Policy Brief No. 16 - May 2011

EU - INDIA RELATIONS

Professor Dr. Idesbald Goddeeris

www.globalgovernancestudies.eu

EU-INDIA RELATIONS

Professor Dr. Idesbald Goddeeris

AUTHOR

Professor Dr. Idesbald Goddeeris, coordinator of the Leuven India Focus, is

Assistant Professor of Transnational and Imperial History at K.U.Leuven and Senior

Member of the Leuven Centre for Global Governance Studies.

ADDRESS FOR CORRESPONDENCE

Idesbald.Goddeeris@arts.kuleuven.be © 2011 by Professor Dr. Idesbald Goddeeris. All rights reserved. No portion of this paper may be reproduced without permission of the authors. Policy Briefs are research materials circulated by the Leuven Centre for Global Governance Studies for purpose of information and critical discussion.

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1. INTRODUCTION

On 7 February 2011 the Leuven Centre for Global Governance Studies (GGS), more

particularly its Leuven India Focus, organized, in cooperation with the Centre for

Contemporary India Research and Studies (University of Warsaw), a workshop on

the relations between the EU and India. In line with the GGS‟s interdisciplinary

nature, the workshop addressed the roles India and the EU play in global

governance from an array of angles, including international law, economics,

international relations, history and socio-cultural studies. The workshop consequently

covered various issues, such as business and trade relations, geopolitical changes,

and domestic diversity in both the EU and India. The presentations and discussions

offered a framework for a more in-depth analysis, that is due to take place during a

major international conference in the autumn of 2011.

The workshop gave the floor to key actors from the EU institutions and academia,

originating from countries including Ireland, India, the UK, Germany, Poland, and

Belgium. It had a surprising high turnout, being attended by students from different

colleges, civil society activists, etc.

The aim of this policy brief is twofold. On the one hand, it gives a state of the art of

the recent developments in the research on India and the EU. On the other hand, it

discusses the major topics raised at the workshop.

2. STATE OF THE ART OF THE RESEARCH ON THE EU AND INDIA

Following the new geopolitical situation and the rise of India‟s relevance in world

politics and economy, the research on India and the EU has proliferated over the last

couple of years. In many European countries, special research centers have

emerged. A growing number of scholars has reoriented their field of expertise to

India. In this development, three stages can be distinguished. They do not

completely succeed each other in a chronological way, but it is obvious that each of

them was predominant during a certain period.

Initially, Indian studies were mainly interpreted as the research of Indian religions

and culture. Indologists studied literature and languages, preferably old ones, such

as Sanskrit. Some of them were highly valued as outstanding specialist of their

fields. For instance, the Belgian Jesuit missionary Kamiel Bulcke (1909-82) was

awarded with the prestigious Padma Bushan in 1972. This indological approach still

colours many institutes and study programs. Even internationally rewarded and

multidisciplinary centers, such as the International Institute for Asian Studies at

Leyden University, analyze South Asia mainly from a cultural perspective.

This is not to say that Indology had a monopoly. On the contrary, other institutes

have worked on India from a social, political and economic angle. The Centre of

South Asian Studies at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS, °1916) in

London has an impressive record of scholars from a wide range of disciplines. The

South Asia Institute at the University of Heidelberg was founded in 1962 and groups

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eight different departments working on India, including Political Science, History, and

International Economic and Development Policy.

Additionally, India was key in two other disciplines. Development studies often

focused on India, both in the UK (e.g. Barbara Herriss-White [Oxford], Patricia

Jeffrey [Edinburgh], Roger Jeffrey [Edinburgh], Stuart Corbridge [LSE]) and in other

countries (e.g. Jan Breman [Amsterdam] and Dan Banik [Oslo]). Subaltern and

postcolonial studies were also largely developed by Indian scholars, such as Dipesh

Chakrabarty and Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak. On top of that, individuals published

on Indian politics (e.g. Christophe Jaffrelot, Paris) or on the cultural relations

between Europe and India (especially the European representation and imagination

of India, e.g. Ronald B. Inden).

However, there was little research on political and economic collaboration between

India and the EU. This appeared only from the late 1990s onwards, following the

new economic policy in India and the growing contacts between India and the EU.

This new direction can be considered as a second stage in the Indian studies in

Europe. Obviously, this research was not only conducted by Europeans, but also by

Indians.

A chronological overview reveals that the subjects have closely followed EU-India

relations. Initially, they focused on business and trade, and explored opportunities

and prospects (India-EU 1997; Singh 1997; Sarma e.a. 1997; Bhattacharyya 1998;

Vibha 1999). In the early 2000s, this was broadened. Several books were published

giving an overview of the EU Indian relations and reflecting on the future (Chopra

1998; Giri 2001; Tahir 2001; Jain 2001; Jain 2002; European 2002). This continued

during the rest of the decade (Khosla 2004; Wahlers 2005; India 2005; Yoo 2005;

Boillot 2006; Jain 2007; India 2007; Grant 2008), but an increasing number of

scholars concentrated on particular issues of the bilateral relations. Initially, they

published on the Strategic Partnership between India and the EU, that was agreed

upon on November 8, 2004 (Jaffrelot 2006; Baroowa 2006 & 2007; Jain & Elsenhans

2007; Abhyankar 2007; Kavalski 2008; Sachdeva 2008 & 2009; Salma Bava 2008;

Gaens e.a. 2009). Later, they began exploring trade, following the ongoing

negotiations on a free trade agreement (Singh 2001; Bhattacharya 2005; Decreux &

Mitoritonne 2007; Gasiorek e.a. 2009). Most authors were analytical and descriptive,

but Biswajit Dhar (2001) and Shazia Aziz Wülbers (2008) voiced a critical opinion.

There was little continuity with the “first stage”. India was not approached from a

cultural angle, but from a global and political one. New scholars had entered the

field, one of the main Indian specialists on the EU being Rajendra Jain (JNU, Delhi).

He has mainly worked on bilateral relations, but has also published on perceptions.

The latter is indeed one of the single topics that continued to raise interest during

both stages. An eye-opener – at least for Europeans – is the study by Karine

Lisbonne-de Vergeron (2006) on the Indian perception of Europe, revealing the – for

Europeans – astonishing little interest (see also Vivekanandan) towards the country.

The European Union became aware of this and fueled academic cooperation with

India. In September 2005, it announced an India-EU joint action plan, which included

the extension of Erasmus Mundus cooperation to India, and the release of the India-

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EU Study Centres Programme. Two new centers were created in Europe: the Centre

for Contemporary India Research and Studies at the University of Warsaw (Poland)

and the Contemporary India Study Centre Aarhus (Denmark). Also the Centre for

European Business Studies at Reutlingen University (Germany) belongs to this

network. In India, European Studies Centers were set up at Delhi, Madras, and

Manipal. All of them are the hub of a particular network and collaborate with

universities in India and Europe. In addition, existing study centers received technical

assistance from the European Commission within the same program. In Europe, the

EU Training Programmes Office at the University of Milan, the India Liaison Office at

the Hochschule Bremen University of Applied Sciences, and the Faculty of

Humanities Leiden University were awarded. Finally, other study centers were

established outside the framework of this EU program, such as the Leuven India

Focus (K.U.Leuven, Belgium) and the Centre for Modern Indian Studies at the

University of Göttingen (Germany).

These study centers have embarked on research programmes that differ from

previous topics and can therefore be considered as belonging to a third stage in the

development of Indian studies in Europe. They do not only elaborate on the bilateral

relations between the EU and India, but also focus on more particular topics. The

University of Aarhus, for instance, has organized two main workshops: Social In- and

Exclusion in contemporary India and beyond (June 2010) and Welfare and Well-

being in Modern South Asia (June 2011).

This new tendency is also visible in individual scholars‟ research on India. An

increasing number of social scientists, political scientists, economists, etc. has

indeed started to expand their expertise to India and to research particular topics

related to India. Katherine Adeney, for instance, has worked on federalism and

ethnic conflict regulation (2007) and recently published a monograph on

contemporary India.

This workshop aims at the further development of this third stage. It has brought

together scholars from various disciplines who all aspire to include India in their

research. Some of them have already started publishing on India (e.g. Keukeleire &

Bruyninckx 2011), others have submitted projects. In this way, India will be

approached from a great number of scientific angles. Simultaneously, this European

expertise is confronted with Indian perceptions, several Indian professors attending

the workshop. It goes without saying that this will foster our knowledge of this

fascinating subcontinent.

3. OUTSTANDING ISSUES

3.1 India EU bilateral relations

The relationship between India and the EU initially developed at a low pace. They

were established in 1962 and largely focused on economic issues, resulting in a

Commercial Cooperation Agreement (1973), and a Commercial and Economic

Cooperation Agreement (1980). The EC became India‟s main trading partner: in

1990 the EC purchased 28% of India‟s exports and sold 29% of its total import.

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However, India recorded a high trade deficit with the EC caused by, among others,

the EC‟s protectionist policy creating barriers for textiles and other Indian products

on the European markets.

The relationship intensified in the last decade of the 1990s, following the collapse of

the Eastern Bloc and India‟s new economic policy, which oriented more on free trade

and private initiatives. During this period, the EU lacked a clear foreign policy, but

deepened its economic co-operation and started dialogue with Asian countries,

especially with China. This stimulated India to spread its attention – so far largely

focused on the U.S. – and to include the EU in its sphere of interest.

In the first decade of the 21st century, this growing cooperation was institutionalized.

In 2000, the first annual EU-India summit was held. In 2004, both partners signed a

Strategic Partnership Agreement. In 2005, they agreed on a Joint Action Plan, which

was revised in 2008. Meanwhile, in 2007, they had started negotiations on a free

trade agreement (FTA), which is expected to be completed in 2011. Simultaneously,

collaboration has expanded to other fields, such as security.

This is not to say that India and the EU have turned into close partners. The EU

trade with China is the six fold of the one with India, the latter only being the 9th EU

export partner. The EU does not play an important role in Asian security and the U.S.

remains India‟s first partner. The FTA is likely to be shallow and meets with much

concern in India, particularly in its two economic key sectors of the service sector

(which provides 60% of the GDP) and agriculture (which employs 60% of the

population). India and the EU could be rivals in the context of energy (e.g. the TAPI

[Trans-Afghanistan Pipeline] vs. Nabucco Pipeline or Turkey-Austria gas pipeline).

There is also disagreement in the WTO. Its Doha Development Round since 2001

has not yet led to major results, because of the differences between the developed

nations (including the EU) and the major developing countries, in which India takes a

leading role. India opposes the European agrarian subsidies and is frustrated about

the fact that the EU supports the poorest developing countries more than the less

developing ones (i.e. the rising economies). Finally, there is also discord after five

EU member states, including France and Germany, opposed to India‟s bid for a

permanent seat in the UN Security Council (together with Germany, Japan, and

Brazil: the so-called G4). The lack of a univocal, active and clear EU policy towards

India is an obvious element impeding the further intensification of its relationship with

India. Additionally, one sees the need for more collaboration and exchange, not only

in academia, but also in media and business.

3.2 Business and Trade Relations

The internationalization strategies of multinationals have recently made a significant

u-turn. Previously, they were directed by owners‟ advantages. Multinationals went

abroad and exploited their own advantages, such as their technology, brand, human

capital. Recently, they have increasingly acquired existing firms abroad. Companies

now use local advantages to acquire ownership abroad. India is for instance

interesting as a cheap location.

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However, India is not only a target, but appears more and more to be a player. There

is a growing presence of Indian multinationals across the world, equally in Europe.

Indian Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) in Europe grew from 0.1 billion euro in 2001

over 0.6 billion euro in 2003 to 9.5 billion euro in 2007. Following the financial crisis,

this decreased to 2.4 billion euro in 2008 and 0.4 billion euro in 2009, but

expectations are good. India is particularly active in the sectors of pharmacy,

biotechnology, energy, IT, etc.

An analysis of its major multinationals‟ strategies in going abroad, based on

interviews with Indian multinationals in Belgium, reveals some particularities. They

appear to be chiefly heading for large markets. The wealth of individuals is less

important, developing countries and emerging economies also being targeted.

Openness and integration also matter, political stability does not. Rule of law and

control of corruption are significant, but not essential. Indian multinationals‟

strategies do not show striking differences from Chinese ones, apart from strategic

assets, which are not important for India, while they are for China. It is noteworthy

that when going abroad, Indian companies are keen to acquire foreign companies

but not necessarily to integrate them. There is therefore a strong propensity to leave

them rather independent.

For all of these reasons, Indian multinationals are also attracted by the EU,

especially by large countries (first and foremost the UK, but also France and

Germany). They want to gain access to the European market, which they perceive

as a gateway to further investments not only to Europe but also to Africa. They are

also interested in accessing technology and acquire well-established brands. A

negative reason is the desire to escape the constraining effects of government

policies at home.

The FTA, which might be completed in 2011, is not an issue for the Indian

multinationals Filip De Beule has interviewed. According to Aleksandra Jarczewska,

FTA will fuel the economic integration between India and the EU. According to the

most optimistic views, FDI‟s will rise with 30% in both ways. However, it is an

agreement between unequal economies and is due to be more beneficial to the EU.

This is why the FTA causes more concern in India than in the EU. In this respect, the

concerns are related to the potential loss of protection for sensitive industries (i.e

agriculture and pharmaceuticals), the possible negative effects from increased

competition on the job market, etc… The voice of the Indian civil society appears to

be very influential in this process. Moreover, India has also proved to be a tough

interlocutor in other negotiations, such as the nine years talk with ASEAN.

3.3 Geopolitical changes

India has retooled its foreign policy kit. The classic view is that it shifted from a

Moralpolitik to a Realpolitik, but this is too populist. It is based on the orientalist

perception of a peaceful India and it neglects that both Gandhi and Nehru have

pursued a very strategic policy. Similarly, India has upheld itself as the defender of

all Asian (and post-colonial) nations but actually increasingly turned towards itself.

There are other major shifts though in India‟s foreign policy. Delhi has expanded its

economic orientation to the political field. It has grown into a military power, 19

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defensive agreements being signed in the first decade of the 21st century (vs. only

seven in 1947-2000). It has taken up its role as a regional power, which is clearly

illustrated by its involvement in Afghanistan. And it has also aspirations in the Asian

continent as a whole.

One often refers to similarities between India and the EU (democracy, diversity,

multilateralism, …), but one should not neglect the differences. For instance, there is

more suspicion in India to regionalism and its sovereign-eroding consequences,

India, just like many other Asian countries, being created in the colonial era. India is

also much more negative about soft-power, highly promoted by the EU. Soft power

was disproductive in border and other issues with India‟s neighbours. In fighting

terrorism, India is more militaristic, while the EU bases itself more on criminal law.

There is also disagreement about climate change. The Indian perception is

dominated by the paradigm of neo-imperialism, and Indians think that climate

change cannot be addressed at the expense of development.

This is not to say that there are no convergences. Areas of common objectives have

emerged, for instance anti-piracy, Afghanistan, and counter-terrorism. India and the

EU share a strategic anxiety and realize that they have to diversify their foreign

policy and to revise their relationship with the U.S. (which has a long partnership with

Pakistan, and this matters to India). The EU has taken over Indian concepts, such as

the Afghanization of Afghanistan (i.e. to train locals in order to let them take over

control), which illustrates that the EU takes India seriously. Old stigmas can

disappear: not only the memory of imperialism, but also racism (e.g. the Mittal case).

The EU and India therefore increasingly collaborate and the key events from 2010

(the visit by Baroness Ashton and General van Osch to India in June and the summit

in December) have been translated into new initiatives, including seminars on

counter-terrorism and cyber-security, mutual legal assistance, and regional

cooperation (the EU having an observer status with SAARC). However, the

relationship is not all roses. On the one hand, there were several missed

opportunities. For instance, the EU has not yet managed to send high level officials

to SAARC. On the other hand, there is the permanent lack of mutual knowledge. A

perception analysis in India on the EU and conflict resolutions is revealing. There is

much confusion between Europe, the EU, NATO that are often assimilated as being

“the West”. Indian views on the impact of EU integration and EU institutions on

peace in Europe are exaggerated. India knows the West better than the West knows

India, but Europe is still marginal in the Indian collective memory.

3.4 Domestic Diversity

Both India and the European Union face domestic diversity. In the workshop‟s last

session, the political scientist Wilfried Swenden and the philosopher Helder De

Schutter reflected on this issue, trying to apply theoretical perspectives on the Indian

case.

Swenden elaborated on the different approaches of how to govern and to

accommodate diversity. Generally, there are two categories. Integrationists do not

recognize that there is a problem that a state is plural. Accomodationists do deal with

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the diversity in a more explicit way. The former include republicanism, socialism, and

liberalism. The latter one include centripetalists (for instance, in Belgium, the

advocates of one federal district), multiculturalists, and consociationalists (supporters

of power-sharing systems, such as proportional representation, veto right, etc.).

Swenden discussed four indicators to visualize to what extent India has followed an

integrationist or accommodationalist line: 1) Symbolic recognition, 2) politics of

presence, 3) electoral system, 4) territorial division of powers, and ended with

possible research questions.

De Schutter dwelled upon the two opposing schools about the relationship between

political communities and national cultures. The source of a political community‟s

unity is the national culture according to Liberal Nationalists, while Constitutional

Patriots think that unity is created by liberal-democratic principles embodied in the

constitution. The latter seem to be the only ones to embrace EU citizenship.

However, Liberal Nationalists could adapt to a post-national world if they are

successful in turning from national monism to national pluralism. One can think of

forms of policy in which a political community‟s cultural support is not limited to only

one nation. This can involve 1) giving recognition to more than one national culture;

2) federalism with dual identities.

4. BIBLIOGRAPHY

Rajendra M. Abhyankar, "India and the European Union: non-associable to strategic

partner", in: Atish Sinha & Madhup Mohta (ed.), Indian foreign policy: challenges

and opportunities (New Delhi: Academic Foundation, 2007), 449-466.

K. Adeney, Federalism and ethnic conflict regulation in India and Pakistan, New York

2007.

S. Baroowa, "The Emerging Strategic Partnership between India and the European

Union: A Critical Appraisal," in: Europe, India and China: Strategic Partners in a

Changing World. Aix-en-Provence, 2006, 2-20.

Saponti Baroowa, “The Emerging Strategic Partnership Between India and the EU: A

Critical Appraisal”, European Law Journal, 13, 6, 2007, 732–749.

B. Bhattacharyya, The impact of the expansion of the European Union on India's

exports : phase-I : desk based study, New Delhi: Indian Institute of Foreign Trade,

1998.

Swapan K. Bhattacharya, India and the European Union : trade and non-tariff

barriers, Delhi: Aakar Books, 2005.

Jean-Joseph Boillot, Europe after enlargement : economic challenges for EU and

India, New Delhi : Academic Foundation, 2006.

H.S. Chopra ed., India and the European Union : into the 21st century, New Delhi:

Indian Council of World Affairs, 1998.

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Yvan Decreux & Christina Mitoritonne, Economic Impact of a Potential Free Trade

Agreement Between the European Union and India. Paris: CEPII-CERAM, 2007.

Biswajit Dhar, The European Union and developing countries' non-trade concerns :

an uneasy alliance?, New Delhi: Research and Information System for the Non-

aligned and Other Developing Countries, 2001.

B. Gaens, J. Jokela & E. Limnell, The Role of the European Union in Asia: China and

India as Strategic Partners, Ashgate, 2009.

Michael Gasiorek, Peter Holmes, Sherman Rubinson, Jim Rollo, Anirudh Shingal,

Chandan Mukherjee, Nitya Nanda, N.C. Pradhan & T.B. Simi, Qualitative Analysis

of a Potential Free Trade Agreement between the European Union and India,

Sussex: Centre for the Analysis of Regional Integration; Jaipur: CUTS

International, 2007.

D.K. Giri, European Union and India. A Study in North-South Relations, New Delhi:

Concept Publishing Company, 2001.

Charles Grant, Four Pillars of EU-India Relationship. Bulletin 6, London: Centre for

European Reform, 2008.

Ronald Inden, Imagining India, Indiana University Press, 2000 [1st version 1990].

India and Europe, Delhi: Centre for Indian Political Research and Analysis, 2007.

India-European Union strategic ties : the road ahead, New Delhi: Associated

Chambers of Commerce and Industry of India, 2005.

India-EU Conference on Trading & Business Opportunities : background papers,

New Delhi: Associated Chambers of Commerce & Industry of India, 1997.

Christophe Jaffrelot, "India and the European Union: The charade of the Strategic

Partnership", in: EurAsia Bulletin, 10/1-2 (2006), 4-6.

R.K.Jain ed., India and Europe in the New Millennium, New Delhi: Radiant

Publishers, 2001.

R.K.Jain ed., India and the European Union in the 21st Century, New Delhi: Radiant

Publishers, 2002.

R.K.Jain ed., India, Europe and South Asia, New Delhi: Radiant Publishers, 2007.

R.K.Jain & Hartmut Elsenhans eds., India and the European Union: Building a

Strategic Partnership (New Delhi: Radiant Publishers, 2007).

E. Kavalski, "Venus and the Porcupine. Assessing the European Union-India

Strategic Partnership", South Asian Survey, 15 (2008), 63-81.

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Stephan Keukeleire & Hans Bruyninckx, “The European Union, the BRICs, and the

Emerging New World Order”, in Hill, Christopher and Michael Smith (eds.),

International Relations and the European Union, Oxford University Press, 2011²,

381-403.

I.P. Khosla ed., India and the New Europe, New Delhi, 2004.

Karine Lisbonne-de Vergeron, Contemporary Indian views of Europe, London:

Chatham House, 2006.

G. Sachdeva, "India and the European Union. Broadening Strategic Partnership

Beyond Economic Linkages", International Studies, 45 (2008), 341-367.

Gulshan Sachdeva, "India and the European Union: Time to De-Bureaucratize

Strategic Partnership", Strategic Analysis 33, 2, 2009, 202-207.

Ummu Salma Bava, “The EU & India: Challenges to a Strategic Partnership”,

Giovanni Grevi & Alvaro de Vasoncelos, eds., Partnerships for Effective

Multilateralism: EU Relations with Brazil, China, India and Russia, Chaillot Papers

No. 109, Paris: Institute for Security Studies, 2008.

Atul Sarma, Gerrit Faber, Pradeep Kumar Mehta, Meeting the challenges of the

European Union : prospects of Indian exports, New Delhi: Sage Publications,

1997.

Jagjit Singh, Indo-European cooperation for marketing and management : vision for

21st century, New Delhi: Institute of Marketing & Management, 1997.

Yashika Singh, India-EU trade-tariff and non-tariff hurdles, New Delhi: Rajiv Gandhi

Institute for Contemporary Studies, 2001.

N.A. Tahir ed., European Union, Asia relations in the 21st century: problems,

prospects and strategies, Karachi-Brussels, 2001.

Mathur Vibha, India-European Union trade : prospects and impact of Euro, Delhi:

Indian Tax Institute, 1999.

B. Vivekanandan, "The West viewed from India", in: B. Vivekanandan & D.K. Giri,

eds., Contemporary Europe and South Asia, New Delhi: Concept Publishing

Company, 2001, 240-247.

G. Wahlers ed., India and the European Union, New Delhi, 2005.

Shazia Aziz Wülbers, The Paradox of EU India Relations: Missed Opportunities in

Politics, Economics, Development Cooperation and Culture (Unpublished doctoral

dissertation, Paris: Sciences Po, 2008, supervisor Christophe Jaffrelot).

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Shazia Aziz Wülbers (ed.), EU India relation: A Critique (New Delhi: Academic

Foundation, 2008).

T.H. Yoo & V. B. Venkatachalam, A brief appraisal of India's economic and political

relations with China, Japan, ASEAN, the EU and the U.S. (KIEP Discussion

Paper 05-01), Seoul, 2005.

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Annex 1

PROGRAMME OF THE WORKSHOP

9:30 - 10:00 Registration

10:00 - 10:15 Framework and Objectives of the Workshop

Prof. Dr. Jan Wouters, Director of the Leuven Centre for Global Governance

Studies, Jean Monnet Chair EU and Global Governance and Professor of

International Law and International Organisations, University of Leuven

Session 1 India and the EU: State of the Art

Chair: Prof. Dr. Edward Halizak, Director of the Institute of International Relations,

University of Warsaw

10:20 - 10:40 India and the EU: State of the Art of Research

Prof. Dr. Idesbald Goddeeris, Assistant Professor at the History Department,

University of Leuven, Coordinator of the Leuven India Focus

10:40 - 11:00 India and the EU: State of the Art of the Relationship

Dr. Jakub Zajaczkowski, Chairperson of the Centre for Contemporary India

Research and Studies at the Institute of International relations, University of Warsaw

11:00 - 11:20 Discussion

Session 2 Business and Trade Relations

Chair: Prof. Dr. Jan Wouters, Director of the Centre for Global Governance

Studies, Professor of International Law and International Organisations, University of

Leuven

11:20 - 11:40 Internationalisation Strategies of Indian Multinationals

Prof. Dr. Filip de Beule, Assistant Professor of International Business, Lessius

University College, Senior Member Leuven Centre for Global Governance Studies

11:40 - 12:00 Indian Investments in Europe – Reality and Perspectives

Dr. Aleksandra Jarczewska, Assistant Professor at the Institute of International

Relations, University of Warsaw

12:00 - 12:20 EU-India Trade and Research Cooperation in Clean Technologies

Ms. Micol Martinelli, Senior Advisor, International Affairs Department,

EUROCHAMBRES

12:20 - 13:00 Discussion

13:00 – 14:00 Lunch

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Session 3 India, the EU and Geopolitical Changes

Chair: Prof. Dr. Bogusław Zaleski, Professor of History of International Relations at

the Institute of International Relations, University of Warsaw

14:00 - 14:20 EU-India Strategic Partnership after Lisbon

Rensje Teerink, DG RELEX, Deputy Head of unit India, Bhutan and Nepal

14:20 - 14:40 India’s Role in a Multi-Polar World: Perspectives from and

Implications for Europe

Dr. Jivanta Schottli, Postdoctoral researcher at the South Asia Institute, University

of Heidelberg

14:40 - 15:00 EU and Indian Approaches to Peace-Building and Conflict

Resolution: Differences, Similarities and Challenges for Future Research

Prof. Dr. John Doyle, Head of School, School of Law and Government, Dublin City

University

15:00 – 15:30 Discussion

15:30 – 16:00 Coffee and tea break

Session 4 The EU and India’s Domestic Diversity

Chair: Prof. Dr. Idesbald Goddeeris, Assistant Professor at the History

Department, University of Leuven, Coordinator of the Leuven India Focus

16:00 – 16.20 Europe, India and the Management of Diversity

Prof. Dr. Wilfried Swenden, Senior Lecturer in Politics, International Relations at

the School of Social and Political Science, University of Edinburgh

16:20 - 16:40 Europe and India: Searching for Convergence

Prof. Dr. Uttara Sahasrabuddhe, Associate Professor, Department of Civics and

Politics, University of Mumbai

16:40 - 17:00 European Ties that Bind: Political or Cultural?

Prof. Dr. Helder de Schutter, Assistant Professor of Social and Political Philosophy

at the Institute of Philosophy, University of Leuven

17:00 - 17:30 Discussion

17:30 – 18:00 Concluding Observations by Prof. Dr. Jan Wouters and Prof. Dr.

Bogusław Zaleski

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The Leuven Centre for Global Governance Studies is an interdisciplinary research centre of the Humanities and Social Sciences at the Katholieke Universiteit Leuven. It was set up in the Spring of 2007 to promote, support and carry out high-quality international, innovative and interdisciplinary research on global governance. In addition to its fundamental research activities the Centre carries out independent applied research and offers innovative policy advice and solutions to policy-makers on multilateral governance and global public policy issues. In 2010, the Centre has been recognized as a „K.U.Leuven Centre of Excellence‟‟.

The Centre brings together talent from throughout the University. It operates on the basis of co-ownership and the strong conviction that interdisciplinary research creates added value to resolve complex multi-faceted international problems. The Centre promotes pioneering projects in law, economics and political science and actively initiates and encourages interdisciplinary, cross-cutting research initiatives in pursuit of solutions to real world problems. The cross-cutting initiatives are thematic projects around which University researchers join forces across disciplines to forge responses to complex global challenges. The cross-cutting initiatives address critical issues in relation to globalization, governance processes and multilateralism, with a particular focus on the following areas: (i) the European Union and global multilateral governance; (ii) trade and sustainable development; (iii) peace and security, including conflict prevention, crisis management and peacebuilding; (iv) human rights, democracy and rule of law; (v) non-state actors and global governance and (vi) space governance.

In full recognition of the complex issues involved, the Centre approaches global governance from a multi-level and multi-actor perspective. The multi-level governance perspective takes the interactions between the various levels of governance (international, European, national, subnational, local) into account, with a particular emphasis on the multifaceted interactions between the United Nations System, the World Trade Organization, the European Union and other regional organizations/actors in global multilateral governance. The multi-actors perspective pertains to the roles and interactions of various actors at different governance levels, these include public authorities, non-governmental organizations and private actors such as corporations.

For more information, please visit the website www.globalgovernancestudies.eu

Leuven Centre for Global Governance Studies Huis De Dorlodot, Deberiotstraat 34, 3000 Leuven, Belgium Tel. ++32 16 32 87 25 Fax ++32 16 37 35 47 info@ggs.kuleuven.be