, but the way they are culturaily redefined and put to use.

Igor Kopytoffl

functions. They have been singled out as a distinctive groupbecause of their inclusion of Christological themes. Full nar_rative scenes, such as the Virgin and Child Enthroned, the Na_tivity, Presentation in the Temple, and Entry into Jerusalem,may be found, for example, on the spherical side of a canteen,now in the Freer Gallery of Art, Washington, DC (Figs. 1_4).Christian scenes also appear in abbreviated forms: the An_nunciation, Adoration, Raising of Lazarus, Entry into Jerusa_lem, and the Last Supper or Marriage at Cana can be foundin the small medallions on the exterior walls of a basin, alsoin the Freer Gallery of Art (Fig. 5). Representations of saintsframed within arcades appear on both the interior walls of thebasin and on the back of the canteen (Figs. 2 and 6). A numberof closely related Ayyubid works of enameled glass with Chris_tian themes should be included in the consideration of thisgroup as well.a At least ten of these glass objects survive, in_cluding bottles, canteens, beakers, a horn, and fraqments. thatcontain related motifs.5

The visual vocabulary used in these metal and glass ob_jects is clearly rooted in the local Ayyubid milieu. ihe styleand motifs of vegetal designs, hunting, and astrology nt neaUyinto the body of Islamic Ayyubid metalwork made in Syriaand Egypt during the first half of the thirteenth century.6Although certain iconographic mistakes and divergences havebeen noted in some of the Christian images, for the most partthe models for these scenes can be located solidly in the indig_enous Eastern Christian sphere. The Nativity, Entry into Jeru-salem, and Presentation in the Temple scenes on the FreerCanteen, for example, are closely related to scenes in SyrianChristian manuscripts, in particular to the British Library Add.MS 7170, dated 1219-1220, and to the Vatican Librarv. MSSyr. 559, dating to abott 1220J Furthermore, the format aswell as a number of expanded narrative scenes on the FreerCanteen find striking comparisons in the rectangular head_pieces for each of the four Gospels in paris, Institut Catholique.MS Copte-Arabe L8

Studying these works as a group, scholars have outlineda variety of possible combinations for Muslim-christian inter-section in the making and viewing of these objects. Never_theless, the identities of the makers, patrons, functions, and

)rIS

ih

1drysisxo-0),

and reception of objects. A fully shared local visial cultureexplains the interchangeabitity of Christian and non_Christian

r on these pieces of metalwork, with indigenous Chris_and Muslims as participants and inhabiraits of the same

culture. The consideration of local identiry for these'also informs their Crusader patronage ani ieception.the Crusaders, these works carried tie imprima'tur ofentic.ity and helped to shape the memory oy iheir expen_in the Holy Land.

objects played a central role in definins andvisual culture in the Mediterranean world betweenand thirteenth centuries. The implications of porta_I the relationships forged by portable works werevaried. Portability allowed an obiect to extend well

itself, traveling far and wide through space and time,extending cultural relationships and connections

process, expanding identities and meanings.2 At the, however, the range and frequency of movementfrom these encounters and experiences, making itaccess the multiple layers of identity and meaning

explores a multilayered Christian-Islamicinvolving a group of celebrated and well-studiedver-inlaid metalwork objects made in Syria and

the late 1230s and the 1250s.3 These eishteenising candlesticks, ewers, cylindrical boxes,

trays, a basin, and a canteen, are typical of, representing a full range of styles and

The International Center of Medieval Art2004129

Page 2: Eva R Hoffman, “Christian-Islamic Encounters on Thirteenth-Century Ayyubid Metalwork: Local Culture, Authenticity, and Memory,” Gesta 43/2: 129-142

FIGURE l .Canteen,brassin la idwi thsi lver ,syr ia,ca. 1250,f ront 'spher icals ide'washington'DC'FreerGal leryofArt '41 '10

(ohoto: Freer Gallery of Art, by permission)'

FIGURE 2. Canteen, brass inlaid with silver, Syrirl, ca. 1250' back, fiat sirle B, Washington' DC, Freer Gallery of Art, 41.10

(ohoto: Freer Gallery of Art, by permission)'

130

Page 3: Eva R Hoffman, “Christian-Islamic Encounters on Thirteenth-Century Ayyubid Metalwork: Local Culture, Authenticity, and Memory,” Gesta 43/2: 129-142

FIGURE 3. Canteen, detail of Nativity and Baptism (photo: Freer Galtery ofArt, by permission).

gs of many of these works remain speculative. Com_Lg the matter further is the possibility that in addition

local Christians and Muslims, some of ihese works werefor the Crusaders, who established a presence in pales_

and Syria between the eleventh and thirteenth centuries.ficantly, scholars have reached the conclusion that there

probably no single answer to these questions and thatse works speak to a multiplicity of engagemenrs amongthese populations.e

Culture and ldentity

If the material under discussion here has been resistant

FIGURE 4. Canteen, detail of presentation in the Temple (photo: Freer Gal-lery of Art, by permission).

craftsmen.r2 The contribution of Christians to the formationof the local Ayyubid visual arts has been well documented,particularly in the realm of Christian Syrian and related Cop_tic manuscripts and paintings, where specialists have arguedfor a less polarized view of the culture.13

A striking example of the synthesis between Christianand non-Christian elements from the broader culture is theillustrated Gospels MS Copte_Arabe l. This bilingual Copto_Arabic work stands as a powerful expression of Uottr tinguis_tic and visual assimilation of the Eastern Christians into theAyyubid culture at large. It has been suggested that some ofthese Christian manuscripts, MS Copte_Aiabe I in particular,may have been produced in the same workshops as the con_temporary celebrated,.secular,' Arabic manuscripts, notablythe Maqamat MS B.N. arabe 6094,and the Kalitawas DimnaMS B.N. nabe 3465, both in the Bibliothbque Nationale inParis.la Convincing as they are, however, these observationsof the naturalization of Christian and non_Christian elementsinto.anintegrated Ayyubid visual system have occurred pri_marily in the context of the study of Christian manuscriptswithin the sphere of Christian use and ritual.

Ayyubid metalwork with Christian themes provides aneutral territory where christian and non-christian users alikecould partake of a fluid and interchangeable vocabulary. Thetreatment of the scene of the Virgin and Child on the FreerCanteen, for example, may be compared not only to the rep_resentation in the Christian manuscripts but also to scenes ofenthroned rulers in other non_Christian Syrian and Mesopo_tamian metalwork objects and Arabic manuscripts.lr ln anothe,example, on the lid of a circular inlaid brass container in theMetropolitan Museum of Art, the Virgin wears a headdressand pants, which were likely modeled on a turban and sar_ments for an enthroned (male) ruler in a non_Christian scerie.t6

ral untangling, it is because the visual vocabulary wasintended to be segregated into Christian and non_

categories in the first place. The polarization betweenand Islamic themes is the result of conditionine bvrians rather than by thirteenth-century Ayyubia art_

, and viewers.r0 It is futile to attempt to deconstructinto their Christian and Muslim constituent partsfor any single Christian-Muslim encounter. The

of visual culture between the indigenous Syrian andn Christians and the Muslims went far beyond the

of particular motifs or elements of style; rather, itI deeply into the fabric of a fully inregrated Ayyu_culture. The local Christian populations of Syriawere substantial, comprising diverse sects, inciud_

of Orthodox Christianity (Melkites, Greeks, andites), Armenians, Copts, and Abyssinian Chris_

with the Jewish minority, the Christians werevarious social and religious restrictions under theNevertheless, they participated significantly in theving as administrators, merchants, physicians, and

1 3 1

Page 4: Eva R Hoffman, “Christian-Islamic Encounters on Thirteenth-Century Ayyubid Metalwork: Local Culture, Authenticity, and Memory,” Gesta 43/2: 129-142

Stylistically, the group of inlaid metalwork with Christian

,."n"r, as a whole, fits into the larger Ayyubid metalwork

production, as mentioned above' The metalwork artist, Ahmad

ut-ltruti al-Mawsili, as well as other artists who used the

nisba al-Mawslli (denoting origin from or association with

the city Mosul), created metalwork both with and without

Christian themes, while the name of the Ayyubid sultan, al-

Malik al-Salil.r, appears on two works with, and two works

without, Christian themes.17 For the most part, the inscrip-

tions on these works share repeated formulas of good wishes

to anonymous owners. Even some of the luxury works, such

as the Freer Canteen and a tray at the State Hermitage Mu-

seum in St. Petersburg, are inscribed with lengthy and elab-

orate blessings and wishes of triumph and glory but do not

name the owners, leaving the question of patronage entirely

open.18 The high-quality box in the Metropolitan Museum of

Art is not inscribed at all.The naturalization of Christian motifs on objects used

by Muslims may be the most surprising notion for us in the

twenty-first century to reconcile. This is largely due to our

assumption of an inherent Christian-Muslim incompatibility

and also to lingering misconceptions about prohibitions of

representational imagery in Islamic art. To be sure, Christian-

Muslim polarization found expression in the context of the

Crusadei reception of the metalwork, discussed below' but it

did not define the visual discourse between the local Chris-

tians and Muslims. The use of metalwork objects with Chris-

tian themes would not have been at all shocking to thirteenth-

century Muslim viewers. After all, Jesus was also revered by

the Muslims as a prophet.re The Christian scenes represented

on these works were carefully chosen to include only those

episodes acceptable to Muslims, specifically from the infancy

unO tit" of Jesus, omitting episodes dealing with his death and

divinity. The inclusion of Christian subjects within a wider

repertoire of Islamic figural representations on these metal-

work pieces elucidates an expanded overriding iconographic

system of a shared visual culture, with indigenous Christians

and Muslims as participants and inhabitants of the same visual

universe. The coexistence of these christian and non-christian

themes on the metalwork represents the fullest expression of

cultural interchange in this thirteenth-century pluralistic

society.Does this seamless visual integration imply a homoge-

neous undifferentiated society? On the contrary, the metal-

work pieces with Christian themes varied in quality and served

u.ung" of audiences and functions, from everyday works with

primarily Christian scenes made for local Christian use, such

as the utilitarian incense burner used in liturgical practice, now

in the Cleveland Museum of Art (31 .26)' to luxury works

with Christian and Islamic themes made for either or for both

the Crusader and Muslim aristocracy (Figs' 1-6)'20 Inscrip-

tions may sometimes clarify context and patronage' Two luxury

works, the basin at the Freer Gallery and a tray in the Louvre,

are inscribed with name of the Ayyubid sultan al-Sdlih Najm

132

ad-Din, who ruled in Diyarbakr (1232-1239), in Egypt (1240-

1249\. and in Damascus (1245-1249). The references in the

inscriptions to al-Sdlih as a holy warrior (murdbit) and the

defender of the frontierc (muthagir) are particularly poignant

for al-Sdlih, because he died fighting the Crusade of St' Louis

in1249.The appearance of al-Sdlih's investiture title, "friend

of the Commander of the Faithful" (khalll amlr al- mu' minin),

on the interior of the Freer Basin may further specify the pe-

riod of his rule over Syria and Egypt, following his formal

caliphal investiture \n 124'7 '2r Distinctions between Christians

and Muslims certainly existed, but they cannot be deciphered

by separating and parsing out the "Christian" and "Islamic"

visual themes. These differences were folded into the broader

distinctions of patronage, function, and reception'

From such arange in patronage and function it follows

that while these works may have shared a similar vocabulary,

they did not convey any single shared meaning, because

meaning was tied to reception and circumstances of use' The

imagery on the same works was perceived and interpreted

differently by the different users and viewers' As suggested

by Ranee Katzenstein and Glenn Lowry, a Muslim viewer

and owner would read these Christian themes in direct rela-

tionship and as a visual complement to the typical Islamic

non-Christian themes. Hence, Jesus may be a reference

the ruler as the 'Just and divine k\ng."zz Perhaps, in the

text of Ayyubid court work, as Eva Baer has suggested ln

analysis of the Freer Basin, an Islamic reading would view

Christian themes within the overarching context of royalty

power. The Christian figures would function like the ot

ioyal and astral figures surrounding the prince' They, like

the other figures in his universe, pay homage to the prince

cause he is positioned as the cosmic center

the epithets inscribed on the basin, "the king who rules

nations," "the sultan of the Arab and non-Arab people,"

the "slayer of the infidels."23 Alternatively, Nuha Khoury

suggested that the Muslim reader might view this in tern

a counterclaim to the Crusaders' possession of the holy ci

subsuming the prophet Jesus into the Muslim traditi

contemporary Islamic literature, the tables were turned

Christians as Jesus condemns the Christian desecrators

holy sites.2aThe flexibility and range of function and

observed here for the silver-inlaid metalwork with

themes is also perfectly consistent with the overall

production and demand for Ayyubid silver-inlaid meta

Inlaid metalwork enjoyed enormous popularity and'

throughout every strata of Ayyubid culture. It has

for example, that the quality and decoration of works

middle class and aristocracy are often so similar that

ficult to tell these works apart without the specific i

tion given in inscriPtions.Thus far, the Christian-Muslim encounter

these works defines a local exchange between the

Christian and Muslim populations, suggesting a mu

Page 5: Eva R Hoffman, “Christian-Islamic Encounters on Thirteenth-Century Ayyubid Metalwork: Local Culture, Authenticity, and Memory,” Gesta 43/2: 129-142

).-hehentrisndn),)e-ralMS

edic"ler

WS

ry,rselhetedted

ron-hertheand

wer:la-mic) t o

FIGURE 5' Basin' brass inlaidwith silver' syria' ca' 1247-1249, washington, DC, Freer Garery of Art, 55.10 (photo: Freer Garery of Art, by permission).

ment with a flexible vocabulary within an integrated:aphic system and with the potential fo, *uftip1" ."ua_

.It also suggests a definition of ,.the l;;;i;";" whichim-Christian distinctions existed but were expressedin the broader spectrum^of distinctiorm in purrorrug",lion,-and reception in reterence to class as well as re_Lous affrliations. The specific circumstanc"s ano networksconnections and meanings can best U" "^pto."O one rela_

l at a time. This local Christian_Musiim intersection

llll""Y,,l"^It.of multipte exchanges affordeJ by theions of portability. A second conlext of Christian_

engagement involved the Crusaders. For them theilities offered in the expanded iconograpf,l" ,vri"rn unOngnizable tocal producrion just d";.i;"J;Je thesenot only highly desirable but crucial to promoiing ttreirgical agenda.

le metalwork pieces of this indigenous production thatvailable to the Crusaders were purchased on the openor made as commissions, eithei to be kept Uy ifr" C*_ls souvenirs or exchanged as gifts wittr ineir counrer_ong the Muslim aristocracy. But what did these worksthe Crusaders? What role did visual l_ug"ffiArn"t_in shaping ideology, memory, ana iOenilty for them?Crusader experience in the Holy I-anA,us noi_ono-rerr relations with the Muslims ranged f.o_-up"nto negotiated truces that supported a delicate modus

llGj-l*l !. U:" in, detail of interior, siele view (photo: Freer Gattery of Art,oy permission).

vivendi.25_yet, throughout their various campaigns and con_quests in the Levant between the eleventh and thirteenth cen_turies, the mission of the Crusaders ."_"i""0 constant andcentered on reclaiming the Holy Land for Christianity. Thegoals of this mission were to rid the Holy Land of Muslimidols and of the Muslim idolarers rvfro f,uAlf-_ rhe Christianpoint of view, desecrated the holy sites;; restore thesesites to Christian use.26 The opposition of tiri, iot"nt imageryof idols and idolaters, on the one t una, unJ-frJly images andmonuments, on the other, remained the centerpiece of the

Encounter and ldentity

r33

Page 6: Eva R Hoffman, “Christian-Islamic Encounters on Thirteenth-Century Ayyubid Metalwork: Local Culture, Authenticity, and Memory,” Gesta 43/2: 129-142

rheroric of desrrucrion ::ffi1",1f,)'l:;:'lJiT::ll:f'"". ,l:

;-xxry:r.' r""l#1il*1t,ffi $ilrTft..'* '3'leashing maximum,tnTt ' t ' :1: :1." , .""" i , t t . inf idelenemy ac''llffiJ *t','"1'lf i:H;f##*ffi iltT$r$i'll$l* $t1:liT: ..-[t*;;:'�k',l,.lli l',lt';# ?ll I i;' ; ;-" ;

.'r" i oo t u" " y.il 31fl;1 :i',f, :;ufu :l',i::'h::"*i!T'iil:lrl"r*1"i**r;#mli*ru"wff rrh'krtJ*,"J""*1fought over bu t a lso cons t r tuLsu t .v " " - r

* " 4l:,*toric or ffii;[T"1Xt"TlTlH?ffi1", "il1the holy image' tu: tt'"ii:]

;";i" monuments: the Dome

It:t'ffi !TT#.#Tj[T"]*ffi #:tYffiTas the Templum Salomonit.,-'l'^'ji-i"i"re the coming storm'

?iHr#l'""'#"fl :'.""HHtlli:*";,5;;r";i*l;cred, admires Jerusalem from the Mounl

:?ffi :i:t'i",T#TnH'lfi ;ffi qlr+i*i,l:#f*L*it1l*l;:;:": ".- =f *:i:;' "l-i'"a'�he dav

:::::il"[ti,H:li#.;i#*JT:1"ffi'""#:::ffi :;q;;;;t";nletr soromon andthe gffi?;;;,iiin ,t" o"-

Itr.1n,TJJ.".il"* jliql'"f:**ri"-n',':*:t. ' .;;; ;t"t a large silver gilt tt1:u"'

?:#'Jrs"*""'ffi thr{l*ffi;#i,;"';fl ft;;;t" The chronicler sPeculates or

rhedestructtg"-:t;1;"u:il$Jli""ffi ':i.n:T[:::,,x:of the idolater, and Muslrmt "l::::"';:t;i.,''"".

u tt"*an mas-

:lrr**;;ii[":'rlfnllifrlil;;:;i;{*Tfi 'il;;

"; ; ; "' it : lt{ :, +|! I",Tjj|J .? l-r',h:':l::':'"lJ:""$r3Ti"i}"::if':;'-Txf *i.**:'.::ffi '*![:T#:xii+.]:ll'"".ii,r}i;:lXX*:;:lill*";fi iltthe idols/idol:l:t'..1?"n *;;;it co'mptetety unscathed' In-their decoratt*' *li:"ni,

t""n"'i"" betw.een the idols and

ffi '1,J."':li':"fi Ji'li1.!;;""ii*H:'i1T;#*['Jffi

idoraters, thev simplv n"1 :: :l^1 lT:;tlliiffi TTi::[:i*lT"".ll?i'#l:ilJ"'i:i,',"*',1,::1,1H:t":**::1:,1:f H":::l'["fi H[r#:j:*'"',',:",'"'*:11il"1"3^";;'#:;:i"ffi:T;:111""i:+;":::ltllli"H;'.1ff HJ?f; .agglration mar be.r-1;f;

t;;ilil Muhammad and theg*tiutiott' the. ass-o"cl1ll::.

\r,efe irl0l worshipers fueled the de-geration' the ass-o-clill:i".i*" tu"i-orshipers fueled the de-

-accusation that Musltm- ..the orher' ' and the equa-

il:l #liJ"': ll i: fi ;l; ; ur: :,:::f il. Tilffi:: i;ffi Tt'ill "JJjlruffi ;Jillfi:: ltl,:':"llmm ;don of this enemy wltn tIItr ntrtrvur^"- -

' ontinuation of

Idols and idolaters.wer: :""T1.1T:'-;j ":n this clear:tdols and idolaters *"':;;;';i;;"Gestamakes this clear:

the Passage, the chronrc

For shamel God,s house is possessed by the inhabitant

-$rtivl':r:i::,ff',li*J;J,:fi rilJl""Jll"*"'Let him fall down qurcKry' '": '1'"^':^";,-tefierl

us.i","i""' "m'I:gv llTIJJ.T,|il";:[i':;' -* *ScarcelY had the orcer

*Jli"r.ttXt executing this order more willinglv than

any other'

The statue is snatcned' dragged' torn to pleces'

beheaded'3s

idolate rs. af ter t he t'rus au;r;", ;i;;. The H aram monuments

banned f rom the crLy oI . ' : ' : : ; , ; ' ior ,A.soldencrosswas

were consecrated anct redeun":: ]l^tJ il;h3L"*'t Domini,

t';;r'il"',ffi :**;*";'*"*'*m:'#:"'""'lli;;ror" The chronicler specutates u' urv -*---

Latin inscrrpuo'b wvr" " lnstalled inside.37 n__ :srarue: and christ ian images *t l t ' l t , .o

their mission. By IThe Crusaders had tu l l . t ^ .L - Temnlum

Maybe this erngy is or Mars o'. oPdl,^-," .n tlL"ttililll'il';*l*tnX,-tl': T:fr::]il i':T;

TJ:iliiil.':*i:,1;::"::T;.'ff::il:'�ransnxed *.::"r;;1:Slil*,'T#'-#:;:l*i;l*l;Ihe cioss, the crown of thorns' LIE 'o'r' '---

image wltn a uurJ vr^-' -- .n the Latin inscripttons

;1:"l trn"tlll* ***:,1t::^"'sn:,n"'J:'*" *ry1 1iillil"t"{#;i trfjj**$ilffJ.#,rij:*:l'*t;:"*iT*ffi' ffi;'il;- ff:?'ff:'ii,'{:iti*t*,'Hn:,:il'ilHifl:"#llffi:H:Jepraved-:" -::":-" ;"""".'"'i,,:j"'T:1ft,i:*,:i::t*ruiH.;[lT'il:ilfi'HJlMuhammad' . .^:^re. rhe one ro come. appear ;:l?lluotli::il1ffi:";ffilF

visuarrv estabrishedtheOh should his associate' the onc tu wvr'v ' - ' r

. j -^r i^;^rrc nresence or Islam. Here was'Ot.: l i :fh should his associate, the onc tu wvr'v' -'r I

ment that tour oet*urr"" Islam. Here was the Unnsl

presentlv! lestroy rhe Antichrist.32 t,'Jli:1,::l;*i','?rTnu:q:.il:'i*u t"n" t"t"-s3venttrl1fVtuy my feet instantly destroy tIItr n'rrv'^""

, :^ :-.^rintions in the Dome of the Rock.den:l1tl*,

T "::", ;"" ;;,': :,":"1:,.y,,:?:Tf;H;m t**;n:xlffiTJf'l$fi#ffi;i* "i'r"the crusaders came t" * ""i'Jund to d"'t'o''it; tud';;d In"ut"ution and Trinitaflanlsr

134

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of the Rock constituted the pinnacle of accomplishment for theCrusaders, the glorious final chapter of the historical and sacredepoch, from the Jewish Temple of Solomon to the IslamicDome of the Rock, to the Crusader Templum Domini.

I would like to suggest that Crusader reception of thesilver-inlaid metalwork with Christian scenes similarly waspart of the discourse of restoration. By the time these pieceswere made in the thirteenth century, the fire of Crusader rhet-oric had died down and the Crusaders were reconciled to apermanent Muslim presence in Jerusalem. The Muslims hadrecaptured Jerusalem in 1187 under Saladin, and, while theCrusaders regained Jerusalem briefly between 1229 and,1244(from L229 to 1239 and again in 1243) through diplomaticmeans under Frederick II, the Muslim holy sites were leftunder Muslim control, except for a time in I243.a0 The Chris-

images in the Dome of the Rock had long been removedthe Crusaders could no longer install Christian images in

places. The portable arts, however, could still serve asal sites for the display of claims of the truth and success

the Crusader mission, as well as wishful claims over thements. It is possible that the program represented on theCanteen (Figs. 1-4), for example, referred to a particu-

lar narrative program in one of the churches restored by theCrusaders. The themes on the canteen, for example, were allrepresented in the twelfth-century mosaic cycle at the Churchof the Nativity in Bethlehem: the Virgin and Child flanked bythe biblical prophets David and Abraham appeared in the centerof the choir apse, the Presentation in the Temple appeared onthe south side of the sanctuary; and the Nativity and Entryinto Jerusalem were represented in the south transept.al TheChristian imagery installed in the Dome of the Rock mayhave included a painting of the Virgin and Child; the Nativity(the child with ox and ass) and saints.a2 The layout of thescenes on the Freer Canteen mirrors the format for compara-ble decoration on the drum and dome here or in another re-stored church (Fig. 7). For the Crusaders, the representationof Christian imagery on the metalwork would signify and cel-ebrate the restoration of the Holy Land, just as the installationof the Christian paintings and inscription in the restored Tem-plum Domini did. The possession of such an object as the FreerCanteen may have served as a substitute for and a commem-oration of a monumental program. But whereas the Christianprograms had been pulled down from the Islamic monumentswhen the Muslims reclaimed the holy sites, the portable objectscould continue to carry the message of the Crusader mission,expressing the rhetoric of restoration, long after the return toIslamic rule.

Historical Memory and Authenticity

For the Crusaders, above all, objects like the Freer Can-teen preserved a tangible link to the sacred topography of theHoly Land. As has been duly pointed out, the themes of theNativity (Fig. 3), the Presentation in the Temple (Fig. 4), andthe Entry into Jerusalem that are recorded on the Freer Can-teen are all associated with loca sancta, holy sites, in Beth-lehem and Jerusalem.a3 The scene of the presentation in theTemple is represented as taking place in a structure that is prob-ably meant to be the Dome of the Rock/Templum Domini.The Dome of the Rock, the Church of the Holy Sepulchre,and the Anastasis Rotunda have been specifically identifiedin loca sancta representations on related Ayyubid enameledglass.a The specificity of architectural representations on theseworks may indicate that they were commissioned expresslyfor Crusader patrons in the context of pilgrimage. The FreerCanteen, in both its form and decoration, is a magnificent ver-sion of the traditional pilgrim ampullae, containers for holyearth, water, or sanctified oil that were souvenirs or ..bless-

ings" carried back by pilgrims from the Holy Land fromEarly Christian times on (Figs. 8 and 9). Often decorated withrepresentations of loca sancta, the ampullae served as com-memorative objects for the spiritual journey of the pilgrim-age. The ampullae preserved contact with the sacred sites andwith the events represented on them and were brought homefor personal memory of the experience as well as to providedirect contact with holiness for those who could not personallyDome of the Rock, interior view, 691

r35

Page 8: Eva R Hoffman, “Christian-Islamic Encounters on Thirteenth-Century Ayyubid Metalwork: Local Culture, Authenticity, and Memory,” Gesta 43/2: 129-142

FI(ca.

Bri

an(Su

Ii

FIGURE 8. Pewter pilgrim ampullafrom Palestine, ca. 600, Adoration ofthe

Magi, Monza Cathedral Treasury Qthoto: after Graliar, Ampoules).

make the pilgrimage.a5 As receptacles for secondary relics of

earth, water, or oil of the loca sancta, holiness was transferred

to the ampullae, which were then considered apotropaic'46

While the shape and function of the Freer Canteen have been

noted as unusual, other thirteenth-century enameled glass can-

teens and flasks that have survived are similarly stylistically

related to Ayyubid metalwork and glass production and may

also be associated with Crusader use. One of these is a can-

teen with Ayyubid vegetal designs and representations of

Crusader riders juxtaposed with merrymakers and musicians,

now in the British Museum in London (Fig. 10).47 Another

enameled and gilded flask, now in the Cathedral and Dio-

cesan Museum in Vienna, is decorated with representations

of riders and merrymakers in medallions on the body of the

flask, while standing figures (saints) circle the neck (Fig. 11).

This work was probably brought to Europe by the Crusaders

in the second half of the thirteenth century. It later became

part of the collection of the Hapsburg Duke Rudolf IV (1339-

1365), where it was recorded to contain earth mixed with the

blood of the Holy Innocents who were massacred by Herod.as

t36

FIGURE 9. Lead pilgrim ampulla from Acre, ca.

Authority, 99-53 (photo: Rozenberg, Knights of

permission).

1200, Israel A

the Holy Land, ll0,

These commemorative vessels gain meaning within

context of the Crusader worldview and the creation of

sader historical memory. This was a medieval worldviewwhich the Bible lay the foundation and master plan for thefolding of all future events, linking past, present, andin a continuum.ae With their conquest of the Holy Land,

Crusaders found their place in this scheme as the s

to the biblical conquerors who purified the Holy Land

the direct and legitimate heirs to the biblical heritage.Crusaders, their conquest signaled the fulfillment of thelical promise. It should come as no surprise that the ft

description by Raymond of Aguilers of the Crusaders'conquest of Jerusalem was modeled closely on thetions of the destruction of Jerusalem in Revelation (

and in Josephus' The Jewish War, documenting thedestruction of the Jewish Temple during the firstFollowing closely in the footsteps of history as wellpromise of prophecy, the Crusaders identified with

biblical heroes, like Joshua and the Maccabees, who

d

tured carying out their heroic efforts in Crusader

Page 9: Eva R Hoffman, “Christian-Islamic Encounters on Thirteenth-Century Ayyubid Metalwork: Local Culture, Authenticity, and Memory,” Gesta 43/2: 129-142

URE 10. Canteen, glass painted with enamel and gitdect, Egypt or Syria,1275, London, British Museum, OA 69.I_20.3 l"plroro,,irurrr"s oJ.theMuseum, by permission)

illustrated manuscripts, sometimes in Crusader garb.5lt blurring of boundaries and links between past and

t are clearly expressed by the Crusaders, naming theirrm the "Kingdom of Jerusalem." In a series of twelfth_

Cru-sader maps, the Crusader worldview is omereO lnsm.52 The cenrer of rhis familiar typotogl"uiu;iu"rr"ed in Jerusalem, where it was possibte Io move wittr31y..","_,1"

biblical past and present. rf"r" ii. Georgesed in the armor of a Templar Knight and defeats theMuslim; Crusader monuments of the Templum Domini,of the Holy Sepulchre, and the citadel of OavlCt fowe,along with sites identified by their biblical nurn"r, ,u"f,hlehem of Judah" and ,.Sodom

and Gomorrah.,,thisseamless universe, the description, Uy pifg.i_, of:s.9ft9n blend scriptural accounts with the extant monu_tuilt from early Christian times through tfr" CruraOer

Some pilgrims relied on ScriptJre ,frif" otfr"r,y"iqhl ro whar rhey saw. This did not matrer

validated the aurhenticiry of rhe ottrer. Wtrat piinrimL not be separated from Scripture. and their deJcrip_:1ed_ an immediacy of experience, as if they werethe holy events themselves. In an l lg5 account ofthe grotro of the Church of the Nariviry l" e"ih_Cretan pilgrim John phocas provides an affectiveaccount: "I am in the Holy Cave and I see all the:es of the Lord,s birth.',53 He describes the repre_

ilgylt ll. Ftask, gtass pai.nte.d with enamel and gold, probably Syria, ca.1275, Vienna, Cathedral and. Diocesan Museum,,' ,liiio"r, Cathedral andDiocesan Museum, by permission).

sentation of the Nativity on the walls of the grotto as if hewere seeing a reenactment of the event.54 The biblical narra_tive of the scripture merged with the "rtunt rroty sites of sacredtopography and with the pilgrims, experiences of these sites.Biblical history was perceived as coritinuous living history.It is within this realm of Crusader historical memory thatwe understand the reception of silver_inlaid metalwork by theCrusaders and their engagement with Islamic art more gen_erally. Naturally, the Crusade., uppr""iut"d the splendidaesthetic and material value of inlaij metalwork, glass, andother precious Islamic media. But instead of classifying theseworks as 'Ayyubid"

or ,,Islamic,, as we do today, tfre Crusad_ers valued these works, above all, for their distinct local HolyLand origin and identity. This does not mean that the Cru_saders were ignorant of the reality of the coniemporary pro_duction of these works_. These tblecrr, furit".rnore, mayhave been commissioned and exchang"J;, ;;, between theCrusaders and Muslims during the l*2:0s uli nqOr,a timeof good relations between the two groups ana precisety the

137

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period to which the production of inlaid metalwork with Chris-

i#il;;;;as limited' Exchange of fancv- metalwork pro-

"il"l'" *tt for aristocrats from both cultures to pursue

diplomacy and impress each other with wonderful posses-

sions. The practical moau' vivendi reached by the Muslims

and Crusaders allowed i"t ttt" unavoidable intersection and

accommodation of cuttwes'il fnit reality of the present could

coexist with the Crusader devotion to the past' These works'

however, did not speatt primarill t9 tl: Crusader-Muslim

present and certainly notio un Isiamic identity' The lslamic

ffi;"-i; in" Hotv Lund' a""o'ding to the crusader view'

was just a temporary rnterruption in the master plan of re-

demption. For the C'o'uJ"tt' the deepest value of these works

;fi-;;;t ahistorical, truer association with the sacred topog-

ili;.T;it *"ua"'.ui"* also closes the historical distance

between the substantra, iroJo.,ion of ampullae.during the sixth

and seventh centuries, un "u'ty wave of Christian pilgrimage'

and its renewed proOuction J"ting Crusader times in the twelfth

;;;;1ttr 9;.s6 trough separated.bv -.u"{ lltt:ti"1T.::turies, objects and monrinenti were linked within the contrn-

** "ffi"itt biblical history and could move fluidly between

time periods anO transcend historical boundaries and realities'

It is also probaUte ttrat the Crusaders knew that the Dome

of the Rock was an ftiu-i" structure' but they nevertheless

chose to identify it ut ttt" restored biblical Temple' an iden-

tity that would be u"i-ifut"O into the popular imagination of

Europe fbr many """""i"' to come'57 if Jerusalem was at the

center of this view "iii"itg biblical history' the Templum

Domini emerged ̂ on"of tf,e ma3or Crusader landmarks at

the heart of this "itvl "t it prominently showcased on the

twelfth-centu.y c.ur'ua"r rnupr.rt The popularity and authen-

ticity of the Templum Oomini u' u Chtittiun site are dem-

onstrated uy tit" ptu"ii""-oi pitgti-t' carving awav Piec3s o'f

rhe rock u, ,oou"nirr:qrii" ii,""t"ily taking the holy site back

home with them.se

Crusader engagement with local/Islamic visual culture

and its integration l"to ttre Crusader worldview is fully artic-

ulated in the Crusader -uno,",ipt of the Hist.oire (Jniverselle,

a vernacular history of the world from the biblical creation to

;;;A; or l,,ti"i Caesar' produced *. f:t"' dating about

1285, now in the sritis;;;ffit (MS Add 1s768, fol. 1v).60

The frontispi""" "ho'e" us the ftundation image for this view

of history comprises a central motif of Christological scenes

of the Creation painted-initre distinct style of the Acre work-

shop surrounded by u Ai'tin"tty local/Islamic motif of revelers'

U^"t'qt"i"rt, and animals Figs' tZ and.13)' These two separate

modes on the page '"p'"'"n'"u foily unified message within the

Crusader worldview' f"t ift" Crusaders' the use of the local/

Islamic vocabulary noio"fy introduced an exotic visual ele-

ment but atso Oen"ei u" u"o"iution and identity connected

to biblical history, f'*ing the central biblical theme' as it

were, in an authentic ""t" ""f

the Holy Land'61 Moreover' the

contemporary IslamiJstyle would have also labeled the work

as one connected to ttt" i-atl" East' thus demonstrating that it

was through tfte Crusaaers that the biblical continuum would

138

FIGURE12.HistoireUniversel]le'frontisp.iece,London,-TheBritish';;;dr.-lslaa, pt' lv (photo: B'ritish Librarv' bv permission)'

occur. Similarly, on the Freer Canteen' it is the

-"J* "tO milieu that help to identify the rid^ers I

;;; ;*". as Crusaders and to locate these figures in

r-"J ipig 2). By picturing themselves.ol t1"^?1

Crusaders thus implicat" ti"-'"lu"t within the full

narrative, conflating past and present' R"f"::":*lrrdrolrYv'

llel to the row of saints thatcircle and visuallY Paraitt"-, irt" Crusadliriders assert their claim as sucr

it "r" ruino, as holy warriors who carry on the misst

;;;;;'it nghtingior the reclamati".'. ":l restorati

tt"lt t,,* ,""pr.,.nt"d on the other side'62""''

il; majority of objects acauired bY,the

frofviuJund tate" back to Europe did not c

iin", ot t"pt"sentations of the holy thrislialffil.;;;;; in the local/Islamic stvle and wr

^ '' eir obvious and authenticprecisely because ot.tn

. . : - ,- __.:+L +rra mamnlit,n" fflfy Land and association with the mem

-tf "t"*" "i,a Crusades' [t is no coincidence thatt;;;kr";

;tsociated with crusader rulers' T

Page 11: Eva R Hoffman, “Christian-Islamic Encounters on Thirteenth-Century Ayyubid Metalwork: Local Culture, Authenticity, and Memory,” Gesta 43/2: 129-142

FIGURE 13 Histoire Universelle, detail of frontispiece.

basins come to mind. One was commissioned for Hugh IV ofItlgll", king of Cyprus and titular king of Jerusale m (1324_13591.42 The basin, bearing French ani Arabic inscriptionsreferring specifically to this ruler, depicts shields with the armsof Jerusalem and a Maltese cross. The second basin, the so_called Baptistbre de St. Louis, probably dates later (ca. 1260_1279 or ca. 1325-1360) than the crusader St. Louis after whomit was named.64 The name later given to this work has con_structed an identity and value within Crusader memory byconnecting it both to the Holy Land and to the pious CrusaderKing Louis. By the eighteenth century, tf,e use of this basinas a royal baptismal font_connects it to the practice of usingobjects procured in the Holy Land for holy Christian ritualsonce they were taken to Europe.

Conclusion

The complex Christian_Muslim relationship inscribed onthe Syrian-Egyptian inlaid metalwork with Christian themesdefies any singular definition. Indeed, the celebrity and suc_cess of these works depended on their flexible andintegratedvisual vocabulary, which served an extraordinary rarige ofpatrons, functions, and readings from various christian andMuslim perspectives. Here, I have focused on the interactionsof three major local cultural groups_Eastern Christians, Mus_lims, and Crusaders-and on two key relationships. While bothof theserelationships trave highlighted ..the iocal,,, they havebeen defined very differently in each contexr.

The first relationship between the indigenous Christiansand Muslims involved the creation of a geriuine shared localSyrian-Egyptian visual culture. This cul]ure was marked byan assimilation and interchangeability of visual vocabularythat included Christian and non_Christian themes and styles,where the circulation of portable objects promoted connec_tions and linked these indigenou, populatiorrs. The second re_lationship centered on Crusader "uttur" in Syria and palestineduring the thirteenth century. while the definiiion of locar iden_tity for these works was equally significant for the Crusaders,their engagement with these works did not primarily point toa shared culture with their Muslim counterp^arts. For the Cru_saders, above all, these works represented more than anythingelse a direct link to their biblical legacy and claims to theHoly Land. A discourse of portability, where the movementof objects over considerable distances offered opportunitiesfor cultural exchange, was tied here to the controlledjourneyof pilgrimage and crusade that forged the temporal and geo_graphic connection between the sacred topography unJth"ultimate destination of the work, whether ii was in the LatinKingdom or in Europe.

In both cases, the definition of the local has highlightedthe limitations of classification. Given our underlying ur*rnp_tions of the separation between Christian and Muslim cul-tures, the label ,Ayyubid',

has inhibited our understanding ofthe truly integrated local culrure in Syria and Egypt Auingthe first half of the thirteenth century. At the same time, it hasobscured the local meaning definei by the Crusaders. Ulti_mately,,the relationships uncovered in these encounters, bothpast and present, force us to adjust and reevaluate the categoriesin which we classify these works. In the end, the cateloriesmust be as mobile as the works themselves, and the relation_ships established between the works will be our best suides.

Many precious objects of rock crystal, glass, and ivorythe Holy Land were deposited into European church treas_

s, where they enriched the church coffers and were put toas holy liturgical vessels and reliquaries (e.g., Fig. I l).6: works enjoyed a special status in part because of theirvalue. Moreover, they served as vessels for historical

, connecting the living holy ritual in the churches ofto the sacred topography of the Holy Land. They alsothe memory of the Crusader adventure and discourse

restoration. In many cases the objects were refit with elab_mounts, enamels, and jewels, changing their originalrance.66 These additions, however, OiO not compromise

holiness or authenticity of the objects; rather, they natu_zed the works into the treasuries, where they would nowlike the other treasury objects, following in the long tra_n and continuum of Christian holy objects.6T As the

nt of the restoration of the Holy Land, the vesselsx were now similarly rescued, purified, and fullyDuring the conquest of Jerusalem in \}92,after thedestroyed on the Haram, the chronicler tells us: ..Theen its shape is lost is changed back from vile to pre_In other words, materials and objects were mere re_

s that had to be activated through their usage, eithervessels or as unholy vessels, that is to say,-as idols.in the restoration of the Haram -onurn"nir, the holyts of these objects also justified any violence andthat were involved in acquiring them. Like the inlaid

with Christian scenes, these objects in churchrepresented the mediation between the sacred to_and the believer and expressed the mission of the

rid the Holy Land of idols and to restore it for

t39

Page 12: Eva R Hoffman, “Christian-Islamic Encounters on Thirteenth-Century Ayyubid Metalwork: Local Culture, Authenticity, and Memory,” Gesta 43/2: 129-142

7. J. Leroy, Les manuscrrts syriaques d neinl'ur1's 'colsends dans les bi'"lii:i:!,-,"!'m';iriirrr;rfi

f fr!#t'.q"1;;'.1;;;"nr,ioriqo' 'LXIY11",'^;, ' ;^;;,;;r;, idMeratwork..24-3e:andKatz-

" Freer Canteen"' | 4l - | 4 /" b.^er': v v :::" :' tii. *nrtt-C"ntury I sl amic

";ili"-;;;;*rv' "christian rhemes t" lli1::ltl

Metalwork"' 54-62' h#;;iti"J "* peculiarities in iconography to

orove that the """"0"'- J"ii'n"i **i* "ir'i'11i1er contoxt of svr-

iunu.dEgvptian""Loi";"(';;-wnilevariatio-ns;;;r;lf ilTtl"ll:ilt;;t;;';'*een the metalwork and Eu':tn'

-t-lil; ry :'._"::x#llhi:;:,:J lllx**t",m'#i# il li"iiTllli;;"' it'" ;*iJ*""" ":.":":also in other gutt"* ct'lJ* manuscripts''an. t-l-^o*"'cases the m$-

takes do not seri"ru, .""*n "'#r" trr" ht"grity o, *l*** ot the scenes'

The variations'n"o t"'i1|"l^ti"ty't"'ut "ttutu"terizes Syrian-Egypttan

* r wourd rike ro express my graritude ," ,T ":"1::T:i^l'jiii,:,ill,l; '2iirl,:;:i,l;r:;;,r;;ii{i;;ii:iryf[Ti#ix*l*t.l.':":#l:*'*:*::l':::i'fl'"'::i$l"lJ"J'"';1;'"od";" r':

*tltq,:#fr*"+**q.*!'+T.iffi#i **f-+lq*til*r*rntl*,:'.*e'-*l:i{i.1]f*'*ru'*"ru#*j'ffiH6o-,utiiu,u,o,oi 0,"**i*"r*"q1t:','$it*ll1=',1*^llL,llilX:l?llill;HHtTlHi'}i:*t:l*l'"1*l'ffi;"hi;##'"; fi'il1':3TJlffi"'il:";::i;J;,*lflq1,"',f':illJ:':'":fliffi*;."',n p,rotographs " *: "T'::l:::::ffi;;

", :ilI""j1| i|l ,llT,i*,H'li 11:#;;;;'* cuuure sliila.not be mini'

' ;i*i +***r*,,'"x*':fii+;:'Txi':x:ii:: f*krur#inn*f*#;ii%-r:rm*

, ?Jili"Ti.T;:Jrry,il","",ii;e;",:,"ffil" T#iJ*v,il',T:'il*il k;hlffi ::TfJTil'1"#1Tll":""T:il'lii

i""*,rl^", *,u,i'r'r*i ,i1-'so ..\,_*^+i.,es or the Hoiy Land 8. l1;{:"$l;fiil"4;nTL'Jr1"i;l,:Xl;;:filil:il#'#*:'*h:**lr::'*i*r*+g*gln* fu+#f;F-:T*ry::':ffi

work with Christian 1

NOTES

'i,\ii"lii.","::,Y:lj,ilr:iilil;,],il3i;[,iiffi.ii""i'"c' (Ieu))' rrr-rJu and," 63-68; Baer' AvvubidMetal

Lowrv. "Christian Themes tn

xi:Tr":;,\"?:11;;;1:'1illii,#,.ij,fd**t'tffi e [*rililr*'."'tijllitj""*l---;::",

iT;}"l;,lt#lt3i;j;*i;i"'"n""' to important earlier studies

,0. l*.,o,.,Narratives or *"::lr-lll;�;#i lffi?t":i"il"J,"il:,1ruy u" io"na in these works'

-r:l^- \rlrecrm one "receptive to different memor.nulou. "orientalism ano r.mav be round in these *::::,"

New york, rhe Metropolitan Museum :fi."'il'Jlt:;li$Ti::: il;ooorou, "oii"ntalism and crust

4 i;?Tl"Jl;'iiff:ff:l'"1.X-"1::i,:[l'fliEi'*#f fft;dtj:1*"lli:U:;#*fut,lt*ijit::T*Jl"l'T;",5;i;*ljl1u1nxl'f'-11,;-1":*#jif* i:r*:'.:r,,.'r,rit*:u':*hl**u'**-F.,}ili[ili*#:tJll,ii;.iLlJJ"tld.l$ti,+;;;{*:* F:'i. "{i*r;:*il$;:l*,::::1;'ixiii;'ii'i;;;*?:''ru'#;::;'fj#:;{:^,'*xi;i7i;*n:1 ,fJfi:l'h'i%i:;;;;;"ries'AB Lxv (1e83)'2'".:*il.-';# |!,'i,6triii!,, T:::y::::1nTffi:i::',ffiil: " ?,,",',"j;;;ffit1fi*:{llltfillT;"q5t1{i:iffi"'1"'.|::i'*"li:fiffim*::;T:'il':i:f,ffiil: "

!r'"-JiT;l*i."ii:b0""'*'*irl,ff'l,Ti1i$ll"q)T:H.j,lFH-iftr*ffi*1y,,l}:{[*l.':*;ts#"i}' rr:il;i#;#;;:#::: ::-;";ffi#*.n*, irhe Metropoittan *:"*":::.""j

;; :' i. o.'sqi J z a t (New York,ture of the Midd':^u^'::,'':';:;r*,

ios-lr', R. M. Haddad,ed. H. C. Evans and w' u'

, t,-.^-^-.tntinn (prrnceton, 19

;1'"'$#ffi5']. ;"ili;';;;;-abss'3o-34' tr},:,,i;,","i';'r:l yl":: ' Interpretaion (Princeton'

5 A bottre at the Furussiva Arts Foundation: v1do1't:''i?'Hl;::;l'Tl; xTfJil;*r$il;;;;1

t ^;iva".Historv of Eastern chris

' ;* ;;"il;;,i,i,n Mu"o*' London' *d : ,n"*.1::i:-'i:::;t: ;:: (Notre Dam:'.'lL,i]"^,

-'.",,," curtures. see S. D. Goitern' A

Diocesan Museum, t,"":T: i.r,'j-?r:.'**::lgl ,J?:, ttii. l3'l ,, ,", *" n"'j'*l':T;t Tfi,i'i"**,,ities of the Arab wortd '*mrx;q;,it';ry'i"li:':ffi'fl":il;;i;';";;'ine e'r' 12 Fo'�

rr;irffiffi;i:;,:;,,-i:y^iff.*,,s'5##ffi;i;it ;,,Jffi

' *:;w,i:'}&::i*1i"ti:::);: ::",;i;:ff,tottt." rn :n:*1utT :"tti1:ffiH'u)i^hi,o'Ettr,"., und strin- 1e60-200u)' LL t; r ' r 1q|\"" ) the crusades on the Near

i:Hh:':n*':),'^ l;":n,, o,,,'1.:Ti,r;iiil# liir;;i*- l5)T."ii'l""hl3:Trill :i';J;;;;';' c*'ud"'schnittarbeiten aus-dem *.t!:';;;;

t;*mirage Museum in St Peters- N' P' '

i.u'l""*i a.' ̂ n:": ?L.llroGrass, pl. 17.r; a tragment uirt " vi"- setton, v) (Madison' tnt,tl--

-,,..,' christian art, see Hunr,burg, in Gitded and EnametL

to,ia and Arbert Museum "r"'qH.ln:*:t)lilllll;,1::X r3 LTil*-iff"'JJ'il il1"::;'ll^l''*:,iiill* p;'l;r;t#***x#;g|^!"#',li:,i^:i:i::Lr)ri-;iit; " ili"tl:"*,:r:*.,:**-*t,:****i#fg,

*t**rX**t*,y*',xvi#*q3**X;* $t.mt*ri**is*tW;tt't,*'"';

work. For the relatlonsnrp T;;,ilil;;"dBrass:

parallels andPuz-

sl ighrly tater period' see K -1,-, .r-". ro-3+.

lu Louvre, Pafls' ln i"""""-",)"r"rre: Du moyen age d la renaissance

la seine-Maritime, A travers :'^':-:-:^,,,-" No 12g. and also repro'

fi?;ii,illlll,T;,;';);;:;;;,;:::":::::!:r"#::.';#:^*f#J-'ffffi i':'ii:::::. verre: Du moven age ' '"

i';::l;;:;; ^;:"T;i:;:';r;;;"i,1'"".1' y111;;ffi i'"'#;ilili*:*1*::],:i"''i:tl*:^i:rilx'E;'il#i'll:iii#'^, xn",****i{uUi;=ii*:TT",fli#fi

' #lli!'ffi****r1*'r*ti:L"J'il'::ffi'; irr;1*\i;f"ff1;fvlll-"' inEarrvlsramic

oi Attmed al-Dhaki al-I\

140

Page 13: Eva R Hoffman, “Christian-Islamic Encounters on Thirteenth-Century Ayyubid Metalwork: Local Culture, Authenticity, and Memory,” Gesta 43/2: 129-142

t -

)-3t

z-lctor-

AI

KS

l l-

ndis-3S.

an

Hunt, "Christian-Muslim Re

:::lti'-,':-;::-*'if :T]:.H'::I j'li,:i't:1*;,T:,#l:;;Tt";J::T:.iitzs_.rti;.anacu,y"innr",,i"_,'i,7'Lrriilt_Xi?;"1::"-:ttionof thea"uo^.",i,ioi,l,1ui";r:it,ri;i'i^!ik:,TT:::":t:,,fgrgre-eltens;;;';;;;":il';!T;1,#i:'I:\7,::":X"3.il-".':::::l;'^:':;:;;i;;;;;;:';";;;i::;:!.'!"{::::::.?,,!t::1":":.atth.e.Redsear*"*i*:"i,'r[{3|1!#t";t):!1,::n".::,:'-q:"ht^,;ti;;;:,";;;';;';:;h:;::'^il:at-Habashi: A study in Medievat pari"i,"i iiii,iiiiri.!;:;;{iiB aer, Al,yubid M e talw o rk, 32.Accession number MMA lgj 1.3g, in B aer, Ayyub i d M e t a lw o rk, 3 I andPL. 44; and Gtory of ByTantium,No. ZSS, qZ'i_ii."'"'"For Ahmad al-Dhaki, see Rice, "Inlaid

Brasses," 311-316. For theworks of al-Sa[h, see Katz_enstein and Lowry,-;Chiirriun fl"_", lnThirteenth-Century Islamic Metalwork,,, 66.For the inscription on the Fr7r; for thar on the sr. ,"r".lii,l"-']L'::

o:it' Art.of the Arab wortd,l0 and note 2g.

sDurg tray, see Baer, Ayyubid Metalwork,

See Khoury, "Narratives of the Holy Land,,, 6j-69,for a full consid_eration of this issue; also, Katzenstein and Lowry, .,Christian

ThemesT lllleenth-Cenrury Islamic Metalwork,,, Or_ii, r", "t"rrrian figuresm court poetry; and see now T,Khalidi, fne Uurtim l"sur, Sayings antlStories in Islamic Literature (Cambridge, Ue, ZOOii.

"'"

Baer, Ayyubid Meralwork, pl.9.

For inscriptions with the name of al_Salih, see Katzenstein and Lowry,"Christian Themes in Thirteenth_Century Islamic l{",lflr"r*,,, O:_OO.

Ibid., 65.

Baer, Ayy ub id M e t a I wo rk, 42.Khoury, "Narratives

of the Holy Land,,, 6g.See, among others, J. prawer, The^Lotin Kingdom of Jerusalem(London,1972); idem, The Wortd of the

.Crusades (it"* y";k, 1;rr, ,. ao,ou,

lfr]" * ',, Crusaderi in the Hoty r""i, t,tii-iiiiiNe, vo.r,

33. Muratova, ,.Western Chronicles,,, 52_55.

34. Ibid., 49-53, and discussion in Camille, Gothic ldot,142_146.For theperpetuation of the idea_that Muslims *"." iOotut"r*, see the chronicleof Fulcher of Chartres (1I20_1127):.aff ,i"i".""""s held the Templeof the Lord in great veneration. Here rather than elsewhere they prefenedto say the prayers of their faith althougf, ,uJ p*|".s were wasted be_cause offered to an idor set up in the n.ame or rvroi-rn"a,,,in Fulcherof chartres, A Historv of the z"p"airn*it iirii-,rr^r.E R. Ryan,ed. H. S. Fink (Knoxville, tSOg), ttA.35. As translated in Muratova, .,Westem

Chronicles,,, 4g.36' For a study of the curtural mechanisms involved in the destruction ofrmages, see D. Freedberg, Th.e power of Imag"r, st)di", in the Historyand Theory of Response,(Chicago, ,n8"nl. ;i;lrr*r study of the con_fusion between marerial thingsind #;;;l;;;;nd rhe connectionbetween acts of violen,rnterpretation.i;:,;:::i';i;;;?:';:,ili,r#,r';;:k:W.T:

Prejudice, and Violence ^(Cambridge ,,"0i". ,rr O_.ncan Literature andCulture) (Cambridge, 1986); and iee ";;;;';;"nt case srudies inM. Caviness, .,Iconoclasm

and Iconophobia: F*, iirto.r"ut Case Stud_ies," D io g ene s, L/ 3 (2003), gg_�l L 4.,t

l::11#: of

.the crusaders,2sr_2s3,with the inscriptions and scrip_

38. Katzir, .,Conquests of Jerusatem,,, l0g.

39. The Dome of the Rock, in both its architectural form and decoration, wasa major source of inspiration Jo, tt " Cru.ua". ,"rtoiatron efforts in theHoly Land. For the retati^onship and .";;;;r;;;" restored mosaicprograms in the Church of the Nativity to tf," "u.ti". Umayyad mosaic

Le-es:theII

tal-

ith- 20.

21,

On the discourse of idolatrv. see M. Camille, The Gothic ldol: Ideologyand Image-Making in Meiiev

B Hami,ton, ..Rebui,din g #1 ilJil iH ;l 1??.-11,:::i:"ffil1li S"lf:: i I:"::::,y::, ond ^n"n".at rn- ,iii,,,", History

lftn !n1i.ru: A Geographicat, an Historicat,' ,r.ri"rrii,1r,'Jll,ior (Berlin. 1994t.47_60ifor the church oi;; *.ffi;;"" uunt,and C olonialism, 7 2_g I.

(Studies in Church Historv. XrV) (oxford, tsi t 1,,' t ii _i r' i: ; ;;:,, Ti,'*:!,;f f :::::'?o2lj'_!:l,n,r-:o+'si<u-h'"i',;;";;";,Artorthe

- t ill:.#' ;::;t"lt:::1t:'"Ti-:1 g f:1",'Das Ausschmiickungs-fiff11:i""i l:.T.j:'":l* in Bethrehem: "r"-,1"j.oilili#;

a, "Western Chronicles of the First Crusade as Sources for

:f.1" in the Holy Land.,,, Crusader Art in the ritii-&"_

tBomstein, Meeting of rwo **a,, idi, *"i,i" "."Jjlil;,jlpassage paraphrases Revelation l4:20 andJosephus.Tanoedi, cap. CXXIX, 695: translation here follows Muratova,,T_49:ll*r," 48, wirh-ful Larm rexr and ranslarion. Also see

t#::T: :::,yT1 _1.,^*o coroni aii sm,,, * o _* r, ;;?ffi; ;;:sader Art of the Twelfth centurr.sq, ,"i-o^i'l"

"J' +qtw.\uilnet,

Lru-

34,7 anrt ) Alrn- +L^ -^r-_:r ::,ury, 59 ; and Folda, Art of the Crusaders,

i[^I?"^].!:,.therebu'drng#'*'dil'i'i';?":::,:::;:,i":,clear' however, whether these s'sru'' lr ls nol

hcr*i^n rJ,:+L ]L^ r-, responses were in emulation of or in com_pet i t ion wi th the Is lamic mosaic programs.

-' ii:::{:;!'!: !::::!"::

Istamic perspecrives (New york,2000),217-228; R. S. Humphrey ". p-- .s,i)),i.':: ,::'::" :",* -rorK' zuuo),

of Damatc,," t t oz r r.n , ̂ li:* t1':!:! to the Mongol: The Ayvubids"J,?,,::r'::::":!,2:' ju!(!y:"v,Di;;t,;;;-;;;"fr;:;:::::'rK'"y'

iii:"::',,':ff '::1::'Jir uv.the awubiis-.; *;,^i;;"o;:,?il1fj,:::l,,l,""Xin East in ihe dil"'tr'

"d"ffi ;, # #ilf ;I#;Review, I I (1998), 1_18.

i:5iTg:?:i j"i\:':Tj''?:,i::;;;;;;;;;;';:;:*I",:,";::#:

,rtt allo Lru_

1T,"":j:,-::1.^ll,-" "": the mappinj "r ururi""i,t,", on u ,".i", or"t'T*:,Ht:,:',*::1":*M:i"yi-R"b"'.:ff tff ":T;jof Jerusalem," in Jerusatem. fi,.i"*"iii,,"-:::

';:. Lrusaoer MapsLand (Ientsct.^ looo\ ^r

The Israel Museum, Knights of the nily

:fi T"i."ir.,""::::"":i:!"Btess_ingsxrilg,;";),"ff;i#,#;:lli::'f ir,T::"^i:1,':;,l^1y.*:;";:;;;:,;|';;1;;:"cilJ'i::ffi lT#],i,*, :: :' I:!-' :, : " * e n o,_ E o, t h,, A ",, i i r"'

^i i' ),,"r i,

?;::;::;i';,i;i-1'1,:ly-''11"i13'*,.^,1';r;;:'"'#;,";;;:,;:

. Keaaan-Kedar, ..The Figurative Western Lintel of the Church of theoly Sepulchre in Jerusalern,,, in The Meeting of Two Worlds: Cultural

i:]* ; "i,:: :{ ̂ :, : : u s.a d e r s, 2_5 2_2 5 3 : rohn of wiirzburg, in J. wilkin _

hange between East and West du-ring the period "f rr" ,rlitTlrt,V P. Goss and C. V Bornstein (Kalamazoo, noi, ,6S;j, irr_rrr.

son, J e r u s at e m p it s ri m a g e : 1 0 g g_ I I 8 5 (L"";"r, ;;;;;:' ;;;.. *'"'n

43. Schneider, .,Freer Canteen,,, 147.

* *:::"i1."L:l::,:f :l

toca.sanctaon rhe gtass, see Carsweu, ,.Bal_

"'j::"^ "-:11:T :' ̂ l!;az ; ard Georgopout""-, l "j'.-ifr. ;; ;,"1i-Gothic ldot,I2B.

ed, J. Folda (Oxford, 1982),41. ."ff i,,;ff i"ft J??".oi.*"-,:li**l;i;;;:";i.":":;:{,i:1"ond of Aguilers, Historia Franc,o,rum eui Ceperunt lherusalem,J. H. Hill and L. L. Hill (philadelphia, 1968), 127_128.For this

tr i); ) H|j:'" ji:* ::: " r'n ",H"iv ii'; ;; ;il "1.''i'?'Jllll'ir.'2:!":::,!i?lf :"r,_t::",ot"*vo^'o)',ii,i"ii"rlili"iti,.quoted passage, see Folda, Art of the Crusa'ders, rj, nO"#"*,

:# S::::.,:' i ; a7, .and ! r.Kat7ir,

..conques ts "i i** "i".,,, i, -t *;H:*::lll S;j*',_'Loca Sancra Souvenirs: Searing the pit_

N. Rosovsky (Cambridge, MA, 1996),"353_362..

';!::'?:::,:,:"1Y":1':si""'oc,issD''^'i';'6;;;;:';;;IT;:'HArt of the Crusaders, 43-44; Camitte, C*n,, iii,"l'q2_iil. Terre Sainte (paris, l95g).

141

Page 14: Eva R Hoffman, “Christian-Islamic Encounters on Thirteenth-Century Ayyubid Metalwork: Local Culture, Authenticity, and Memory,” Gesta 43/2: 129-142

46 Fo.he circu a,ion:l:";*:li::;i;T:s.';i" {^:;il:ilJ'.lili:,i: *i4n,iil*"*5il14ff;i"'#fi ix":l}''':t# ';T:;'}

flilr*f#HtT.',;'i.;ffi*tll;;.::lu:il:'::,^* 5e See ,mada'Din sd:::':t*i{fu1;pti',}T:1i;T;:;4?. carboni and whitenouse , Gtass of the suttans,No' 123' 247-24e'

K:l *J;:i'r*T;l Lir,,'iii-i;i. For.the interpretation or the

o* ll,l,;,)l;, ),T,'::,:;l;"1*:qf ;lili:x:';:::{:l ;1F*ilq-1:i"^i:ij.i,rI�nu::i;ll'.::'i:tTlfiill 'I:

;;;;; N" 6,. and,woceramrcillil:,1':il#'i.'.""',l,"1Y:l*- ;*f;x;;*i't #:il,fiti:n;*ru'v"rh's'on"' o*h'

it *t*r#t**1""q*1'113t:**i"i:l.#1kk# - ;:i'i#lJt:'*"1ffk c'ver: Framing and \':I:T;:: ;::#;i'

*","p,"u"u1v,,:r,*-",",:il"1i:i;rffin$*i:y n:ml uv '*Trn*,[*#;X;'**[";'i'r"t-+i;:euch

ffii:rj#,,$:ll"'ru; zili '"a Enametted Gtass' 6e a''d'71'

,, 1il,.ff,,*J:$:T..#. f,*'L',,"#""lll],.lffi**j,;l5};ljios o: #:I::;',7"#tlii; X;;alql:Jfi -:'p$ :x:i;Ttxt ;tr#ff:il#i;'";;

.'"r""."in^,"tt"t1 t"j*;n:t:il X]frii,lfi;;^ory (seattre, 1e82)' 62. rhere are many ":"*:,^"t crusader nt:'"1t'"i:,1:-*l:i.:il![iYetushalmi' Zakhor:

5-s2 ,"finnshiobetweenthe ffia?:$T'�*j*x*ml:;:2:';:I::;:{:;':,:ri

(,

l

LP

50 Ka'zir,,.c*.qr:,:::lx;l'""fi,:i.fjg;s'',"{,^.!'ll".'i5n::! " il*iiT;.":il;..1..**runffii;"1nililxil.,lllCrusader and Roman c<

of rhe Crusades ,. *.Jiil"'or., Mooar^u, Metaphorsi' in coss and or ' i"'"0.. *t' *{t1":i-":',":l*ri

iu Ti-r"r,slu^: l.l R.^Ward' "The

;;;,"*;;" *, 'ri*""w"'t':'ti].-lll:.".t" or rerusalem,,, 103- g:l:il.1::'l""tt::'lii"Ti'i'y'i*:,:,I;:H::T,'Til".il" T["]:!':ji..:.;HHi;:#:H:Lq trhf;q]l";# i'ffi--"'t$tt,ry;xk?lillJi"';'ll;if]ffi:

iZ-::iii;,!ii"#,,11-*,n*o^ "j:,::,^:#,f:,;?11'n'n"'' '"' ",.- Aru;ruy*;*i{t:*lii:;;;:X:::::;;:'::;:

: ri;**il:::':#:::,::;,:::"::)ll''u-'u' -

ir..'"t*";;'*jff#r,ufr",,T,;':..;':.:fi'H,s for an earlier reference to Reinterpretation I' lslamic ^'. - --.,-,".. to .\o.int LouLS \Pais,

54 See Hunt, .Art and coronialism," 73 .:ll-'1;tllllia,lx#,"1"J:l#: lli:-11ff.T; s.'{.'tt"?,'Ii)ii,sti'rte de saint Lo,is (Paris' I

'. ,t;il;i;s' belief rhat the representalion ot btouca

ducedhistoricalract.

therepresentationotbrbtlca 65. Forthepilgrim,ru::u*-lI;til;:TK::1TiJ!ltlJ;ffi:l

55 For exllansr:1,:l,Tll :il":l#:1#"J,:'X?ii,f:Jli^l;i1 il'#i:'Jry;i:'*",..:1#J.1Y.';*;Jf1fi'ffftfvivendi has been noted it i

t:'^:iT;'..;-. i" ltio.' 1-5,46-49" and Colorpl' K' See the *^lv

:Ylo;""] )l i"-,i.L U"atevat Churchthese works between ct"i'tiun' undr''tot-t]lt"l",lOfn,*eenth-Centurv

iili'"i'i'i"O' 'slamic Pornble,'?bt'::'::!: y;:;:r:^:^;"'*

'#i:';:;i',#li;,;i':;; *a soi oz')'.',,'Ll ,^, ::iliili."J;:'ii'o,' 'r' 3e0-402

For the two su s sested u"::''":,.w.:lt: 3"*'.','.1'i.1e,:illl

Reinrerpretatron. lslutn'L ̂ ' ii)iiUr,r" de Saint Louis (Pais,

with drawings bY D' S' Rice'

rhese works between t*""{il;;;';i..r3- 1.11;ieenth-centurv

,^,,*,""i,:;:'""!;:;;,::&:;*;";i;;Main, 1ee6); andE

ffiffi'['1"ili,i,::'i:r;T:':*::ff1'*J;:B:\:'i.:t1,:T'fi 'J[1i.in"u.",gence o*,ustrdl*::**T,-T::iiChristianized: t"!^.':':::i;krirlL oo^", 1ee6); and E. R.suries of the Latin West lltr-e

.: -- :- l."t i" Manuscrtpts: Cli

sixth-century local moocrs ,irr,^i"r.,r"to;' IsraelExplorationSociety, tenth-fifteenth centunes; 4rDU lrv'

l*rrrt*'or, * t*elfth-century Jerusalem"' lsraet zxptu'" ,r. ";;""n-century

Venetian metal mount'

;xiiiirsl:r' 223-229' n \tr/eiqs.,HecBstDomusDo- 6?. Medievalchristianholv:9j"*:l:::i:1t:,:T:i:il:#l

\j For aruil discussion or this issue *: ? yijl;-l?,llll"llli:l; " Y;i?:i:iJflTl;:l#'Jii''o'^ii"'^i'**e^]'i:*,lt

mini Firmiter Edincata: ii" r*ug':l:5t:T:,'l;,:X and Istamic Arr: lft::lt;;;;;;i"e creations See:Tllt::,':":;,ff,il1,H[

fli;i,T':iffiiir';*-';,nJ""J;i#;, ;t,l-*:L',..t-"*"uar'

"rhe man' "rhe Emergence or rlrusuauuu ," '-'-tation, HarvardUnj

il?il:T33J$-iT: J5;illil $i:J:Ti" i;i!' i:T:,Ti' ;,:I:i i'"il;ffil Hr';;TlT;il "'" "

r.Roots or Medieval colonialism," 2e-35' - .u^ u^,., r anrl: ,, :::,:4*"U:T:l-:il'J"rffiH:liltffiJ:'"T'"o, &:i', iliil#t*;;,i;tffiHlj",'"#ili'"r*:t " ''{il:'iij******tn******

f;?it'Jltrf#***',"'*ii:*U*T#t# ;;*fr ?i*;:*;"nr:**i*'"-"r:l;lh:li:: ::r'#f;

T;2'i:;::;:i;:::';,i:iiX::;;1::',,,,*r,:,:!yltii ff;l#lJ#,$,.,,:,H,n""'"*-*i""ebra'�edwes'�ern';i:;i;;i{-Ti.tfl#jHl1[*tltl,:1,:lg:liilJ:t .- ;'"1:,"". wes,ern Chronic,es 48 quo,ed in cami'�te' (

#htJ#fiJffiTi&, :.:e:T*T:Tl':i;$"i#$I u' [x:

142

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