Equality and the “American Dream”: Synthesis Essay Writing

Is it still possible in our country for everyone to achieve the American Dream? What “role” does equality

play in the pursuit of the American Dream?

While reading the sources, document the claim and warrants through annotation

Formulate your own claim and at least 3 warrants based on the given arguments in the text

Group together sources which have similar claims and warrants and find text quotes that stand out

Use a minimum of 8 quotes from 5 different articles to either substantiate, refute, or qualify a portion

of your argument. Reference sources after quotes (Source A) or as otherwise demonstrated in class.

Bring in outside concrete references in your commentary. Are there additional examples from

current events, history, pop culture, literature?

Source A: Clark, William A.V. Immigrants and the American Dream: Remaking the Middle Class. Introduction. New York:

Guilford, 2003.

The theme of the American dream has inspired many artists, writers, politicians, and teachers for decades. Every year, students and

professional writers, both native-born and immigrants, write many essays exploring their beliefs about the American dream.

Politicians invoke the dream in speeches, teachers develop class plans to study the dream, and Hollywood returns to the dream in

movie after movie, to the delight of millions of filmgoers. Many people nod with understanding when the dream is mentioned because

it has become a powerful symbol of the aspirations of a nation of immigrants. Yet the phrase "the American dream" is misleading

because it implies that there is only one dream. In fact, there are many versions of the American dream, and how people define it

depends greatly on their age, cultural identity, and citizenship status.

In 2004 the National League of Cities (NLC) conducted a survey of more than one thousand participants aged eighteen and older, asking

them what they considered the American dream to be. The NLC found that for the majority of Americans—adults aged twenty-three to

sixty-five—material prosperity is at the heart of the American dream. For many this prosperity is symbolized by home ownership. The

hope that children will be able to build on the success of their parents and rise to a higher social class is also a central aspect of the

American dream for millions of Americans and immigrants. As the Aspen Institute, a research institute on American culture and policy,

proclaims, "the opportunity to save, invest [in the future] and own is the foundation of the American dream."

For many adults older than sixty-five, however, financial abundance takes second place to quality of life in their vision of the

American dream. Over one-fourth of the older respondents of the NLC survey rated the ability to enjoy good health as the primary

priority, in contrast to only 5 percent of the eighteen- to twenty-nine-year-old respondents. Author Gary Goshgarian also describes the

importance of health in his best-selling popular culture anthology The Contemporary Reader:

Healthiness is a part of the American Dream that everyone seems to overlook. I believe that when it comes to living

a so called 'perfect life' there is nothing more important than having good health. A person can have all the money in

the world; a person can have all the spare time in the world; a person can have the most loving family in the world;

however, what good is all of this if he or she is dying from an incurable disease?

Young Americans aged eighteen to twenty-nine also hold a view of the American dream in which prosperity is secondary. According

to the NLC survey, over 45 percent of the younger respondents believe that living in freedom is the most important aspect of the

American dream. Twenty-five-year-old Chris Hueter explains this version of the dream on his "Magnifisyncopathological" Web site.

"The bedrock underneath [the dream]," writes Hueter, "is the fundamental right to one's life and to decide how to live it. When people

dream about saving lives through medicine, becoming President, making themselves rich, or quietly living with those [they] love,

what they are really dreaming about is the freedom to do so."

For many Americans the American dream is living in a country where all citizens have equal rights and opportunities. For example,

American minorities who have experienced discrimination tend to envision a dream that eliminates inequality and prejudice. In a

famous speech made on the steps of the Lincoln Memorial in Washington, D.C., on August 28, 1963, Martin Luther King Jr. described

the essence of this dream. Before thousands of onlookers, he said:

I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths

to be self-evident, that all men are created equal."

I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave

owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.

I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering

with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.

King's American dream that all citizens will someday receive equal protection under the U.S. Constitution and will live in a nation

where "they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character" is a dream held by many in America.

The dream of equality encompasses the dream of having the right to own land—a right that for many years was denied to African

Americans—women, and other minorities. Author Audrey Edwards describes the history of injustices African Americans have faced:

For more than 300 years we were slaves in America, which by definition excluded us from owning anything at all.

And even when we were freed and told we might receive 40 acres and a mule following the Civil War, it was a

proposal soon undermined. Indeed, much of our history with land and property ownership in America has revolved

around our seeing it stolen, burned to the ground, redlined or denied through blockbusting.

Although discrimination still exists, since the civil rights movement more African Americans have achieved the dream of owning a

home and having financial security.

For many immigrants the American dream is about enjoying civil rights as well as the opportunity to gain economic security. This is

especially true for new Americans emigrating from countries that suppress political and religious diversity and persecute those who

disagree with the government. Tehreem Rehman, a Pakistani student from New York, writes, "My dad came here because he wanted

more opportunities, better living standards, equal rights, and most of all his freedom. He wanted freedom of speech, thought, and

worship." Immigrants who have been oppressed in other nations take solace in the words inscribed on the pedestal of the Statue of

Liberty:

Give me your tired, your poor,

Your huddled masses yearning to be free,

The wretched refuse of your teeming shore.

Send these, the homeless, tempest-tost to me,

I lift my lamp beside the golden door!

In the twenty-first century millions of Americans continue to pursue the American dream, however they envision it. In At Issue: Is the

American Dream a Myth? Americans from many backgrounds debate whether these dreams of economic opportunity, personal liberty,

and civil rights are still within reach in America. Given the importance of these dreams to society, having a greater understanding of

these debates is crucial.

Source B :Matthew Warshauer, “Who Wants to Be a Millionaire: Changing Conceptions of the American Dream,”

American Studies Today Online, February 2003. Reproduced by permission of the publisher and the author.

Matthew Warshauer is a professor of American history at Central Connecticut State University and is currently writing two

books about President Andrew Jackson.

The American dream has always included achieving financial success; however, the celebrated method of acquiring

money has changed over the centuries of American history. Early versions of the American dream honored thrift and

hard work as the preferred way to become successful. Since the industrial revolution, however, Americans have

dreamed about finding shortcuts to extravagant wealth, including winning on lucrative game shows or buying a

lucky lottery ticket. Some people have also attempted to win millions of dollars in lawsuits in their pursuit of the

American dream of instant wealth. The emphasis on good fortune rather than industriousness and perseverance is

eroding the work ethic that once made the American dream a respectable goal.

Traditionally, Americans have sought to realize the American dream of success, fame and wealth through thrift and hard work.

However, the industrialization of the 19th and 20th centuries began to erode the dream, replacing it with a philosophy of "get rich

quick". A variety of seductive but elusive strategies have evolved, and today the three leading ways to instant wealth are large-prize

television game shows, big-jackpot state lotteries and compensation lawsuits.

How does one achieve the American Dream? The answer undoubtedly depends upon one's definition of the Dream, and there are

many from which to choose. John Winthrop envisioned a religious paradise in a "City upon a Hill." Martin Luther King, Jr. dreamed

of racial equality. Both men yearned for what they perceived as perfection. Scholars have recognized widely varying conceptions of

these quests for American excellence. One component of the American Dream seems, however, to be fairly consistent: the quest for

money. Few will deny that Americans are intently focused on the "almighty dollar." In a society dedicated to capitalism and the

maxim that, "the one who dies with the most toys wins," the ability to purchase a big house and a nice car separates those who are

considered successful from those who are not. Yet the question remains, how does one achieve this success? How is the Dream

realized? For many Americans the formula is one of instant, albeit elusive, gratification. Rather than adhering to a traditional work

ethic, far too many Americans are pinning their hopes on what they perceive as "easy" money. This article focuses on three

phenomena in contemporary American society that have successfully captured the quest for the American Dream. Savvy marketers

have convinced their audiences that a new wave of television game shows, lottery luck, and lucrative lawsuits are the way to wealth.

Source #C: Johnson, Lorie A. “The ‘American Dream’: A Delusion?” 18 Mar. 2001. < www.sunfell.com >. At Issue: Is the

American Dream a Myth? Ed. Kate Burns. Detroit: Greenhaven, 2006. Opposing Viewpoints Resource Center. Gale.

18 Mar. 2007. < http://find.galegroup.com/ >.

It is difficult to resolve the difference between the media world and the real world. The difference is often jarring, especially when

going to a place which tries to imitate what is shoveled out of the tube. The deliberate sleekness and marketing savvy of stores

nowadays guarantees you that your shopping experience will be full of noise, flash, and every device imaginable to get you to part

with your money. Malls today are carefully designed to disorient the shopper and temporarily "trap" them within their walls. This is

true of grocery stores, too—where companies buy shelf space and carefully place items where certain categories of people will look.

Parents get trapped into buying the heavily sugared cereal placed at the precise eye level of their young consumer target. Noise is

prevalent, omnipresent, and deliberate. Entertainment stores and places that sell music and movies probably have stock in hearing

aid companies, since they play the awful music they peddle at such high volumes. And even restaurants, the last bastion of civility,

run at earsplitting volume. And if you are lucky enough to find a quiet, intimate place to eat, someone is sure to bring in a child who

is not old enough to appreciate the food or the atmosphere and make its displeasure loudly known.

The American Dream is a delusion, an illusion meant to keep people dissatisfied and hungering to spend more money, in the hopes

that the next purchase will be the one that buys them the happiness they are promised. What no one told our framers is that happiness

isn't a commodity. It is something that is internal, easily found, and free of charge. Happiness and the reality of the American Dream

are found in abandoning the false dream, and creating one of your own. Understanding that all the trappings of Western culture are

props in a badly acted movie, and that you can throw their script away and make one of your own is a liberating experience. It is

possible to have a wonderfully rich and fulfilling life without designer clothes, a wedding register, minivan, suburban house, or even

a TV. In fact, turning the TV off is the first step in reclaiming your own dream.

It is a daring thing—even a little scary—creating your own reality. But it can be done, and is ultimately more satisfying than the fillin-

the blank blandness that our culture dictates to us. Americans were truly originals once. Now we are a whining bunch of overfed

adolescents, wanting all the toys and none of the responsibility. It's time to grow up, and create a new dream. Go on—I dare you to.

Source D: Barack Obama, The Audacity ofHope, Democratic National Convention speech. 27 July 2004.

<http://www.americanrhetoric.com/speeches/convention2004/barackobama2004dnc.htm.>

Tonight is a particular honor for me because, let’s face it, my presence on this stage is pretty unlikely. My father was a foreign student,

born and raised in a small village in Kenya. He grew up herding goats, went to school in a tin-roof shack. His father -- my grandfather -

- was a cook, a domestic servant to the British. But my grandfather had larger dreams for his son. Through hard work and perseverance

my father got a scholarship to study in a magical place, America, that shone as a beacon of freedom and opportunity to so many who

had come before.

While studying here, my father met my mother. She was born in a town on the other side of the world, in Kansas. Her father worked on

oil rigs and farms through most of the Depression. The day after Pearl Harbor my grandfather signed up for duty; joined Patton’s army,

marched across Europe. Back home, my grandmother raised a baby and went to work on a bomber assembly line. After the war, they

studied on the G.I. Bill, bought a house through F.H.A., and later moved west all the way to Hawaii in search of opportunity.

And they had big dreams. A common dream, born of two continents.

My parents shared not only an improbable love, they shared an abiding faith in the possibilities of this nation. They would give me

an African name, Barack, or ”blessed,” believing that in a tolerant America your name is no barrier to success. They imagined --

They imagined me going to the best schools in the land, even though they weren’t rich, because in a generous America you don’t

have to be rich to achieve your potential. They're both passed away now. And yet, I know that on this night they look down on me

with great pride.

They stand here -- And I stand here today, grateful for the diversity of my heritage, aware that my parents’ dreams live on in my two

precious daughters. I stand here knowing that my story is part of the larger American story, that I owe a debt to all of those who came

before me, and that, in no other country on earth, is my story even possible.

Tonight, we gather to affirm the greatness of our Nation — not because of the height of our skyscrapers, or the power of our

military, or the size of our economy. Our pride is based on a very simple premise, summed up in a declaration made over two

hundred years ago:

We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable

rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit ofHappiness.

That is the true genius of America, a faith -- a faith in simple dreams, an insistence on small miracles; that we can tuck in our children

at night and know that they are fed and clothed and safe from harm; that we can say what we think, write what we think, without

hearing a sudden knock on the door; that we can have an idea and start our own business without paying a bribe; that we can

participate in the political process without fear of retribution, and that our votes will be counted.

Source E: Longley, Robert. Two Thirds Feel American Dream Harder to Achieve. US Government Research for the National

League of Cities. 1 October 2004.

Two-thirds of the American people say the American Dream is becoming harder to achieve, especially for young families, and they

point to financial insecurity and poor quality public education as the most significant barriers, according to a new survey released

today by the National League of Cities (NLC).

who say government makes it more difficult to achieve the American Dream. Since 2001, there has been an 11 percent increase in the

number of Americans who say the government is more of a hindrance than a help.

“America has always had a ‘can do’ attitude. We are the dreamers that make things happen,” said NLC President Charles Lyons.

“Breaking down the barriers and giving everyone access to their American Dream is the most important thing elected officials on

every level can do. It is our responsibility to make sure that all Americans not only dream the dream, but achieve the dream.”

The new polling results are part of NLC’s The American Dream In 2004: A Survey of the American People.

Defining the American Dream: Financial stability (24%) is the most frequently cited characteristic of living the American Dream.

However, significant generational differences are apparent. Adults aged 62 and older (23%), those from 45 to 61 (29%) and adults

aged 23 to 44 (26%) cite financial security; only 5% of 18-22 year-olds did the same. Living in freedom is the top definition for this

age group, cited by 23%. Being financial secure drives the perception of the American Dream for African-Americans and Hispanic

adults. Among older respondents, enjoying good health was a critical factor, with 24 percent of those over 65 believing this defines the

American Dream for them.

Optimism Reigns, but Many Left Behind:Although Americans remain optimistic, significant numbers of older Americans,

women, single parents, minorities and blue-collar workers believe the American Dream is out of their reach. - Adults living in urban

cities (39%) are more likely to believe than suburbanites (19%) that where they live has affected their ability to achieve the

American Dream.

- Fifty-three percent of African-Americans said they are not living the American Dream; 36% of Hispanics and 32% of Caucasians

have the same view.

- Almost twice as many single parents (52%) as married parents (27%) report they are not living the American Dream.

- More than half of renters (52%) and 28% of home owners find they are not living the American Dream.

- Democrats (79%) and Independents (75%) are more likely to say the American Dream is harder for young families to achieve than

Republicans (56%).

Lack of Quality Education, Financial Security Top Concerns: A lack of quality public education and uncertainty over financial

security top the list of barriers to the American Dream. Caucasian (27%) and Hispanic (29%) adults cite poor quality of education as

the main barrier, with African-Americans more likely to report racial or ethnic discrimination as the main obstacle (28%).

Barriers to the American Dream

Government as Help or Hindrance: A solid majority of all Americans (72%) believe that the government should actively work to

help people achieve the American Dream. This is particularly true of young people (90% of 18 to 22-year-olds agree). But almost

half (45%) believe the government has done more to hinder their pursuit of the American Dream than help, up from 34% in 2001.

Eighty-five percent say that local, state and federal government must work together to give people a fair shot at achieving the

American Dream.

“The poll shows that while Americans believe the government should play a role in helping them achieve the American Dream, they

are skeptical about whether the government can actually get the job done,” Lyons said. “This is an alarming finding that shows the

need to work together at all levels of government and across party lines to ensure hope, fairness and opportunity.”

Source F: Schwarzenegger, Arnold. Excerpt. Republican National Convention Address. 2004. AmericanRhetoric.com.

<http://www.americanrhetoric.com/speeches/convention2004/arnoldschwarzenegger2004rnc.htm>.

Thank you. Thank you. Thank you very much. Thank you. What a greeting. What a greeting. Wow!

This -- This is like winning an Oscar. As if I would know! Speaking of acting, one of my movies was called "True Lies." And that's

what the Democrats should have called their convention. You know, on the way up here to the podium, a gentlemen came up to me

and said, "Governor, you are as good a politician as you were an actor." What a cheap shot. Cannot believe it.

Anyway, my fellow Americans, this is an amazing moment for me. To think that a once scrawny boy from Austria could grow up to

become Governor of the State of California and then stand here -- and stand here in Madison Square Garden and speak on behalf of

the President of the United States. That is an immigrant's dream! It's the American dream.

You know, I was born in Europe and I've traveled all over the world, and I can tell you that there is no place, no country, that is more

compassionate, more generous, more accepting, and more welcoming than the United States of America.

As long as I live -- As long as I live, I will never forget the day 21 years ago when I raised my right hand and I took the oath of

citizenship. You know how proud I was? I was so proud that I walked around with the American flag around my shoulder all day long.

Tonight, I want to talk to you about why I'm even more proud to be an American -- why I am proud to be a Republican, and why I

believe that this country is in good hands.

When I was a boy, the Soviets occupied part of Austria. I saw their tanks in the streets. I saw communism with my own eyes. I

remember the fear we had when we had to cross into the Soviet sector. Growing up, we were told, "Don't look the soldiers in the eye.

Just look straight ahead." It was common belief that the Soviet soldiers could take a man out of his own car and ship him back to the

Soviet Union as slave labor.

Now my family didn't have a car -- but one day we were in my uncle's car. It was near dark as we came to the Soviet checkpoint. I was

a little boy. I was not an action hero back then. But I remember -- I remember how scared I was that the soldiers would pull my father

or my uncle out of the car and I would never see them again. My family and so many others lived in fear of the Soviet boot. Today, the

world no longer fears the Soviet Union and it is because of the United States of America!

As a kid -- As a kid I saw socialist -- the socialist country that Austria became after the Soviets left. Now don't misunderstand me: I

love Austria and I love the Austrian people. But I always knew that America was the place for me. In school, when the teacher would

talk about America, I would daydream about coming here. I would daydream about living here. I would sit there and watch for hours

American movies, transfixed by my heroes, like John Wayne. Everything about America -- Everything about America seemed so big

to me, so open, so possible.

I finally arrived here in 1968. What a special day it was. I remember I arrived here with empty pockets, but full of dreams, full of

determination, full of desire.

To my fellow immigrants listening tonight, I want you to know how welcome you are in this party. We Republicans admire your

ambition. We encourage your dreams. We believe in you[r] future. And one thing I learned about America is that if you work hard and

if you play by the rules, this country is truly open to you. You can achieve anything.

Everything I have -- my career, my success, my family -- I owe to America.

In this country, it doesn't make any difference where you were born. It doesn't make any difference who your parents were. It doesn't

make any difference if you're like me and you couldn't even speak English until you were in your twenties.

America gave me opportunities and my immigrant dreams came true. I want other people to get the same chances I did, the same

opportunities. And I believe they can. That's why I believe in this country. We are America.

We are -- We are the America that sends out the Peace Corps volunteers to teach our village children. We are the America that sends

out the missionaries and doctors to raise up the poor and the sick. We are the America that gives more than any other country to fight

AIDS in Africa and the developing world. And we are -- And we are the America that fights not for imperialism but for human rights

and democracy.

You know, when the Germans brought down the Berlin Wall, America's determination helped wield the sledgehammers. And when

the lone, young Chinese man stood in front of those tanks in Tiananmen Square, America stood with him. And when Nelson Mandela

smiled in election victory after all those years in prison, America celebrated, too.

We are still the lamp lighting the world, especially [for] those who struggle. No matter in what labor camp they slave, no matter in

what injustice they're trapped, they hear our call; they see our light; and they feel the pull of our freedom.

They come here as I did because they believe. They believe in us. They come because their hearts say to them, as mine did, "If only I

can get to America." You know, someone once wrote: "There are those who say that freedom is nothing but a dream." They are right.

It's the American dream.

No matter the nationality, no matter the religion, no matter the ethnic background, America brings out the best in people. And as

Governor -- as Governor of the great state of California, I see the best in Americans every day -- I see the best in Americans everyday

-- our police, our firefighters, our nurses, doctors, and teachers, our parents.

Well, ladies and gentlemen -- ladies and gentlemen, America is back. Back from the attack on our homeland, back from the attack on

our economy, and back from the attack on our way of life.

My fellow Americans, I want you to know that I believe with all my heart that America remains "the great idea" that inspires the

world. It is a privilege to be born here. It is an honor to become a citizen here. It is a gift to raise your family here, to vote here and

to live here.

Thank you, America. Thank you and God bless you all. Thank you. Thank you.

Source G: Retrieved from "http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/AmericanDream" views on Jennifer Hochschild’s article Public

Schools and the American Dream (2001) and Heather Johnson’s book The American Dream and the Power of Wealth:

Choosing Schools and Inheriting Inequality in the Land of Opportunity (2006)

Education and the American Dream

Since America's founding, education has been a pillar of American success. Hochschild has written that "the American dream is the

promise that all who live in the United States have a reasonable chance to achieve success as they understand it (material or

otherwise) through their own efforts and resources".(Hochschild 2001:35) Many people believe that a significant resource in

achieving the American Dream is by attaining an education. Education, for the most part, determines a person's job opportunities and

level of income. It has become an understanding that without an education the idea of the "American Dream" seems out of reach.

Education has become one of the central institutions in making the American Dream a reality. "Schools are expected to teach children

enough so that they can choose their own vision of success and then to give them the skills they need to pursue that vision".

(Hochschild 2001:36) However, not all public schools in the United States are equal in any aspect of education. This may lead to

unequal opportunities for certain children based on their location or income level.

For example, in Jennifer Hochschild’s article Public Schools and the American Dream (2001) and Heather Johnson’s book The

American Dream and the Power of Wealth: Choosing Schools and Inheriting Inequality in the Land of Opportunity (2006) both

Hochschild and Johnson identify the role of public education as one that is supposed to level out what is initially an uneven playing

field. However, both authors assert that economic inequality, racial segregation and inequalities created by inherited wealth result in

public schools that are separate and unequal, a direct contradiction to the American ideology of meritocracy. (Johnson 2006:46)

Therefore, as Hochschild asserts, public schools is the place where many of the lower class and minorities first encounter

disadvantages in their pursuit of the dream because these schools don’t equalize opportunities across generations but instead become

the arena in which many Americans first fail.

Hochschild believes that educational policies that can help children with unequal opportunities achieve the goals of

the American Dream are desegregation, inclusion, school choice, school finance reform and standards based

reforms. However, these policies must be approved by individual state policymakers. Although the benefits from

these policies would be great, the power is in the hands of the wealthy, which may not see a need to enhance

education policies. Therefore the cycle of inequality remains for those on the lower end of the social ladder.

Source H: A Letter to the Editor: Courtney Fields, The Price of Equality, October 22, 2009

Courtney Fields

Dear Editors,

It would be both a mistake and truly a disservice to all college students if you were to

eliminate Kurt Vonnegut’s short story “Harrison Bergeron” from your text Making Literature

Matter. “Harrison Bergeron” is a valuable story with underlying themes that are still very much

relevant in today’s society. Vonnegut’s story is a cautionary tale that warns Americans of the

dangers of creating a truly equalitarian society in which its citizens sacrifice their individuality

and freedom to the government in order to create a place where all men are created equal. As we

read “Harrison Bergeron” we learn that equality does not create the utopia most people would

expect but instead creates a society of mindless zombies who are handicapped and mutilated by

the government all in the name of balance. The constant search for equality detailed in “Harrison

Bergeron” is prevalent in today’s society as we search for new ways to equalize and create

balance between individuals, races, socioeconomic classes and genders but we learn that this

balance comes at a price.

The search for equality in “Harrison Bergeron” can be related to various issues in

today’s society such as public health care and same-sex marriage.. As a society America prides

itself on being a place where all men are created equal but are all men truly created equal? Or

does the “Constitution only formally recognize equality for most citizens” (Merritt)? All citizens

must abide by the same laws but not all citizens are afforded the same rights or opportunities. All

men are created equal but healthcare is only for people who can afford private insurance. The

passing of Proposition 8 asserts that marriage is only recognized as a union between a man and a

woman but according to Chief Justice Ronald George, “same-sex couples still have the right to

domestic partnerships resembling marriage” (“Setback for Equality”) but these domestic

partnerships are a façade created by the government and do not hold the same value as traditional

marriages. The government is downplaying the injustices placed upon same-sex couples by

affording them a union that resembles marriage. America claims to be a place of constant

evolution and growth but it still cannot redefine its principles to meet the changing needs of a

modern society. Prohibiting same-sex marriage and refusing medical care to individuals is

denying citizens of their human rights, which puts us in a position that is far from that utopian

dream where all men are created equal.

Unlike American society, Bergeron’s society prides itself on equality on all levels and

at all costs. At first glance Harrison Bergeron’s world seems like a utopian society based on

equality and balance but as we read we begin to see that this balance is not organic. In an attempt

to create a society where “everybody was finally equal [not only] equal before God and the law.

[But] they were equal in every which way” (Vonnegut 1513) citizens are mutilated and

handicapped if they possess any superior traits. Handicaps and mutilations are imposed in order

to garner equality between individuals on all levels, both in terms of their inherent abilities and

talents as well as the laws that govern them. The use of the word finally in the preceding quote

suggests a solution has been discovered to cure the existing inequalities between individuals by

creating a society where all people are equal. This idea of finding a solution to the inequalities

that exist between people can be directly related to issues in today’s society. Obama’s public

health care reform will attempt to make health care available to all people at an affordable price

thereby attempting to level the imbalance between socioeconomic classes in America. Still,

America should approach this fantasy of an equalitarian society with caution because in

Beregeron’s fictional society this attempt to equalize all people is not the perfect solution it

appears to be on the surface because “some things about living still weren’t right” (Vonnegut

1513). This notion that some things in this society still were not right serves as a caution to the

reader that a place where all men are created equal is not as perfect as it may seem. This is the

first hint given to the reader that appearances may be deceiving and there is a price to pay for this

so-called balance in Bergeron’s fictional society as well as today’s society.

In the name of equality citizens in Vonnegut’s fictional society sacrifice their

individuality and freedom to become robotic followers of the Handicapper General. In a way the

citizens in this fictional society have lost their humanity, some being forced to place radio

transmitters in their ears to hinder their above average intelligence and others like Harrison

Bergeron are forced to have “scrap metal hung all over him [making him look] like a “walking

junk yard” (Vonnegut 1515). People like Harrison no longer seem human but are more like

robots, who attach foreign objects to their body to disguise their humanity, in an attempt by the

government to uphold the façade of balance and equality. Much like the citizens in Bergeron’s

fictional society individuals sacrifice some of their freedoms in today’s society at the hands of

the government but on a far less extreme basis. It seems that today’s society is allowing the

government to regulate almost all aspects of their lives even who they are allowed to marry

thanks to the passing of Proposition 8. Readers must analyze the way in which Vonnegut uses his

characters and their subsequent handicaps to caution readers about the damaging effects that a

truly equalitarian society would have on individuals.

Citizens of this fictional society are programmed to believe that laws and handicaps

must exist in order to prevent them from being “back in the dark ages again, with everyone

competing against everyone else…[causing society] to fall apart” (Vonnegut 1514). The

reference to competition between individuals seems to suggest that inequality between

individuals will lead to the downfall of society. In reality competition among individuals presents

an opportunity for societal change and growth which allows inequalities to be leveled. Press

Secretary Robert Gibbs has commented on the issue of public healthcare stating, "The president

continues to believe that increasing choice and competition through additional options for people

to get health insurance is tremendously important," (Lightman, Talev and Douglas). This danger

associated with competition can be directly correlated to today’s public healthcare debate and the

attempt to neutralize competition between socioeconomic classes. In today’s society “‘one's

ability to pursue happiness (and by implication, health and well-being)" can be restricted to one's

ability, or one's family's ability, to pay [for healthcare] or to go bankrupt” (Preskorn). President

Obama’s public healthcare reform will attempt to alleviate competition among socioeconomic

classes by providing affordable medical coverage to all individuals thereby eliminating some of

the competition among classes in hopes of preventing a return to a time when inequality reigned.

Still, in the story equality does not necessarily garner happiness or passivity and is

challenged by young Harrison Bergeron. Harrison is described as “a genius and an athlete [who]

is under-handicapped and should be regarded as extremely dangerous’ (Vonnegut 1515).

Harrison is considered a threat to society and a danger because he possesses qualities that make

him superior to his peers, both physically and mentally. Harrison is imprisoned because of his

above average qualities but manages to escape and make an appearance on a television show.

Harrison proclaims himself an Emperor insisting “everybody must do what [he says] at once! ”

(Vonnegut 1516). Harrison removes his handicaps and asserts “even as I stand here--- crippled,

hobbled and sickened--- I am a greater ruler than any man who ever lived! Now watch me

become what I can become!” (Vonnegut 1516). Harrison claiming to be an Emperor symbolizes

his rejection of the government that has handicapped and imprisoned him while asserting his

desire to become something greater than what the government can create. He no longer is willing

to be less than human and is asserting his humanity. Italicizing the word can conveys Harrison’s

ability to control who he is and what he will become in the future. He asserts his individuality as

he claims he will be a greater ruler than any man because he is now in control of his own destiny.

This idea of reclaiming control of one’s own destiny can be directly related to the issue of same-

sex marriage in today’s society. The government is controlling every aspect of its citizen’s lives

even dictating whom a person is allowed to marry which is reminiscent of Bergeron’s fictional

society presenting the potential risk of rebellion and societal unrest which have already been

demonstrating on some level by protesters in response to the passing Proposition 8. If the

government does not find some balanced solution to issues of inequality that exist today America

may be at risk for the potentially dangerous implications a truly equalitarian society presents.

Equality among individuals is a dream that Americans will continue to chase for years

to come but is the price we pay for equality really worth the potentially dangerous repercussions?

“Harrison Bergeron” provides readers with a model of a truly equalitarian society that is far from

the notion of utopia that Americans dream about while dealing with issues that are still relevant

in today’s society such as the loss of freedom and individuality as a result of an authoritarian

government. “Harrison Bergeron” makes readers question their idea of utopia while raising

issues that are still prevalent today and is a valuable piece of literature that should remain in your

publication for years to come.

Sincerely,

Courtney Fields

Works Cited

"A Setback for Equality :[Editorial]. " New York Times 27 May 2009, Late Edition (East

Coast): ProQuest National Newspapers Core, ProQuest. Web. 26 Oct. 2009.

Jones Merritt, Deborah. "Equality's Promise Remains Unkept." St. Lous Post-Dispatch 15

March 1992: 3B. Web. 26 Oct 2009.<

http://docs..newsbank.com/s/InfoWeb/aggdocs/NewsBank/0EB04D965C851D0A/0E3A

E6D456BCD2D5?p_multi=SLDB>.

Lightman, David, Margaret Talev, and William Douglas. "Obama seeks to break deadlock."

Miami Herald 9 September 2009: 1A. Web. 26 Oct 2009.<

http://docs.newsbank.com/s/InfoWeb/aggdocs/NewsBank/12873E3A19C10868/0E3AE6

D456BCD2D5?p_multi=NYTB>.

Preskorn, Barbara. "Healthcare is a right, not privilege." Lamar Ledger 3 September 2009: n.

pag. Web. 26 Oct 2009.<

http://docs.newsbank.com/s/InfoWeb/aggdocs/NewsBank/12A82FB600A8C708/0E3AE6

D456BCD2D5?p_multi=LMRB>.

Vonnegut, Kurt. “Harrison Bergeron”. ." Making Literature Matter. Eds. John Clifford and John

Schilb. Boston: Bedford/St. Martin's, 2009. 1512-1517.

Source I: INFLUENCE OF DEMOCRACY ON THE FEELINGS

OF THE AMERICANS

Alexis de Tocqueville

http://xroads.virginia.edu/~HYPER/DETOC/ch2_01.htm

WHY DEMOCRATIC NATIONS SHOW

A MORE ARDENT AND ENDURING LOVE

OF EQUALITY THAN OF LIBERTY

The first and most intense passion that is produced by equality of condition is, I need hardly say,

the love of that equality. My readers will therefore not be surprised that I speak of this feeling

before all others.

Everybody has remarked that in our time, and especially in France, this passion for equality is

every day gaining ground in the human heart. It has been said a hundred times that our

contemporaries are far more ardently and tenaciously attached to equality than to freedom; but as

I do not find that the causes of the fact have been sufficiently analyzed, I shall endeavor to point

them out.

It is possible to imagine an extreme point at which freedom and equality would meet and blend.

Let us suppose that all the people take a part in the government, and that each one of them has an

equal right to take a part in it. As no one is different from his fellows, none can exercise a

tyrannical power; men will be perfectly free because they are all entirely equal; and they will all

be perfectly equal because they are entirely free. To this ideal state democratic nations tend. This

is the only complete form that equality can assume upon earth; but there are a thousand others

which, without being equally perfect, are not less cherished by those nations.

The principle of equality may be established in civil society without prevailing in the political

world. There may be equal rights of indulging in the same pleasures, of entering the same

professions, of frequenting the same places; in a word, of living in the same manner and seeking

wealth by the same means, although all men do not take an equal share in the government. A

kind of equality may even be established in the political world though there should be no

political freedom there. A man may be the equal of all his countrymen save one, who is the

master of all without distinction and who selects equally from among them all the agents of his

power. Several other combinations might be easily imagined by which very great equality would

be united to institutions more or less free or even to institutions wholly without freedom.

Although men cannot become absolutely equal unless they are entirely free, and consequently

equality, pushed to its furthest extent, may be confounded with freedom, yet there is good reason

for distinguishing the one from the other. The taste which men have for liberty and that which

they feel for equality are, in fact, two different things; and I am not afraid to add that among

democratic nations they are two unequal things.

Upon close inspection it will be seen that there is in every age some peculiar and preponderant

fact with which all others are connected; this fact almost always gives birth to some pregnant

idea or some ruling passion, which attracts to itself and bears away in its course all the feelings

and opinions of the time; it is like a great stream towards which each of the neighboring rivulets

seems to flow.

Freedom has appeared in the world at different times and under various forms; it has not been

exclusively bound to any social condition, and it is not confined to democracies. Freedom

cannot, therefore, form the distinguishing characteristic of democratic ages. The peculiar and

preponderant fact that marks those ages as its own is the equality of condition; the ruling passion

of men in those periods is the love of this equality. Do not ask what singular charm the men of

democratic ages find in being equal, or what special reasons they may have for clinging so

tenaciously to equality rather than to the other advantages that society holds out to them: equality

is the distinguishing characteristic of the age they live in; that of itself is enough to explain that

they prefer it to all the rest.

But independently of this reason there are several others which will at all times habitually lead

men to prefer equality to freedom.

If a people could ever succeed in destroying, or even in diminishing, the equality that prevails in

its own body, they could do so only by long and laborious efforts. Their social condition must be

modified, their laws abolished, their opinions superseded, their habits changed, their manners

corrupted. But political liberty is more easily lost; to neglect to hold it fast is to allow it to

escape. Therefore not only do men cling to equality because it is dear to them; they also adhere

to it because they think it will last forever.

That political freedom in its excesses may compromise the tranquillity, the property, the lives of

individuals is obvious even to narrow and unthinking minds. On the contrary, none but attentive

and clear-sighted men perceive the perils with which equality threatens us, and they commonly

avoid pointing them out. They know that the calamities they apprehend are remote and flatter

themselves that they will only fall upon future generations, for which the present generation

takes but little thought. The evils that freedom sometimes brings with it are immediate; they are

apparent to all, and all are more or less affected by them. The evils that extreme equality may

produce are slowly disclosed; they creep gradually into the social frame; they are seen only at

intervals; and at the moment at which they become most violent, habit already causes them to be

no longer felt.

The advantages that freedom brings are shown only by the lapse of time, and it is always easy to

mistake the cause in which they originate. The advantages of equality are immediate, and they

may always be traced from their source.

Political liberty bestows exalted pleasures from time to time upon a certain number of citizens.

Equality every day confers a number of small enjoyments on every man. The charms of equality

are every instant felt and are within the reach of all; the noblest hearts are not insensible to them,

and the most vulgar souls exult in them. The passion that equality creates must therefore be at

once strong and general. Men cannot enjoy political liberty unpurchased by some sacrifices, and

they never obtain it without great exertions. But the pleasures of equality are self-proffered; each

of the petty incidents of life seems to occasion them, and in order to taste them, nothing is

required but to live.

Democratic nations are at all times fond of equality, but there are certain epochs at which the

passion they entertain for it swells to the height of fury. This occurs at the moment when the old

social system, long menaced, is overthrown after a severe internal struggle, and the barriers of

rank are at length thrown down. At such times men pounce upon equality as their booty, and they

cling to it as to some precious treasure which they fear to lose. The passion for equality

penetrates on every side into men's hearts, expands there, and fills them entirely. Tell them not

that by this blind surrender of themselves to an exclusive passion they risk their dearest interests;

they are deaf. Show them not freedom escaping from their grasp while they are looking another

way; they are blind, or rather they can discern but one object to be desired in the universe.

What I have said is applicable to all democratic nations; what I am about to say concerns the

French alone. Among most modern nations, and especially among all those of the continent of

Europe, the taste and the idea of freedom began to exist and to be developed only at the time

when social conditions were tending to equality and as a consequence of that very equality.

Absolute kings were the most efficient levelers of ranks among their subjects. Among these

nations equality preceded freedom; equality was therefore a fact of some standing when freedom

was still a novelty; the one had already created customs, opinions, and laws belonging to it when

the other, alone and for the first time, came into actual existence. Thus the latter was still only an

affair of opinion and of taste while the former had already crept into the habits of the people,

possessed itself of their manners, and given a particular turn to the smallest actions in their lives.

Can it be wondered at that the men of our own time prefer the one to the other?

I think that democratic communities have a natural taste for freedom; left to themselves, they

will seek it, cherish it, and view any privation of it with regret. But for equality their passion is

ardent, insatiable, incessant, invincible; they call for equality in freedom; and if they cannot

obtain that, they still call for equality in slavery. They will endure poverty, servitude, barbarism,

but they will not endure aristocracy.

This is true at all times, and especially in our own day. All men and all powers seeking to cope

with this irresistible passion will be overthrown and destroyed by it. In our age freedom cannot

be established without it, and despotism itself cannot reign without its support.

Source J: The Declaration of Independence

The Declaration of Independence: A Transcription

IN CONGRESS, July 4, 1776.

The unanimous Declaration of the thirteen united States of America,

When in the Course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands

which have connected them with another, and to assume among the powers of the earth, the separate and

equal station to which the Laws of Nature and of Nature's God entitle them, a decent respect to the

opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the separation.

We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their

Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.--

That to secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just powers from the

consent of the governed, --That whenever any Form of Government becomes destructive of these ends, it

is the Right of the People to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new Government, laying its foundation

on such principles and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect

their Safety and Happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate that Governments long established should not

be changed for light and transient causes; and accordingly all experience hath shewn, that mankind are

more disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to

which they are accustomed. But when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the

same Object evinces a design to reduce them under absolute Despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to

throw off such Government, and to provide new Guards for their future security.--Such has been the

patient sufferance of these Colonies; and such is now the necessity which constrains them to alter their

former Systems of Government. The history of the present King of Great Britain is a history of repeated

injuries and usurpations, all having in direct object the establishment of an absolute Tyranny over these

States. To prove this, let Facts be submitted to a candid world.

He has refused his Assent to Laws, the most wholesome and necessary for the public good.

He has forbidden his Governors to pass Laws of immediate and pressing importance, unless suspended in

their operation till his Assent should be obtained; and when so suspended, he has utterly neglected to

attend to them.

He has refused to pass other Laws for the accommodation of large districts of people, unless those people

would relinquish the right of Representation in the Legislature, a right inestimable to them and formidable

to tyrants only.

He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual, uncomfortable, and distant from the depository

of their public Records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into compliance with his measures.

He has dissolved Representative Houses repeatedly, for opposing with manly firmness his invasions on

the rights of the people.

He has refused for a long time, after such dissolutions, to cause others to be elected; whereby the

Legislative powers, incapable of Annihilation, have returned to the People at large for their exercise; the

State remaining in the mean time exposed to all the dangers of invasion from without, and convulsions

within.

He has endeavoured to prevent the population of these States; for that purpose obstructing the Laws for

Naturalization of Foreigners; refusing to pass others to encourage their migrations hither, and raising the

conditions of new Appropriations of Lands.

He has obstructed the Administration of Justice, by refusing his Assent to Laws for establishing Judiciary

powers.

He has made Judges dependent on his Will alone, for the tenure of their offices, and the amount and

payment of their salaries.

He has erected a multitude of New Offices, and sent hither swarms of Officers to harrass our people, and

eat out their substance.

He has kept among us, in times of peace, Standing Armies without the Consent of our legislatures.

He has affected to render the Military independent of and superior to the Civil power.

He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our constitution, and

unacknowledged by our laws; giving his Assent to their Acts of pretended Legislation:

For Quartering large bodies of armed troops among us:

For protecting them, by a mock Trial, from punishment for any Murders which they should commit on the

Inhabitants of these States:

For cutting off our Trade with all parts of the world:

For imposing Taxes on us without our Consent:

For depriving us in many cases, of the benefits of Trial by Jury:

For transporting us beyond Seas to be tried for pretended offences

For abolishing the free System of English Laws in a neighbouring Province, establishing therein an

Arbitrary government, and enlarging its Boundaries so as to render it at once an example and fit

instrument for introducing the same absolute rule into these Colonies:

For taking away our Charters, abolishing our most valuable Laws, and altering fundamentally the Forms

of our Governments:

For suspending our own Legislatures, and declaring themselves invested with power to legislate for us in

all cases whatsoever.

He has abdicated Government here, by declaring us out of his Protection and waging War against us.

He has plundered our seas, ravaged our Coasts, burnt our towns, and destroyed the lives of our people.

He is at this time transporting large Armies of foreign Mercenaries to compleat the works of death,

desolation and tyranny, already begun with circumstances of Cruelty & perfidy scarcely paralleled in the

most barbarous ages, and totally unworthy the Head of a civilized nation.

He has constrained our fellow Citizens taken Captive on the high Seas to bear Arms against their Country,

to become the executioners of their friends and Brethren, or to fall themselves by their Hands.

He has excited domestic insurrections amongst us, and has endeavoured to bring on the inhabitants of our

frontiers, the merciless Indian Savages, whose known rule of warfare, is an undistinguished destruction of

all ages, sexes and conditions.

In every stage of these Oppressions We have Petitioned for Redress in the most humble terms: Our

repeated Petitions have been answered only by repeated injury. A Prince whose character is thus marked

by every act which may define a Tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a free people.

Nor have We been wanting in attentions to our Brittish brethren. We have warned them from time to time

of attempts by their legislature to extend an unwarrantable jurisdiction over us. We have reminded them

of the circumstances of our emigration and settlement here. We have appealed to their native justice and

magnanimity, and we have conjured them by the ties of our common kindred to disavow these

usurpations, which, would inevitably interrupt our connections and correspondence. They too have been

deaf to the voice of justice and of consanguinity. We must, therefore, acquiesce in the necessity, which

denounces our Separation, and hold them, as we hold the rest of mankind, Enemies in War, in Peace

Friends.

We, therefore, the Representatives of the united States of America, in General Congress, Assembled,

appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentions, do, in the Name, and by

Authority of the good People of these Colonies, solemnly publish and declare, That these United Colonies

are, and of Right ought to be Free and Independent States; that they are Absolved from all Allegiance to

the British Crown, and that all political connection between them and the State of Great Britain, is and

ought to be totally dissolved; and that as Free and Independent States, they have full Power to levy War,

conclude Peace, contract Alliances, establish Commerce, and to do all other Acts and Things which

Independent States may of right do. And for the support of this Declaration, with a firm reliance on the

protection of divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our Lives, our Fortunes and our sacred

Honor.