English Language in Japan:

The Attitude of Japanese toward English

A thesis submitted for the School of International Liberal Studies

Akiho Sako (1M161125)

Professor Graham Law

Spring Semester

July 2020

1

Abstract

The purpose of this thesis is to gain an understanding of how the attitude of the

Japanese toward the English language has restricted them from their capability to

acquire English. It will discuss the ambiguous and contradictory view of English by the

Japanese through the investigation of the country’s long history, several issues in the

English education in schools and reform plans, and the students’ perceptions of English

fostered through the education system. All these components demonstrate that English

is perceived as the language of the native speakers of English, thus developing some

negative attitudes in practical and personal usage by drawing a line between the

idealistic English and the English employed in Japan. In the end, a suggestion will be

made to shift the perspective to achieve a more positive attitude toward English.

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Table of Contents

List of Figures .............................................................................................................................. 3

Chapter 1: Introduction.............................................................................................................. 4

Chapter 2: World Englishes and English in Japan ................................................................ 6

2.1: Concept of World Englishes .............................................................................................. 6

2.2: English Proficiency in Japan .............................................................................................. 8

Chapter 3: Historical Background .......................................................................................... 11

3.1: Japan’s Contact with the English Language (1600s to 1950s) ......................................... 11

3.2: Conflicting Ideologies in the Modern Era ........................................................................ 13

Chapter 4: English Language Education in Japan .............................................................. 16

4.1: University Entrance Exams .............................................................................................. 16

4.2: JET Program ..................................................................................................................... 17

4.3: Action Plan ....................................................................................................................... 19

4.4: English Education Reform Plan Corresponding to Globalization.................................... 22

Chapter 5: Japanese Students’ Language Attitudes toward English ................................... 28

5.1: High School Students ....................................................................................................... 28

5.2: University Students .......................................................................................................... 30

Chapter 6: Language Attitudes of Japanese toward English and the Implications ............ 34

6.1: The Language Attitude toward English ........................................................................... 34

6.2: Effects on English Acquisition ......................................................................................... 36

Chapter 7: Conclusion and Suggestion ................................................................................... 38

Works Cited ............................................................................................................................... 39

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List of Figures

Figure 1: Kachru’s World Englishes model ..................................... 1

Figure 2: Japan’s English Proficiency Index Ranking From Nippon.com. ............. 1

Figure 3: TOEFL iBT Total and Section Score Means ............................. 1

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Chapter 1: Introduction

Japan holds the status as the third-largest economy in the world, the fourth-most

competitive country in travel and tourism, and one of the most technologically advanced

countries in the world. (BBC Monitoring; The World Economic Forum; Proto Thema).

On the other hand, the Japanese are often regarded as one of the worst English speakers

in all of Asia. Many Japanese people struggle to hold basic conversations in English

despite years of English language education in school. In this paper, I will investigate

what the current collective language attitude of the Japanese toward English is to

explain their lack of English communication skills. During this investigative process, I

will also examine why this attitude has limited their acquisition of English.

The definition of an attitude that I will be adopting in this paper is the following by

Colin Baker: “a hypothetical construct used to explain the direction and persistence of

human behaviour” (qtd. in Matsuda, 29). Therefore, a language attitude is the union of

ideas, opinions, and stereotypes about different languages, or varieties of a language,

that have been developed, which support the behavior of the individual or people.

Language attitude is learned at a young age through various agents like educators, peers,

family, and media (Dragojevic, Marko). Studies of these language attitudes not only

reveal the hidden prejudice towards the speakers of a certain language or variety, but

they also identify how people of one language group view the personal characters and

social statuses of the people in another group. Although attitudes are personal beliefs,

there tends to be a pattern throughout a community that manifolds into a collective

representation of an attitude toward a language (Sil International).

My goal of this paper is to determine the collective representation of the language

attitude of the Japanese toward English and explore how that has become a restrictive

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factor in their ability to learn English. I will begin by explaining how the role of the

English language has changed with the spread of globalization and how Japan is

immensely behind with their English skills compared to other non-English speaking

countries. Then, by examining Japan’s history of contact with the English language, I

will establish the foundation of how the language attitude toward English has shifted

throughout the years. Next, I will investigate the English education in Japan to further

understand how the language attitude has been constructed in schools and how

policymakers have manifested their view of English into language policies.

Subsequently, I will analyze the common attitude amongst Japanese students toward

English by drawing from different case studies of Japanese high school and university

students. Ultimately, I will combine the underlying attitudes of the policymakers who

established the English education system and the attitudes of the students who engaged

with the curriculum to state the overall collective language attitude, finally explaining

how this language attitude prevents the acquisition of English from happening to the full

extent. To conclude, I will suggest a shift to a different perspective of English as an

alternative language attitude that could potentially improve language acquisition for the

Japanese people.

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Chapter 2: World Englishes and English in Japan

The rapid trend of globalization has led to an unprecedented worldwide spread of

English, particularly after the United States gained dominant status and economic power

post World War II. English has grown to be spoken internationally, increasingly as a

common language for communication between speakers of different native languages,

commonly referred to as lingua franca (McKenzie, 2). This spread of English has had a

great impact on sociolinguistic situations in various countries around the world, and

English language education has been gaining more and more attention as we foresee a

new generation of borderless communicators.

2.1 Concept of World Englishes

As English begins to employ different statuses and roles in different countries, many

have called the representation and classification of English into question. Although

several attempts have been made, Kachru has provided the most influential and

comprehensive model for the global spread of English.

Kachru’s World Englishes model classifies the English-speaking world into three

categories representing different functions, acquisitions, and spread of the English

language: inner circle, outer circle, and expanding circle (Figure 1). According to

Kachru, the inner circle consists of countries where English is spoken as the native

language for the majority or most of the population and is used in all domains. This

category includes the US, UK, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand. The English

varieties spoken in this category are often deemed as correct or “norm-providing,”

setting the norm that is propagated through language education and planning in other

non-native countries. On the other hand, the outer circle group consists of former

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colonies, like Singapore, Ghana, India, Nigeria, etc. where English is spoken as the

second language in multilingual settings. The English varieties used in these countries

are “norm-developing,” although it is difficult to determine whether it is viable to say

these varieties are creating their own norms or looking to the inner circle. Finally, the

expanding circle consists of countries where English is becoming an important language

in terms of business, science, technology, and education, and is mostly only used for

international communication. With the recent trend in globalization in the twenty-first

century, all nations not included in the inner or outer circle would be categorized into

the expanding circle. The English spoken in these countries is regarded as exonormative

or “norm-dependent,” in that policymakers as well as the speakers look to the models of

the inner circle (mainly the US or UK) for linguistic norms and the notion of correctness

(Kilickaya, Ferit; McKenzie, 3).

As seen in Figure.1, Japan is categorized in the expanding circle, and English holds

no official status in the country. Like many other nations in the expanding circle,

English is taught as a mandatory subject in school and is extensively taught throughout

the Japanese education system but is rarely used outside of the classroom. However,

Figure 1: Kachru’s World Englishes model

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despite years of English language education, many Japanese continue to struggle to be

able to communicate in the language. In the next section, I will present some collected

data that illustrates the clear lack of English language proficiency in Japanese people.

2.2 English Proficiency in Japan

In EF Education First’s annual ranking of English proficiency in 100 non-English

speaking countries and regions, Japan has shown a steady fall in its position throughout

the years (Figure 2). Japan has gone from ranking 14th

out of 100 in 2011 to its worst

yet rank of 53rd

in 2019, placing itself in the ‘low proficiency’ category for four

consecutive years in a row (EF Education First, 7). EF Education First’s report from

2019 indicates that “with an aging workforce and limited tolerance for immigration,

countries like Japan… need to encourage those already working to upskill. [I]f these

experienced employees are to remain productive in a rapidly changing workplace, their

longer careers need to be supported by expanded adult education provision, including

English training” (26). Although companies often require their employees to have a

certain score from an English proficiency test, the country does not seem to be in synch

with the changing environment. Similarly, schools work to improve the base proficiency

of English, but fail to keep up with other non-English speaking countries.

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Another English language proficiency data released by TOEFL iBT, Test and Score

Data Summary for TOEFL iBT® Tests, also demonstrates Japan’s poor English abilities.

Figure 3 shows the average scores of the Asian countries from 2018; a minimum of 30

test scores are required in order to be included within the chart. The first column is the

reading score, the second is listening, the third is speaking, the fourth is writing, and the

fifth is the total score. Japan’s average total score was 71 out of 120, placing itself in the

bottom 27% in the overall ranking. Out of the 29 Asian countries that had obtained a

mean score, Japan had the worst speaking score and one of the lowest total scores,

before the Lao People's Democratic Republic and Tajikistan (TOEFL, “Test Scores

2018”). In these TOEFL iBT tests, Japan has found itself in near-bottom positions for

over a decade since the test was developed in 2005. In the very first report from 2005,

Japan’s total score was 65, placing the country at the very bottom for the speaking

section as well as the overall score out of the Asian countries (TOEFL, “Test Scores

2005”). It is evident from these scores that Japan has not made much progress with their

English language levels in the past 13 years.

Figure 2: Japan’s English Proficiency Index Ranking from Nippon.com (“Japan's English Proficiency”).

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The low English proficiency level in Japanese people has been highly criticized,

particularly because of the timely and costly effort Japan has been putting into English

education. Despite the several English language education policy changes that the

country has launched in hopes to improve their abilities, the consistent low score

performances reflect the harsh truth of their inefficiency. To explain this situation, I will

be looking at the language attitudes of the Japanese toward English as a major factor

that limits their acquisition of English. To begin with, I will investigate how history has

played a role in constructing the current language attitudes.

Figure 3: TOEFL iBT Total and Section Score Means

(TOEFL, “Test and Score Data Summary for TOEFL iBT® Tests 2018”)

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Chapter 3: Historical Background

Japan has experienced a plethora of mixed responses to foreign influences, from

extreme isolation to hospitable openness, in the past 400 years. The Japanese attitude

toward the English language has been largely developed through Japan’s history of

contact with the language and the feelings they have brought forth. I will be

highlighting two antithetical notions that continuously appear in Japanese history:

admiration and fasciation for foreign things, and the fear of accepting foreign

influences.

3.1 Japan’s Contact with the English Language (1600s to 1950s)

Japan shows its early sign of refusal to have any contact with external influences

when it adopted the foreign isolationist policy known as sakoku in 1639. This policy

placed the country in quarantine from the rest of the world for over 200 years by

expelling foreigners and prohibiting foreign language studies and books. This prolonged

isolationist period ended with the arrival of the American navy under the charge of

Commodore Matthew C. Perry in 1853 when Japan signed the Kanagawa Treaty to lift

the borders for international trade.

Then came the era of openness and reform. The Meiji period, starting in 1868,

welcomed Western cultures, goods, and ideas to the country, bringing forth an influx of

English-speaking foreigners and a widespread study of English in private language

schools. Following this appeal toward foreign influences, Japan adopted English as an

integral part of the national language curriculum in 1871, making it a compulsory

subject for all students in secondary school. Universities also integrated English into

their entrance exams to test grammar and translation abilities (Hagerman, 49). As we

12

will see later in the chapter, this system has gone through very little changes up to the

present day.

From around the 1880s, a strong nationalistic sentiment became prevalent as a

backlash against the fascination towards Western things. This nationalistic sentiment

kept growing in the early twentieth century, as many people urged for a call to make

English an elective subject in school (McKenzie, 8). Despite these arguments, the

Japanese government continued showing interest in English teachings. In 1992, Japan

invited an English linguist, Harold E. Palmer to investigate the problems in English

education in Japan. Palmer criticized the grammar-translation method typically used in

secondary schools and conducted a research that proved the oral-aural method to be far

more effective in English acquisition than the former. Oddly enough, after Palmer spent

over a decade on this research, the Ministry of Education made no changes to the

existing curriculum nor did they publicize Palmer’s findings (Hagerman, 51). Reesor

sums this up as, “a reflection of the ambivalence felt by the Japanese towards foreign

languages that was plain 100 years earlier when the Bafuku (aka sakoku) sought

non-literate translators,” (Reesor, 44) pointing out the underlying rejection felt toward

accepting foreign influences in. This anti-Western attitude reached a peak during World

War II, when English learning was actively discouraged and middle school study of

English was reduced to mere 4 hours per week for boys and ceased completely for girls

(McKenzie, 8).

Once Japan surrendered to the US in 1945, it remained under US occupation for 7

years. During the occupation, the Japanese nationalistic mentality changed to a more

open-minded outlook which welcomed foreign influences and the chance of reform.

English was set back as a compulsory subject in secondary school. Private English

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conversation lessons (eikaiwa) became popular amongst a wide range of learners,

including housewives, students, and businessmen (McKenzie, 8). It appeared that Japan

had finally broken down its wall to embrace the foreign language. Yet, the conflicting

ideologies carried on to the modern era.

3.2 Conflicting Ideologies in the Modern Era

In the ’60s and ’70s, a popular genre of texts under the discourse of nihonjinron, the

theories of being Japanese, began to emerge. This literature attempts to analyze and

explain the Japanese identity and culture in comparison with those of European and

American (McKenzie, 17). Often nihonjinron has an ethnocentric essentialist ideology,

hinting the superiority of the Western, mostly European and American, cultures

(Matsuda, 174). Particularly, the Japanese language plays a great role in emphasizing

the uniqueness of the individual and national Japanese identity. Carroll writes, “the

nihonjinron theories of Japanese uniqueness exclude foreigners by definition,

particularly via the argument that no one who has not been born to parents of Japanese

blood, grown up in Japanese society, and speaking Japanese from childhood, can ever

really understand the language or how it works in that society” (qtd. in McKenzie, 17).

The English language also acts as a factor that enables these perceptions to exist through

the comparison of the two languages. Nihonjinron was ironically highlighted through a

new wave of internationalization or kokusaika.

Kokusaika began to be widely promoted by the government and businesses in

the ’80s. This was said to be due to the pressure from other countries to open Japan’s

markets, reflecting Japan’s urgent need to come out of cultural isolation to be

competitive with other countries (McKenzie, 18). The importance of the acquisition of

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English, as the international language, was emphasized, leading to several English

language education reforms by the Ministry of Education in Japan. However, the

primary objective of ‘becoming international’ was to educate the idea that Japan is an

integral part of the global community by developing self-awareness and realization of

being Japanese and, therefore enhance the national economic interest (Seargeant, 54).

Kokusaika was a way to promote nihonjinron through the realization of their “ethnic

identity.” Moreover, kokusaika was intended for cultural exchange with the West,

predominantly the United States, further denoting the promotion of nihonjinron

(McKenzie, 18). Several English language education reforms and changes were put in

motion, but all resulted in disappointing outcomes that winded up ineffective. I will

further explain the reforms and the effects in the following chapter.

Japan’s historical background demonstrates a tension between conflicting ideologies

of desire and rejection. Reesor describes this attitude with the analogy of a bear and a

honeycomb. He writes, “the bear (Japan) has a sweet tooth and desires the honey (the

knowledge and goods) that the bees (a foreign country) may produce. However, the bear

is also wary of the painful sting that the bees may inflict (the threat of colonialism and

foreign philosophy)” (Reesor, 42). The country has shown the desire to bring forth

change by welcoming external guidance, integrating the English language into the

national curriculum, and encouraging its citizens to participate in international settings.

Nonetheless, the resistance that once isolated the island for over 200 years still prevails

through the fear of colonialism and the nationalistic perception that Japan is different

from any other country. The current Japanese attitude towards English has been affected

by the different perspectives that the country has had, which rendered the attitudes of

15

the policymakers who create the English education in schools. School curriculums,

created by the government, have constructed, and continue to construct the attitudes of

the Japanese students. In the following chapter, I will explain some of the key points of

the education of the English language in the Japanese school system.

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Chapter 4: English Language Education in Japan

As mentioned in the previous chapter, the English language was set as a compulsory

subject in school in 1871, then reduced or ceased for secondary school students during

WWII, and finally returned as a compulsory subject in secondary and high school

post-war. Besides the few hiccups that temporarily discontinued the teachings during

the war, English has been taught in Japan for a total of about 150 years. It is important

to note that since the kokusaika measures, English language education has been

especially stressed in schools. In this chapter, I will explain the different measures that

have been taken by Japan in order to improve the English language abilities of its

students, and how each measure has shown the same theme of the contradictory

push-and-pull ideologies.

4.1 University Entrance Exams

The first and foremost step that changed the fate of English language education in

Japan was the adoption of English as a subject in the university entrance exams. Since

its adoption in the Meiji Era, this system has been upheld with very little changes to the

present day (Hagerman, 49). This examination is one of the biggest concerns for many

high school students. Since English is a mandatory subject of examination for all fields

of studies, all students hoping to advance to higher education will have to take the

English test. Students go through rigorous studies and training to prepare for these

exams. Most of them feel a tremendous weight on their shoulders to do well in these

exams, and teachers feel intense pressure from the parents to provide the necessary tools

for the students to succeed. This specific factor about the education system in Japan has

significantly affected how the students view and learn the English language.

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English is taught in schools as well as cram schools, where students often go for

university entrance exam training. The English taught for the purpose of preparing for

the university exams has a specific Japanese term, juken eigo, implying that it is a

different type of English than what Kobayashi refers to as ‘real English’ (qtd. in

McKenzie, 11). The focus of juken eigo is on reading, writing, translation, and grammar,

with the listening section added in 2006 (Hagerman, 57). It emphasizes the importance

of the ‘correctness’ of the language through grammar-translation methods. Although this

exam does push the students to study English, it creates a perception of English as a set

of arbitrary rules that are meant to be memorized to measure knowledge rather than a

linguistic communication tool (Law, 217).

4.2 JET Program

The Japan Exchange and Teaching Program (JET Program) was established in 1987,

amid the kokusaika crusade, by the Ministry of Education. The purpose of the JET

Program is stated as the following: “Aiming primarily to promote grass-roots

internationalisation at the local level, the JET Programme invites young college

graduates from around the world to participate in internationalisation initiatives and be

involved in foreign language education at Japan’s local government offices, Boards of

Education, elementary schools, junior high schools, and senior high schools” (JET

Program, “Welcome”). The idea of kokusaika in this program is still very prevalent

through the recruitment of young overseas university graduates for the purpose of

promoting internationalization.

About 90% of the participants will be employed as an Assistant Language Teacher

(ALT), who are mainly placed in local public schools throughout the country to assist

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the English language classes taught by Japanese teachers (JET Program, “JET

Positions”). For the 2019-2020 school year, the JET Program invited 5,234 overseas

university graduates as ALTs. The top five countries that the program recruited these

participants from are the US with 2,958, Canada with 531, the UK with 528, Australia

with 321, and New Zealand with 236, accounting for over 87% of the entire ALT

members (JET Program, “Participating Countries”). These five countries are all from

the inner circle, as seen earlier in the paper, where English is spoken as the native

language by the majority. There are teachers from several outer circle countries, such as

the Philippines, South Africa, Jamaica, and Trinidad and Tobago, although intakes are

much smaller than those of the inner circle (JET Program, “Participating Countries”).

An interesting term, “native speaker fallacy” coined by Robert Philipson in 1992

explains this uneven number of intakes in the JET Program. Skutnabb-Kangas states

that the “native speaker fallacy” is the ‘scientifically false’ belief that the ideal teacher

of English is a native speaker (qtd. in Hagerman, 53). This belief is evident in the JET

Program, as it demonstrates the clear preference of the speakers of inner circle varieties

of English, particularly those of the American variety, by the Japanese policymakers.

Once again, nihonjinron is promoted in this form of internationalization through the

Japanese favor of the American language over other varieties.

In fact, there is a question in the Q&A section of the JET Program website that

further proves this point. The question asks whether a person from a

non-English-speaking country who majored in English and has experience as an English

teacher can apply for the ALT position. The answer states: “Depending on your situation,

you may be eligible to participate as an ALT. Please contact the Embassy or Consulate

General of Japan in your country of citizenship for further information” (JET Program,

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“Question”). In other words, even if a person has extensive knowledge in English and

has experience teaching the English, if one is not from an English-speaking country,

there needs to be a further discussion for them to be considered a candidate for the

position.

Since the purpose of the JET Program to this day is to ‘promote internationalism,’

and not necessarily to improve linguistic abilities, there are no requirements for the

ALTs to have any education in English linguistics, knowledge of English as Second

Language (ESL), or experience with teaching. Instead, they required to have nationality

from an English-speaking country, as the Q&A in the previous paragraph pointed out.

The desire by the Japanese government to generate a more communicative method of

teaching in the classroom can be seen through their active involvement of foreign ALTs,

but there is an unmatching resistance to seeking qualified teachers or providing training

to inexperienced teachers. Furthermore, the strong preference of the native speakers of

English creates an expectation in students that the “norm” of speaking English is

achieved by looking to the inner circle accents.

4.3 Action Plan

In 2002, The Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science, and Technology

(MEXT) developed a strategic plan to cultivate “Japanese With English Abilities,” and

in 2003 released an English language education reform plan called Regarding the

Establishment of an Action Plan to Cultivate “Japanese with English Abilities” (herein

referred to as the Action Plan) as a response to the deteriorating economy and the

continuously low Japanese TOEFL scores (Hagerman, 55). The Action Plan was the

first English language education policy at the national level, a five-year plan to improve

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the English language education in all local schools. The Action Plan aimed for Japanese

junior and high school students to be able to carry out daily conversations in English by

the time of graduation, and university students to be able to have working proficiency in

English regarding their field of study. It states that “it is important, while focusing on

speaking and listening communication abilities in the initial learning stages, to acquire

comprehensive communication abilities in ‘listening,’ ‘speaking,’ ‘reading,’ and

‘writing,’ from the perspective of ‘English as a means for communication,’ in order to

foster ‘Japanese with English Abilities.’ Through instruction, basic and practical

communication abilities will be acquired so that the entire public can conduct daily

conversation and exchange information in English” (MEXT, “Action Plan”). To achieve

a more student-centered and communication-oriented system of teaching, the Action

Plan laid out seven actions:

1. Improvement of English classes

2. Improvement of the teaching abilities of English teachers

3. Improvement of the motivation for learning English

4. Improvement in the evaluation system for selecting school and university applicants

5. Support for English conversation activities in elementary schools

6. Improvement of Japanese language abilities

7. Promotion of practical research.

Since MEXT is responsible for providing the national curriculum, approved

textbooks, detailed lesson plans for teachers, and creating the university entrance exams,

most of these stated policy goals were up to MEXT to make these ambitious changes

happen (Hagerman, 56). Although the determination of improving English education

can be seen through the seven actions, there were no specific and effective steps

21

presented to achieve the goals. In 2006, the listening component was added to the

university exams, in hopes to modify the cycle of its grammar-oriented style of teaching

in high schools. However, because listening still does not entail communication

amongst the students and the grammar-translation sections continued to be heavily

weighted, MEXT ended up creating an even more demanding examination instead of

removing the stress of juken eigo on the students (Hagerman, 56). Thus, the

examination remained one of the main limitations to achieving the Action Plan goals.

The document also talks about the utilization of ALTs from the JET Program, as it

states that “a native speaker of English provides a valuable opportunity for students to

learn living English and familiarize themselves with foreign languages and cultures. To

have one’s English understood by a native speaker, increases the students’ joy and

motivation for English learning” (MEXT, “Action Plan”). This statement expresses that

the English spoken by a native speaker is the “living English” and that getting

understood by a native speaker validates one’s English abilities, confirming the

government’s belief that English belongs to those who speak the language as their

native tongue. The Action Plan also assured that there will be intensive in-service

training offered to Japanese English teachers by the prefectural Boards of Education,

however, Fukunaga points out that “the training has been limited to two weeks in total

during the summer break” (30).

MEXT introduced the plan with the following statement: “For children living in the

21st century, it is essential for them to acquire communication abilities in English as a

common international language. In addition, English abilities are important in terms of

linking our country with the rest of the world, obtaining the world’s understanding and

trust, enhancing our international presence and further developing our nation” (MEXT,

22

“Action Plan”). The purpose of kokusaika and the hidden nihonjinron ideas are yet

again seen in this statement. MEXT indicates that English is important for creating a

connection and a trustworthy relationship with other nations while obtaining an

international presence that will further enrich the country. There is an underlying drive

that employs English learning as a method to guide the nation to economic success; a

motive that contradicts its account of the importance of English as a lingua franca.

4.4 English Education Reform Plan Corresponding to Globalization

After changes in the Course of Study (gakushū shidō rouryō) from the Action Plan

and another proposal that attempted to raise the standard for Japanese English teachers

in Japan, MEXT enacted a new English language education reform called The English

Education Reform Plan Corresponding to Globalization in 2013. Timed with the 2020

Tokyo Olympics and Paralympics, the reform plan began in 2014 and was set to be fully

in motion by the 2020 school year (MEXT, “Globalization”).1 The panel of experts on

English language education announced that Japan “should aim to have one of the best

English abilities in Asia”2 and that “there are problem areas in the teachings of

communication skills that need improvement”3 (MEXT, “Globalization [in Japanese]”).

The document from the reform plan stated that “[i]n order to promote the establishment

of an educational environment which corresponds to globalization… MEXT is working

to enhance English education substantially throughout elementary to lower/secondary

school upon strengthening English education in elementary school in addition to further

1 *Due to the COVID-19 pandemic, schools are currently under different time schedules (as of July

5th, 2020). The 2020 Tokyo Olympics and Paralympics were postponed to 2021. 2 Translated from “アジアの中でトップクラスの英語力を目指すべき” by the author 3 Translated from “コミュニケーション能力の育成について 更なる改善を要する課題も多い” by the

author

23

advancing English education in lower/upper secondary school” (MEXT,

“Globalization”). It specified that English activities are to be offered once or twice a

week for grades 3 and 4, and English language classes to be taught three times a week

for grades 5 and 6. Junior high school classes will focus on nurturing the ability to carry

out simple exchanges by conducting the English classes in English, and high school

classes will aim for the students to achieve high-level linguistic abilities, such as

presentations, debates, and negotiations in English. The plan also included the

“Necessary Frameworks for New English Education (vigorous promotion from

FY2014),” where teacher training, utilization of English language proficiency tests, and

promotion of ALTs were mentioned (MEXT, “Globalization”).

Unlike the Action Plan, this new reform plan put a focus on English teaching in

primary and secondary schools. MEXT directed to put a stop to elementary school

teachers making a jump start on junior high and high school English by starting the

English language teaching with spelling or writing (Torikai, Kumiko). The purpose of

the “English activities” in earlier years is to familiarize the students with English sounds

and styles in order to form the foundation for communication abilities, such as

‘listening,’ ‘speaking,’ ‘reading,’ and ‘writing,’ and foster a positive attitude towards

English by not enforcing the grammar-translation method of teaching. Communication

is heavily stressed throughout the entire document for all levels of education. The

university entrance exams (as well as private high school entrance exams) are under

serious consideration to shift to something that measures the four aspects of skills

equally. This consideration as well as the detailed goals for communicative abilities in

each stage of the students' education demonstrate the desire by the government to finally

change the series of a toxic washback effect that affects the English classes in earlier

24

years of education.

However, a very notable section titled, “Fulfillment of an Education on the Identity

as a Japanese”4 concluded the document, presenting the irony of promoting the

Japanese identity through English language education. MEXT explained in Japanese

that “[a]s globalization progresses, we will create an education model that fosters the

Japanese identity in order to develop the children’s awareness as a Japanese living in a

world community, and reflect the results in the revision of the next COS5” (MEXT,

“Globalization [in Japanese]”). It also mentions that it will focus on Japanese history,

traditional culture, and the study of kokugo (Japanese language) to nurture the students’

sense of being uniquely Japanese as they learn the English language. Fukunaga points

out that the document “juxtaposes English, globalization, and Japaneseness or Japanese

identity as if they were mirrored reflections,” which reflects the fear, that the Japanese

authorities feel, of losing the Japaneseness that exclusively define the country’s people

(26). Moreover, in the comment section of a Facebook post by MEXT in 2013 about the

notice of this new plan, several comments pointing out this exact concern can be found.

Some of the comments read the following:

「グローバルを進めるためには日本人であることを極めることです。英語は

喋れるけれど日本の固有の文化も知らない日本人は国際社会では国際人とは

いえません。まずは国語と算数を完璧に徹底した基礎教育。江戸時代にはす

でに手習い場（庶民教育）ができていた日本です」(Nishie, Kaoruko)

“(To proceed with becoming) global is to master being Japanese. A Japanese person

4 Translated from “日本人としてのアイデンティティに関する教育の充実について” by the author

5 Translated from “グローバル化が進む中、国際社会に生きる日本人としての自覚を育むため、日本人

としてのアイデンティティを育成するための教育の在り方について検討し、その成果を次期学習指導要領

改訂に反映させる” by author

25

who speaks English but doesn’t know about Japan’s unique cultures can’t be

considered an international person in this international community. Basic education

of kokugo and math needs to be perfected before anything else. Afterall, Japan is a

country that already had a place to learn (education for the common folks) in the Edo

period.”

「植民地根性じゃないか。まずは日本語だろう。日本語で論理正しく考えら

れなければダメだよ…英語だけできて結局アメリカしか知らないで終わる気

がする」(Takakura, Yusuke Iosif).

“This is colonialism. First, you must learn Japanese. You need to be able to think

logically in Japanese… I feel like the children are going to end up only being able to

speak English and only knowing about America.”

「グローバル化に対応した英語教育ってどういうことでしょう。

a) 英語で議論ができるレベル

b) 旅行に困らないレベル

a) だとしたら、まず母語で議論できるように取り組むのが先だと思います。

b) 旅行を楽しむ程度でいいとするなら、そんな必死こいて英語教育する必要

があるのか疑問です」(Takagi, Mamiko).

“What does an English education corresponding to globalization mean?

a) The level where you can discuss in English

b) The level at which you can travel abroad without trouble

26

a) If this is the case, then the first thing that needs to be worked on is the students’

abilities to discuss in Japanese

b) If the level where you can enjoy traveling is enough, then I doubt that there is a

need to work on English education so frantically.”

These comments reveal that, for many of the older Japanese generations, learning to

speak English is directly correlated with losing the Japanese identity. The first comment

blatantly states that globalization for a Japanese means mastering being Japanese; a very

contradictory statement on its own. In the second comment, the commenter states that

learning to speak English is colonialism and that he fears this will result in the students

only learning about the US. The third comment expresses that the goal for this

education reform is unclear and that if the plan is aiming for a high level of English

proficiency, the Japanese language needs to be worked on first. Interestingly, other

similar comments expressed the same fear of Japanese linguistic levels subsiding with

this language reform plan that highlights the improvement in English communication

skills. To many, English education in Japan seems to be the penetration of American

imperialism.

As addressed throughout this chapter, English education in Japan has demonstrated

an intense conflict between the desire to learn communicative English and the fear of

English interfering with the Japanese identity. Since the university entrance examination

puts enormous weight on high school students’ shoulders, the idea of ‘English as a set of

rules’ permeated throughout the country for decades on end. Through the introduction of

the JET Program, as well as the reform plans to endorse English communication rather

27

than English grammar, the Japanese government sought to shift this perception.

However, the principal motives of national economic success, as well as the concern for

foreign influences taking away the country’s uniqueness have hindered the success of

most, if not all, the actions taken. The comments from MEXT’s Facebook post also

suggest that not only do the policymakers feel threatened by the English language,

many Japanese nationals feel the same apprehension. In the next chapter, I will explain

how the students feel about English and how their attitude has been affected by the

events mentioned.

28

Chapter 5: Japanese Students’ Language Attitudes toward English

As seen through Japanese history as well as the policy changes in English

education, the desire and resistance ideologies have prevailed in Japan for hundreds of

years. Students’ attitudes are constructed through what and how they are taught in

schools. Contents and curriculums in schools are created according to the attitudes of

policymakers, who have a specific view of what English means to the Japanese people

in terms of nationalistic goals. I will now look at some studies of the language attitude

of Japanese students towards English, in high school students and university students.

5.1 High School Students

A case study was conducted by Aya Matsuda on the attitudes of Japanese high

school students toward English. This study demonstrated a few noteworthy points that

revealed the overwhelmingly positive attitude towards English. The majority of the

students acknowledged English as an international language, with 87% of them

believing that “a good command of English is important in understanding foreigners

and their cultures” (Matsuda, 100). Many of the students stated that English is the

symbol of internationalization and that it is important to learn it for the opportunities it

may bring forth for them, hence necessary for educational and professional

advancement (98).

“Kakkoii” (cool, fashionable) was the word used most often to describe English by

the high school students (106). The general image or impression of English was positive,

without basing it on any specific uses or advantages of the language. Students seemed to

admire the Western culture, mostly North American and European, which they directly

correlated with English-speakers. Matsuda states that the US was the most frequently

29

mentioned country when the students were asked about foreign countries, and that

“freedom was what they associated with and admired about the US culture” (114).

Most of the students perceived the American and British English as the standard

varieties of English, and often showed preferences toward them, although they were

mostly unable to identify the differences between the two (121). There is a lack of

awareness, thus of interest, toward any other varieties of English. According to

Matsuda’s survey, 90% of the students felt respect for their friends who can speak

English, and 80% of them said they envy their classmates who can pronounce English

in American or British accents (137). Furthermore, 45% of the students believed that the

Japanese variety of English is unintelligible (152). Unlike the positive attitudes toward

the general and native use of the language, English spoken by a Japanese, in a

non-native accent, was perceived as an incorrect version of English. Many students

seem to have accepted and have learned to live with it, but negative attitudes such as it

being “uncool” or incomprehensible were highlighted (153).

Even though students mentioned that English facilitates international

communication, none of them found themselves in a situation where they were required

to speak the language outside of the classroom (130). The presence of English in Japan,

for them, was mainly found in symbolic functions such as media and advertisements, or

signs and documents for non-Japanese speakers. Since these uses of English are meant

to communicate information to non-Japanese English-speakers, students are completely

detached from speaking English themselves. Students did not see this presence of

English as a threat to their Japanese identity (143), possibly because they have little

association with English outside of school. Numerous students expressed that they wish

to become proficient in English but felt unenthusiastic about the language because of

30

the requirements of the study of grammar and translation in preparation for the

university entrance examinations. 78% of the students disagreed with the statement

“English is not necessary in order to enter a good university” (103). Juken eigo

continues to bound the students to non-interactive forms of the language and set the

standard as an obligatory matter for educational advancement.

5.2 University Students

The two studies of Japanese university students’ attitude towards English I will be

examining are: “Japanese attitudes toward English accents” by Reiko Chiba, Hiroko

Matsuura, and Asako Yamamoto, and “Japanese university students’ attitudes towards

their English and the possibility of ELF awareness” by Tomokazu Ishikawa. These

studies revealed the natures of some of the attitudes mentioned in Matsuda’s study of

high school students.

In Chiba, Matsuura, and Yamamoto’s study, they analyzed the attitudes of Japanese

university students toward different varieties of English by asking the students to listen

to a taped recording of several speakers of English with different accents and giving a

questionnaire about each of the speakers. As seen with high school students in

Matsuda’s work, students responded more positively with native varieties of English

(USA and UK in this case) than the rest (Japan, Sri Lanka, Malaysia, Hong Kong in this

case). According to Chiba et al, familiarity with the inner circle varieties of English lead

to a favorable view of the native accents of English (Chiba et al, 79). Many of the

students could successfully identify the native speakers of English, although they

seemed to have difficulty distinguishing between American and British. They were

surprisingly unfamiliar with Japanese accents, and only half could guess who the

31

Japanese speakers were. For the other non-native varieties of English, students were

able to point out the fact that they were one of the non-native accents, but not the

specific nationalities.

Familiarity, and thus the positive attitudes, with American and British varieties of

English stem from the fact that taped materials used for English language instructions in

schools are usually in either of these varieties (80). Japanese students, as well as

teachers, view these accents as the ideal model forms of English. Particularly with the

stress on the utilization of JET Program ALTs, students may not have many

opportunities to hear their Japanese teachers speak English in class. Moreover, like the

high school students’ unfavorable attitudes toward Japanese pronunciations of English,

‘Japanese English’ had a negative connotation amongst university students as well,

which resulted in a rather negative attitude toward this variety even with some degree of

familiarity (84). Without knowledge of and appreciation for other non-native varieties,

Japanese students felt that the Japanese variety of English was flawed. Other recent

studies such as one by McKenzie also suggest the same preference of the native

varieties of English by Japanese university students, verifying that this attitude is still

relevant in Japan.

In Ishikawa’s study, several surveys and interviews were conducted with a group of

Japanese university students to find out their language attitude toward the English used

in Japan. Ishikawa’s findings showed that many Japanese university students perceive

their own English communication abilities as poor and feel a strong fear of using

“incorrect” English when speaking. Regarding the first point, 89 out of 95 questionnaire

respondents and all 18 interviewees stated that Japanese people, including themselves,

had weak oral communication skills in English (Ishikawa, 124). Words like “awkward”

32

and “inadequate” were used to describe English spoken by a Japanese, and no student

held a clear positive attitude toward Japanese-influenced English grammar,

pronunciation, and phrases. The apparent adherence to the North American English was

seen, as it was in Chiba et al and Matsuda’s studies, and this predominance was

supported by classroom materials, including university level modules, as well as

eikaiwa schools exhibiting a “geographically oriented linguistic bias” (139). Because

the exemplary English is presented as the ones from the inner circle, particularly the

North American variety, students saw their own English as deviant from the correct

form.

The students’ fear of using “incorrect” English derives directly from the previous

point. Ishikawa writes that the Japanese English education is “likely to concentrate on

disseminating the knowledge of ENL (English as a Native Language) norms and set

aside how to meet communicative needs outside the classroom, where students would

most often use English in a multilingual setting in the future” (256). In fact, students

indicated that they are obsessed with the notion of “correctness”, which they said has

been imprinted in their minds since an early age, and even felt weird when they had to

use English as the classroom language without the presence of a non-Japanese speaker.

Even though students seemed to understand that focusing on norms with these tests and

exams would not facilitate communication, they could not help but obsess with the

“correctness” when forming a sentence. The fixation to the native varieties of English in

educations in schools reinforces the connection of the English language with the inner

circle, forsaking the students from realizing any other way of viewing English.

After high school students go through the drilling of juken eigo, which marginalizes

oral communication and imposes the obsession with grammar from the US variety,

33

many university students must study for the ‘TOEIC Listening and Reading’ tests for

job-hunting purposes. Kubota writes that companies regard this test “as a convenient

tool to measure the level of effort” (qtd. in Ishikawa, 240), indicating that the ability to

communicate in English is not what they are looking for. English is treated as a subject

for measurement within Japanese society and a tool to reinforce Japanese societal goals,

rather than an international medium of communication.

Japanese students’ attitude toward English reflects the strong adherence to the

American culture and language, which many regarded as “cool” and “fashionable.”

They believed that the North American variety of the language is the benchmark for the

“correct” form and held the most positive attitude toward the inner circle accents of

English. The passion and desire to be able to be proficient in English exist, but through

the English education they have received, they feel compelled to be fixated with the

grammatical “correctness” and to aim for the American variety of English when

speaking, because the Japanese-influenced pronunciations and lexis are considered

“wrong.” Also, they recognize that English is an important language for international

communication, but they believe their main purpose to learn it is for educational and

economic advancements within Japan. The English language does not incorporate them

into the global world, but rather further cements them into Japanese society. In the next

chapter, I will put all the analyzed elements together and state the general collective

attitude of the Japanese toward English. Thus, I will construe how this language attitude

limits the Japanese from acquiring English abilities.

34

Chapter 6: Language Attitudes of Japanese toward English and the Implications

By examining the English education in Japan as well as the opinions of the

students in Japan, we have seen that Japanese people generally hold similar opinions

about the English language. Policymakers in Japan have continuously admitted the

appeal of the English language through their policy reforms yet shown their support for

the nihonjinron ideologies by defining the Japanese as ‘different’ to the West through

the resistance of the full incorporation of English as the lingua franca. Meanwhile, many

Japanese students held a positive attitude toward the English language, although many

felt discomfort with their own English pronunciations and communication abilities. In

this brief chapter, I will state the collective Japanese attitude toward English and the

associating belief about English, as well as how this has potentially led to the

considerably poor English language abilities of the Japanese.

6.1 The Language Attitude toward English

The general collective language attitude of the Japanese toward English can be

expressed as theoretically positive but practically and personally negative. In theoretical

considerations, English not only creates a way to link the country with speakers of

different native languages but also generates national economic success. However, in

practice, English is perceived as a foreign (more precisely American) language that is

breaching the Japanese culture. Moreover, in a personal sense, English is seen as a

language that needs to be spoken in a certain accent to be considered “correct.”

The underlying association with this mixed attitude is that English is seen as the

native language of the inner circle. The language is perceived solely as a foreign

language owned and spoken by the people in countries that use English as their native

35

languages, such as the US, UK, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand. Just as Japan has

felt a sense of opposition against foreign influences throughout its history, the country is

still reluctant to accept English into the country as a means of international

communication, even though they actively promote achieving English proficiency.

University entrance exams, as well as other English proficiency tests in Japan,

accentuate the grammar-translation style of learning, which presents English as a set of

complex rules rather than a language that they could learn to interact in. Juken eigo does

not convey English as an applicable asset to their lives outside of school, even though

students understand that English is used as a lingua franca. On the other hand, the JET

Program introduces a more communicative approach to the education, but it highlights

the inner variety standard of English and creates an image of English as a language that

has a particular “correct” variety that needs to be spoken in. The government casts it

particularly as the American language, as the statistic of the significantly high

recruitment of Americans proves. Other reform plans, again, suggest a communicative

way of teaching the language, but because of the belief that English is the language of

the inner circle, many seemed to have developed a negative attitude that being able to

communicate in English will come at a cost of the Japanese youth being stripped away

from their Japaneseness. Hence the reform plans also stated extremely nationalistic

goals to endorse the patriotic identity.

The students’ reactions to English were overall positive, largely because they

associated the language with what they believed was the “cool” and “free” culture of the

US. However, the same belief of English as the native language of the inner circle

creates a negative attitude toward their own accents or pronunciations of English

because it deviates from the norm. Since Japanese-influenced English lexis, phrases,

36

pronunciation, and grammar are considered “wrong,” many of the students feel hesitant

to speak the language from the fear of using the “incorrect” form. Japanese students did

not see English as a threat to their Japanese cultural identity, however, most students

had never gotten opportunities to use the language with non-Japanese speakers outside

of classroom settings, hence English simply became a school and/or examination

subject for many.

6.2 Effects on English Acquisition

Circulating back to the low English proficiency of the Japanese, the collective

language attitude toward English has tremendously limited the students’ ability to learn

the language. Other than the apparent lack of speaking practice and the exceedingly

tedious obsession with grammar in schools, the attitude creates another layer of

disincentive that discourages the students as well as adults from being able to pick up

the language. Because the education of English in Japan is based on the attitude that

English is the language of those who speak it natively, it creates a false belief that the

only correct forms of English are the inner variety ones. The Japanese feel as though

they must sound like the inner circle speakers to be considered proficient in the

language, which creates an unrealistic expectation and a very high standard, particularly

with little to no speaking practice in schools. The students do not believe they can reach

that level, presumably resulting in less motivation for acquisition. The education system

builds no relationship between the students and the language, and students especially

find it difficult to connect with the language when the intensive juken eigo drilling

begins. Additionally , English is still seen as an important feature for adults, as

many companies require a certain score of English proficiency tests from their

37

applicants. However, communicative skills are not required, and English training is not

provided in most companies, which shows that being able to speak English is less of a

priority than achieving good scores in grammar and translation-oriented English

proficiency tests.

In the concluding chapter of this paper, I will present a summary of the findings and

discuss how the shift in the perception of English can improve the language attitude and

improve parts of the English language abilities that the Japanese have struggled with

throughout the years.

38

Chapter 7: Conclusion and Suggestion

Throughout this paper, I have examined what the Japanese attitude toward English

is by analyzing the history, English education in Japan, and language attitudes of the

Japanese students. The shortcomings of the Japanese abilities to speak English can be

explained, to some degree, by the language attitude that has been developed by the

collective Japanese public. The language attitude is a complex mixture of positive and

negative, where it is perceived positively as a theoretical notion, but negatively in

practice and personal use as it is only identified as a foreign language of the inner circle.

To help make the language attitude a more positive response and improve the

acquisition of English, I suggest a shift in the perception from English as the native

language of the inner circle to English as the lingua franca to communicate with those

with different native languages. Even though students knew English is used as the

international language, they were unaware that English has many varieties, including

those of the outer circle. Becoming aware of the concept of World Englishes can help

the Japanese become familiar with other varieties of English and ultimately lead to the

acceptance of Japanese “variety” of English accents, Japanese-made English lexicons,

and phrases. Through this different perspective, the Japanese will feel less threatened by

English as an outside force and have an open mind toward it as a communication tool.

They will also feel willing to learn and speak the language without fixating on imitating

the inner circle varieties. By shifting the perspective to perceive English as a lingua

franca, Japan will be able to achieve its goals to have a strong international presence and

economic success, by being able to communicate, and also be able to keep their

traditional Japanese identity, since it will solely be an instrument to speak with any

non-Japanese speaker.

39

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