Epw Big Brother BCCIs Watching

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    september 21, 2013 vol xlviII no 38 EPW Economic & Political Weekly74

    POSTSCRIPT

    Big Brother BCCIs Watching!

    By tightening its iron-fisted grip over the media, the Board of Control for Cricket in India has morphed into

    the thought police of a Big Brother.

    by Sharda Ugra

    In May and June this year, when the Indian Premier

    League (IPL) was, much to its self-regarding outrage, being

    hauled away for questioning, N Srinivasan, president of

    the Board of Control for Cricket in India (BCCI), found him-

    self trailed by reporters, cameras and mikes. Distinctly dis-

    pleased, as he headed for his car on one occasion, Srinivasan

    (Srini, to friends) barked out: Why are you hounding me?

    The simple answer? His son-in-law, Gurunath Meiyappan,

    high official/team principal of the Chennai Super Kings,

    Srinivasans beloved IPL team, had been arrested by theMumbai police for placing bets during the IPL. On the day in

    question, Srinivasan was three stories on two legs BCCI

    chief, IPL team owner, father-in-law. The most powerful man

    in cricket tripped up by a black sheep in the family who had

    toppled his business. Whats not to hound? A simple answer

    to that question: because Srini was in the dock, because the

    media are hounds, because they we can.

    It was a twisted, ironic turning of the tables on

    the man under whose regime BCCI has become

    not only enormously richer but also enormously

    in control of the messages around Indian cricket.

    During the IPL corruption scandal, those messages,

    for perhaps the first time in his reign, had goneout of Srinivasans control. His otherwise glacial

    disdain for a notoriously fickle 247 media was suddenly

    put under unrelenting headlights and left unprotected by

    either his position or influence.

    BCCIs relationship with the independent, mainstream

    media has gone from general chumminess to a teeth-gritting

    tolerance on either side. During the last five years, the time

    when Srinivasan rose from BCCI treasurer to secretary to

    president, the Board has become more determined to tighten

    an iron-fisted grip over the media, starting with the medium

    that generates the bulk of its revenues and reaches an

    audience of millions television.

    In 2008, BCCI put Sunil Gavaskar and Ravi Shastri on its

    payroll with gargantuan price tags. Sunny & Ravi Inc

    became mandatory mascots, required to be on commentary

    duty wherever India played, regardless of who owned the TV

    rights. The two most influential Indian voices on cricket

    television were safely co-opted. Their signing coincided

    with the advent of the IPL and the rise ofBCCIs Midas-like

    monetiser, Lalit Modi. The Gavaskar-Shastri duopoly was a

    beginning. As revenues skyrocketed through the IPL, BCCI set

    up its own independent TV production unit. This new team

    (partly cannibalised from Neo Sports/Nimbus who owned

    the TV rights to cricket in India until 2012) even purchased its

    own outside broadcast vans. Ownership over Indian cricket

    was to be established at every level.

    Much of this could be put down to Lalit Modis desire to

    commercialise every inch of the Indian cricket property.

    But when the first round ofIPL sleaze excised Modi from the

    system in 2010, his philosophy was kept alive. Indias wealth

    had earned it the right to become crickets Big Brother. When,

    during the 2011 tour of England, former England captain

    Nasser Hussain criticised BCCIs obduracy over the DecisionReview System (DRS), Shastris rebuttal was slightly petulant:

    England are jealous about the wayIPL is going, jealous that India is

    No.1 in world cricket, jealous that India are world champions. They

    are jealous because of too much money being made byBCCI.

    The repercussions of that skirmish went deep when Eng-

    land toured India a year later. Star Sports won media rights

    for all cricket played in India but BCCI retained its

    hold over production rights. Through production

    came the full force of Big Brothers thought police.

    Commentators on the home networks were told

    that three topics were taboo, never to be brought

    up on air: selection, administration and DRS.

    Then followed a bitter battle over the cost ofproviding space and access to Sky TV and BBC

    radio in the broadcast areas at grounds. Sky had paid Star for

    the world feed, but a BCCI official huffily asked why the Sky

    commentary team should be given access in Indian grounds

    without a cost: So that Hussain and others can come here

    and criticise India? The inability to accept criticism was

    turned into a national project. Skys expert team worked out

    of studios in west London.

    BCCI then refused accreditation to photo agency Getty

    Images for its use of Indian cricket pictures for commercial

    gain rather than editorial purposes. A media coalition made

    of wire services like Reuters, Associated Press (AP) and

    Agence France-Presse (AFP) boycotted the matches in protest.

    Most certainly, there are commercial constraints at work

    in each of these incidents. In the past, overseas broadcasters

    have talked through requirements and arrived at agreeable

    fees or quid pro quo arrangements. Even in the case of the

    England tour, solutions could have been worked out, but BCCI

    chose to bring in the heavies. Sanjay Manjrekar, who did

    studio work for the England series for Star had tweeted

    Fans like Boycott. Only guy who is free from BCCI shackles

    on our show, before pulling it off his Twitter account. The

    kerfuffle with Getty continues; when Australia toured India

    SPORTS

    BCCI has become

    not only

    enormously richer

    but also enormously

    in control of the

    messages aroundIndian cricket

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    Economic & Political Weekly EPW september 21, 2013 vol xlviII no 38 75

    POSTSCRIPT

    in early 2013, Ian Chappell refused to be a part of the

    commentary team because ofBCCIs unwritten three-point

    dont-do list. Commentary during the series sounded pro-

    grammed and tinny: catches that went down after hitting

    Virat Kohli on the chest and M S Dhoni on his wrist were

    called half-chances.

    In the IPL that followed, commentators Danny Morrison

    and H D Ackerman, in their high-volume excitement, intro-

    duced Virat Kohli, talking of him as a possible future captain of

    India. That happened to be the last IPL game both worked

    on. Big Brother was watching and listening.

    Since the IPLs second round of sleaze hit the headlines

    (but not on IPLTV, where the games greats made no refer-

    ence to it), there came one final squeeze this time, on the

    players. Quiet words have been had with Virat Kohli,

    Cheteshwar Pujara and Rohit Sharma for giving interviews to

    newspapers. Sharma called up one reporter, requesting him

    to spike the interview. This, after the players had producedthe best news around Indian cricket in months by winning

    the Champions Trophy.

    On 19 July, 35 contracted players were sent an email

    which read:

    Dear All, Trust you are well. You are requested to refrain from giving

    interviews to the media, without the prior, written permission of the

    BCCI. Regards, Sanjay Patel, Hony. Secretary, BCCI.

    Never let it be said the BCCIs Ministry of Truth doesnt fill

    in its paperwork.

    Sharda Ugra ([email protected]), a senior editor at ESPNcricinfo.com, has been a

    sports journalist for almost 24 years.

    SPORTS | CINEMA