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1 AARON ATTENTION ENCYCLOPEDIA OF RELIGION SECOND EDITION LINDSAY JONES EDITOR IN CHIEF MACMILLAN REFERENCEUSA An imprint of Thomson Gale, a part of The Thomson Corporation THOMSON

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1AARON

ATTENTION

ENCYCLOPEDIA OF

RELIGIONSECOND EDITION

LINDSAY JONESEDITOR IN CHIEF

MACMILLAN REFERENCEUSAAn imprint of Thomson Gale, a part of The Thomson Corporation

THOMSON

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© 2005 Thomson Gale, a part of TheThomson Corporation.

Thomson, Star Logo and Macmillan ReferenceUSA are trademarks and Gale is a registeredtrademark used herein under license.

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THOIVISON•GALE

Encyclopedia of Religion. Second EditionLindsay Jones, Editor in Chief

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LIBRARY OF CONGRESS CATALOGING-IN-PUBLICATION DATA

Encyclopedia of religion I lindsay Jones, editor in chief.- 2nd ed.p. cm.

Includes bibliographical references and index.ISBN0-02-865733-0 (SETHARDCOVER: AlK. PAPER)-ISBN0-02-865734-9 (V. 1) - ISBN0-02-865735-7 (v. 2)-ISBN0-02-865736-5 (v. 3) - ISBN0-02-865737-3 (v. 4) -ISBN0-02-865738-1 (v. 5) - ISBN0-02-865739-X (v. 6)-ISBN0-02-865740-3 (v. 7) - ISBN0-02-865741-1 (v. 8)-ISBN0-02-865742-X (v. 9) - ISBN0-02-865743-8 (v. 10)-ISBN 0-02-865980-5 (v. 11) -ISBN 0-02-865981-3 (v.12) -ISBN 0-02-865982-1 (v. 13) - ISBN0-02-865983-X(v. 14) - ISBN0-02-865984-8 (v. 15)1. RELIGION-ENCYCLOPEDIAS. I. JONES,LINDSAY,1954-

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460 ARCHITECTURE

take place anywhere, even within the unconscious life of thebody. The psychological term projection simply points to themode of appearance and not to the ontological status ofthe archetype, that is, the archetype does not exist as a projec-tion, but rather it appears in projection. This form of speechrecalls the metaphor of Plotinus, that the One is reflected bythe outer void. In a similar way, we can imagine the arche-type reflected (through being projected) on various planesthat support the total human experience: the outer world ofsense experience, the inner world of imagination, and the un-conscious world of the body. In other words, the gods mayappear to humans on top of a holy mountain, within a dreamduring a rite of incubation, or even as a bodily compulsion.Still, the transcendent nature of the archetype is not affected.Here, as in all religious language, we encounter the paradoxof transcendence and immanence, each capable of an inde-pendent existence requiring the existence of the other.

THE RELIGIOUS MEANING OF ARCHETYPE. The existence ofarchetypes cannot be proved, but archetypes can be subjec-tively experienced. Jung often explained that, as a psycholo-gist, he could not prove the existence of God. Nevertheless,in Face to Face, his interview with John Freeman for theBBC, he admits that he has no need of belief in God becausehe has knowledge based on experience. In Ordeal by Laby-rinth, a book of conversations with Claude-Henri Rocquet,Eliade insists on the religious content of the archetype.

If God doesn't exist, then everything is dust and ashes.If there is no absolute to give meaning and value to ourexistence, then that means existence has no meaning. Iknow there are philosophers who do think preciselythat; but for me, that would be not just pure despair butalso a kind of betrayal. Because it isn't true and I knowthat it isn't true. (Eliade, 1982, p. 67)

Even when employed in the twentieth century by a historianof religions and a psychologist, the ancient term archetype re-tained the religious significance that it had for three religiousphilosophers during the first centuries of the common era.Referring both to the sacred model and to its appearancewithin the world of phenomena, the archetype is meaninglessin any system of thought that denies the reality of a transcen-dent principle. In other words, the term suggests a view ofcreation according to which this world depends for its verynature on some reality outside itself.

SEE ALSO See also Hierophany; Iconography; Jung, C. G;Orientation; Transcendence and Immanence.

BIBLIOGRAPHYEliade, Mircea. Cosmosand History: The Myth of the Eternal Re-

turn. New York, 1954. A good introduction to the role ofarchetypes in the religions of traditional cultures.

Eliade, Mircea. Patterns in ComparativeReligion.New York, 1958.Discussion of archetypal theory throughout.

Eliade, Mircea. Ordeal by Labyrinth: Conversationswith Claude-Henri Rocquet.Chicago, 1982. The autobiographical materi-al provides a valuable framework for Eliade's theoreticalwritings.

Jacobi, [olande. Complex, Archetype, Symbol in the PsychologyofC G.Jung. Princeton, 1959. The best introduction to [ung'stheory of archetypes, this small volume provides the readerwith a guide to [ung's writings on the topic aswell as to relat-ed material in the works of other analytical psychologists.

New SourcesHenry, James P. "Religious Experience, Archetypes, and the

Neurophysiology of Emotions." Zygon 21, no. 1 (1986):47-74.

Laughlin, Charles D., and C. Jason Throop. "Imagination andReality: On the Relations between Myth, Consciousness,and the Quantum Sea." Zygon 36, no. 4 (2001): 709-736.

McCollister, B. "Religion: Intrinsic to the Human Psyche?" Hu-manist 50, no. 1 (1990): 39.

BEVERLY MOON (1987)Revised Bibliography

ARCHITECTURE. [This article presents a thematicoverview of religious architecture. Monuments associated withprehistoric religious practices are discussed in Megalithic Reli-gion; Paleolithic Religion; and Prehistoric Religions.]

Architecture may be defined as the art of building, andconsequently religious architecture refers to those buildingsplanned to serve religious purposes. These structures can beeither very simple or highly complex. They can take the formof a circle of upright stones (megaliths) defining a sacredspace or they may spread over acres like the sanctuary at Ang-kor War. They can be of any and every material from themounds of earth reared over royal tombs to the reinforcedconcrete and glass of twentieth-century houses of worship.

Yet the practice of religion does not of itself require anarchitectural setting. Sacrifice can be offered to the gods inthe open air on a hilltop; the adherents of Islam can performtheir daily prayers in a railroad car or even in the street; theChristian Eucharist can be celebrated in a hospital ward.Nevertheless all the major world religions have buildings es-pecially planned for their use, and these constitute an impor-tant source of knowledge about these faiths. They can revealwhat is believed about the nature of the gods; they can pro-vide insight into the character of the communities for whichthey were designed and the cultus celebrated therein.

To comprehend and appreciate the significance of thesebuildings it is necessary to classify them, but their variety isso great that one single method would be incomplete. Henceseveral typologies have to be devised if the subject matter isto be covered adequately; indeed it is possible to identify atleast four. In the first place, the vocabulary applied to reli-gious buildings can be taken as the basis for the formulationof a typology. This, however, is by no means exhaustive, andso it is essential to move on to a second typology derivedfrom the character or nature ascribed to each building, whichmay differ depending upon whether it is regarded as a divinedwelling, a center of reference, a monument, or a meetinghouse. A third typology may be presented by analyzing the

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functions for which each building provides, including theservice of the gods, religious teaching, the manifestation ofreverence and devotion, congregational worship, and sym-bolization. A fourth typology is architectural rather than reli-gious but needs to be noted: this is based upon the categoriesof path and place. Other factors that should be borne inmind for a complete picture relate to the different materialsused, the effect of climate, culture and its expression in dif-ferent styles, and also the influence of patronage.

CLASSIFICATIONACCORDINGTO TERMS USED. The termsused to refer to religious buildings provide a preliminary in-dication of both their variety and their significance.

Terms that designate a structure as a shelter. Thesemay be further differentiated according to the class of beingor thing associated with them.

For gods. The Hebrew beit Elohim is to be translated"house of God," while heikhal, a loanword from Sumerianthrough Babylonian (ekallu), is used for a very special houseor palace. In Greek there is naos, from naio, "to dwell in,"and kuriakos ("of the Lord") lies at the origin of both kirkand church. In Latin there is aedes sacra, a "sacred edifice,"as well as domus dei, a "god's home." Tabernacle (Lat., tab-ernaculum from taberna, a "hut") has a similar domiciliaryconnotation. Hinduism has prdsdda, or platform of a god,and devalaya, a residence of a god, while the Japanese wordfor shrine is literally "honorable house."

For objects. In English the primary term is shrine, de-rived from scrinium, which means a case that contains sacredthings. More specifically there is chapel from capella("cloak"), referring to the garment of Saint Martin that wasvenerated in a small building; there is cathedral, which showsthat the particular church is where the bishop's cathedra, orthrone, is located. Pagoda, which is a deformation of the Sin-hala dagoba, is a tower containing relics. Agyari, a place offire, is the designation of a Parsi temple in which the sacredflame is kept alight. The Temple of the Sleeping Buddha inPeking characterizes the form of the statue within.

For humans. The Latin domus ecclesiae points to theChristian community as the occupant of a building. Beit ha-keneset in Hebrew and sunagoge in Greek (from sunago, "togather together"), with synagogue, as the English translitera-tion, denote a place of assembly. The term used by Quakers,meeting house, has the same implication.

Terms that indicate the character of a structure. InGreek there is to hagion, the place of dread, from azomai, "tostand in awe of," and to hieron, the "holy place." In Latinadytum is a transliteration of the Greek aduton, "not to beentered," because it is the holy abode of a diviniry. Templumis a space cut off; it comes from tempus, meaning a "division"or "section," which in turn derives from the Greek temenos,referring to an area set apart for a particular purpose such asthe service of a god. Temple in English has the same etymolo-gy, while sanctuary (sanctus) emphasizes the holiness of thebuilding.

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ARCHITECTURE 461

Terms that affirm an association with a person orevents. To speak of Saint Paul's Cathedral in London is todeclare a link with the apostle. The Suleyrnaniye Mosquecomplex in Istanbul commemorates its patron, Sultan Suley-man the Magnificent. The Roman Pantheon, which is Latin-ized Greek (pantheion), was dedicated to "all the gods." TheAnastasis in Jerusalem commemorates the resurrection (an-astasis) of Jesus. Basilica denotes a public building with royal(basileus) links. The generic term is marturion (Lat., martyri-um), from martureo, "to be a witness." Such an edifice is amonument or memorial; the two terms are synonymous-the one from moneo, "to remind," and the other from memor,"to remember." It therefore preserves or promotes the mem-ory of a person or event; the English Cathedral of Saint Al-bans, for example, commemorates a martyred saint, and theChurch of the Nativity in Bethlehem recalls the birth ofChrist.

Terms descriptive of the activity for which a buildingis used. The Hebrew deuir, which denotes the holy of holiesin the Jerusalem Temple, may suggest an oracle, from a verbmeaning to "speak" in which case it is similar to the Latinfimum, from fori, "to speak," especially of oracles. Proseuke(Gr.) and oratorium (Lat.), in English oratory, or place ofprayer, all point to a particular form of religious devotion.Baptistery (Gr., baptizo, "to dip") specifies ceremonial action,and mosque (Arab., masjid, "place of prostration" [beforeGod]), the place of an action.

Terms indicative of the shape of the edifice. These re-late mainly to funerary architecture: tholos, a "dome" or"vault," signifies a round tomb; tomb itself comes from tumu-Ius, a sepulchral mound; pyramid suggests a geometric formand is at the same time the designation of a pharaoh's restingplace; mastabah is the Arabic for a bench that describes theshape of a tomb; stupa, from the Sanskrit stupa (Pali, thupa),signifies a reliquary "mound" or tower; ziggurat, from theBabylonian ziqqurratu, meaning "mountain peak" or "pin-nacle," is descriptive of the superimposed terraces that makeup this structure.

TYPOLOGYACCORDINGTO CHARACTER.Granting the un-avoidable overlap, four main types may be specified.

Divine dwelling. Taking pride of place, because themajority of terms in use emphasize this particular category,is the structure that is regarded as a divine habitation. Sincethe chief occupant enjoys divine status, the model is believedto have been provided from above. Gudea, ruler of Lagashin the third millennium BCE,was shown the plans of his tem-ple by the goddess herself. The shrine of Amaterasu, the Jap-anese sun goddess, was built according to the directions pro-vided by an oracle. Various passages in the Hebrew scriptures(Old Testament) indicate that the Tabernacle and the Tem-ple were considered to have transcendent exemplars. Yah-veh's instructions to Moses were to this effect: "Let themmake me a sanctuary, that I may dwell in their midst. Ac-cording to all that I show you concerning the pattern of thetabernacle, and of all its furniture, so you shall make it. . . .

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And see that you make them after the pattern for them,which is being shown you on the mountain" (Ex. 25:8f.,25:40). Similarly, when David gave the plans of the Templeof Solomon, it is reported: "All this he made clear by thewriting from the hand of the Lord concerning it, all the workto be done according to the plan" (I Chr. 28: 19). In the Wis-dom of Solomon, the king is represented as saying that whathe has built is "a copy of the holy tabernacle which you didprepare aforehand from the beginning" (9:8). The author ofthe Letter to the Hebrews reproduces the same idea when hedescribes the Temple and its furniture as "a copy and shadowof the heavenly sanctuary" and as "copies of the heavenlythings" (Heb. 8:5, 9:23).

The work of the divine architects is frequently held toinclude not only god-houses but entire cities. Sennacheribreceived the design of Nineveh drawn in a heavenly script.The New Jerusalem, in the prophet Ezekiel's vision, is de-scribed in the greatest detail, with precise dimensions includ-ed. The Indian holy city of Banaras is thought to have beennot only planned but actually built by Siva.

Similar ideas are present in Christian thought from thefourth century onward. When large churches came to bebuilt, as distinct from the previous small house-churches, re-course was had to the Old Testament for precedent, sincethe New Testament provided no guidance. Thus the basilicacame to be regarded as an imitation of the Jerusalem Temple:the atrium corresponded to the forecourt, the nave to theholy place (heikhal), and the area round the altar to the holyof holies (devir). By the thirteenth century it was normal toconsider a Gothic cathedral as an image of the heavenly Jeru-salem, a reflection of heaven on earth.

Divine presence. The presence of the god may be repre-sented in a number of ways, most frequently by statues as,for example, in Egyptian, Greek, and Hindu temples, andalternatively by a bas-relief, as at the Temple of Baal in Pal-myra. The building is then appropriately called a shrine. TheHebrews, forbidden to have graven images of deity, whichwere dismissed as idols, took the ark as the center of theirdevotion and this eventually was regarded as a throne uponwhich Yahveh sat invisible. Again, mosaics or paintings canbe employed, notably in the apses of early Christian basilicasor on the iconostases of Eastern Orthodox churches. But incertain religions, the entire structure is regarded as a revela-tion of the deity. Greek sanctuaries were so conceived, andto this day Hindu temples are not only places but objects ofreverence, evoking the divine.

Precisely because this type of building is regarded as themundane dwelling of a deity, constructed according to atranscendental blueprint, it is also understood as a meetingplace of gods and humans. So the ziggurat of Larsa, in lowerBabylonia, was called "the house of the bond between heavenand earth." This link may be physically represented by a sa-cred object. The Ka'bah in Mecca, the holiest shrine ofIslam, is the symbol of the intersection between the verticalaxis of the spirit and the horizontal plane of human existence:

a hollow cube of stone, it is the axis mundi ofIslamic cosmol-ogy. In other religions wooden poles or stone pillars fulfillthe same function; such were the asherim of the Canaanitesreported in the Old Testament. The finial of a Buddhiststupa is conceived to be the top of a pillar passing throughthe whole structure and providing the point of contact be-tween earth and heaven.

The divine is also associated with mountains that rearup into the sky; Olympus in ancient Greece was one suchplace, and in the myths of the Maasai, Mount Kilimanjaroon the border of Kenya and Tanzania is dubbed the "houseof god." This symbolism can be applied to the religiousbuilding itself. Each Egyptian temple was believed to repre-sent the primordial hillock, while the Babylonian zigguratswere artificial high places. Hindu temples, such as the oneat Ellora, are sometimes called Kailasa, which is the name ofSiva's sacred mountain. Their superstructure is known as the"crest" (fikhara) of a hill, and the contours and tiered ar-rangement of the whole building derive from a desire to sug-gest the visual effect of a mountain.

Sacred and profane. As noted above, while a religiousbuilding can be called a house, it is not any kind of house:there is something special about it, and hence words denot-ing "great house" or "palace" are used. But its particular dis-tinction derives from the nature of the being who inhabitsit and who invests it with something of his or her own char-acter. In most religions the divine is a being apart; his or herhabitation must consequently be a building apart, and so itis regarded as a holy place in sharp opposition to profanespace.

To speak of the sacred and the profane in this way isto refer to two antithetical entities. The one is potent, fullof power, while the other is powerless. They cannot thereforeapproach one another without losing their proper nature: ei-ther the sacred will consume the profane or the profane willcontaminate and enfeeble the sacred. The sacred is thereforedangerous. It both attracts and repels human beings-it at-tracts them because it is the source of power, and it repelsthem because to encounter it is to be in peril. The sacred is"the wholly other"; it is a reality of an entirely different orderfrom "natural realities." Contacts can only be intermittentand must be strictly regulated by rites, which can have eithera positive or a negative character. Among the former are ritesof consecration whereby someone or something is intro-duced into the realm of the holy. The negative takes the formof prohibitions, raising barriers between the two. These ritesallow a certain coming and going between the two spheressince they provide the conditions within which intercourseis possible. But any attempt, outside the prescribed limits,to unite sacred and profane brings confusion and disaster.

Underlying all this dualism is the concept of two worlds:a sacred world and a secular world. Two realms of being areenvisaged, and this opposition finds its visible expression inholy places. The sacred space, defined by the religious build-ing or precinct, is first of all a means of ensuring the isolation

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and so the preservation of both the sacred and the profane.The wall that keeps the one out also serves to keep the otherin; it is the demarcation line (temenos, tempus, templum) be-tween the two worlds. But within the sacred enclosure, theprofane world is transcended and hence the existence of theholy place makes it possible for humans to pass from oneworld to another. The door or gate is then an object of greatimportance, for it is the means of moving from profane tosacred space. The name Babylon itself literally means "gateof the gods," and Jacob at Bethel declared: "This is the gateof heaven." In the same realm of ideas is to be found the royaldoors that provide access through the iconostasis to the altarof the Eastern Orthodox church and the "Gates of Paradise,"which is the name given by Michelangelo to Lorenzo Ghi-berti's sculpted doors at the Florence Baptistery.

The precise location of these holy places is ultimatelydetermined by their association with divine beings. TheNabataean high place at Petra is legitimized by being on amountain top that, as seen above, has religious connotations.Equally holy were caves, linked in the religious consciousnesswith the womb, rebirth, the darkness of Hades, initiationrites, and so forth: many a Hindu holy place enshrines a cav-ern in a cliff. A theophany too constitutes a holy place. Davidknew where to build the Temple in Jerusalem because of amanifestation at the threshing floor of Araunah (Oman) theJebusite. Under the Roman Empire, augurs were consulted,sacrifices offered, and the divine will thereby discovered. Theshrine at Monte Sant'Angeio in the Gargano (c. 1076) wasbuilt because it was believed that the archangel Michael hadvisited the place. Similarly the sixteenth-century Church ofOur Lady of Guadalupe, near Mexico City, marks the spotwhere the Virgin Mary presented herself to a peasant. Ritesof consecration can act as substitutes if there is a lack of anydefinite command from above; by their means a space is de-clared set apart, and the god is besought to take up residencewith confidence that the prayer will be answered.

Center of reference. Both individuals and communitiesrequire some center of reference for their lives so that amidthe vagaries of a changing world there is a pivot that may pro-vide an anchor in the ultimate. Religious buildings can anddo constitute such centers to such an extent that the idea ofa middle point has been taken quite literally. Every Egyptiantemple was considered to be located where creation beganand was therefore the navel of the earth. In Jewish thoughtthe selfsame term has been applied to Jerusalem, and the siteof the Temple is held to be the place of the original act ofcreation. In Greek religion it was the shrine of Apollo at Del-phi that was declared to be the earth's midpoint. Accordingto Hinduism, Meru is the axial mountain at the center of theuniverse, and the name Meru is also used in Bali for the su-perstructure of a temple. The main shrine of the T enrikyosect of Shinto at Tenrishi marks the cradle of the human raceand encloses a sacred column indicating the center of theworld.

Within the same ambit of ideas is the view that a reli-gious building may be related to cosmic forces and therefore

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assist in geomancy. Hence, for example, the monumentalstructures at T eotihuacan in Mexico are arranged within avast precinct in such a way as to observe the relations of theearth to the sun. The orientation of Christian churches sothat their sanctuary is at the east end is another way of affirm-ing this cosmic link, while the concern of Hindu architectsfor the proportions and measurements of their designs restsupon the conviction that the universe as a whole has a mathe-matical basis that must be embodied in every temple.

In Hinduism too the temple plan functions as amandala=« sacred geometrical diagram of the essentialstructure of the cosmos. This interpretation of religiousbuildings is widespread in time and space. The "big house"of the Delaware Indians of North America stands for theworld: its floor is the earth, the four walls are the four quar-ters, and the vault is the sky. An identical understanding ofChristian churches is to be found as early as the seventh cen-tury and is typical of Eastern Orthodox thought; the roof ofSaint Sophia in Edessa was compared to the heavens, its mo-saic to the firmament, and its arches to the four corners ofthe earth. Medieval cathedrals in the West, such as the oneat Chartres, were similarly regarded as models of the cosmosand as providing foretastes of the heavenly Jerusalem.

Monument or memorial. The essentials of a sacredplace are location and spatial demarcation rather than build-ings, but when there are edifices, they too serve to locate andspatially demarcate. Their importance is to be found not somuch in the specific area as in the events that occurred thereand that they bring to remembrance. In other words the loca-tions are mainly associated with notable happenings in thelife of a religious founder or with the exploits of gods andgoddesses, and they stand as memorials (remembrancers) ormonuments (reminders). One of the units in the complexerected by Emperor Constantine in fourth-century Jerusalemwas known as the Martyrium, the testimony to or evidenceand proof of the reality of Christ's death and resurrection,which were believed to have occurred at that very site. Alsoin Jerusalem is the Muslim Dome of the Rock, which en-shrines the spot whence the prophet Muhammad is believedto have ascended to heaven, a site already associated in Jewishtradition with Solomon's Temple, the tomb of Adam, andthe sacrifice of Isaac. At Bodh Gaya in the state of Bihar,India, the Mahabodhi Temple is situated in front of thebodhi tree under which Gautama attained enlightenment. AtSarnath, near Banaras, a stupa commemorates the Buddha'sfirst sermon delivered in the Deer Park to five ascetics.

Not only founders but also individual followers may behonored in this way. Numerous stupas are monuments toBuddhist sages, and many a martyrium in the days of theearly church was set up on the very spot where a martyr (mar-tus, "witness") had testified to his faith with his blood. Thebuildings also serve as shrines to protect their remains andcan therefore be classified as tombs. Indeed every tomb thatassumes a monumental character is a reminder of the dead,whether in the form of separate memorials to individuals, as

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found in the Pere-Lachaise cemetery in Paris, or of a singleedifice to a person representative of many, such as the tombof the unknown warrior beneath the Arc de Triomphe in thesame ciry.

Many religious buildings that function as memorials en-close space: the pyramids of Giza have within them the burialchambers of pharaohs; the Cenotaph in London, on theother hand, a monument to the dead of rwo world wars shel-ters nothing. It corresponds to the second of the four funda-mental modes of monumental architecture. First, there is theprecinct, which shows the limits of the memorial area andfinally develops through a rypological series to the stadium.Second is the cairn, which makes the site visible from afarand indicates its importance, the ultimate development ofthis type is the pyramid. Third is the path that signals a direc-tion and can take the sophisticated form of a colonnadedstreet, thus dignifying the approach to the main shrine.Fourth, there is the hut that acts as a sacred shelter, with thecathedral as one of its most developed types.

Meetinghouse. A religious building that is regarded asa divine dwelling, or domus dei, is a meeting place of heavenand earth, but when it is understood as a meetinghouse, itis more correctly styled a domus ecclesiaebecause it is a build-ing where the people of god assemble. Solomon had been ledto question the validity of the temple type when he asked"Will God indeed dwell upon earth?" (J Kgs. 8:27). Howev-er, it was not until the birth of Christianity that a full-scaleattack was directly launched upon rhe whole idea of an earth-ly divine domicile; in the words of Stephen, "The Most Highdoes not dwell in houses made with hands" (Acts 7:48). Inthe light of the later development of Christian thought it isdifficult to appreciate how revolutionary this new attitudewas.

The early believers committed themselves to an cnflc-shed god, to one who was no longer apart or afar off but haddrawn near; at his sacrificial death the Temple veil had splitin rwo so that the Holy of Holies was no longer fenced off.The living community now became the temple of the divinepresence. A new concept of the holy was minted: there canno longer be anything common or profane for- Christians(pro, "in front of," or outside thefonum) since they constitutethe naos of the Holy Spirit (J Cor. 3:16). The dining roomof a private house is a suitable venue for the assembly; theproud boast is that "we have no temples and no altars"(Minucius Felix, c. 200). AIl this was to change drasticallyin the fourth century when Christianity became the officialreligion of the Roman Empire and took over the public func-tions of the pagan cults. It was not until the Protestant Refor-mation that the New Testament understanding was given afresh lease of life when divines such as John Calvin objectedto the idea of special holy places. Such a view is not peculiarto Christianity; Judaism has its synagogues for meeting to-gether, and Islam has its mosques, which are equally congre-gational. If a building as a divine dwelling is at one end ofa spectrum, then the meetinghouse is at the other extreme.

TYPOLOGY ACCORDING TO FUNCTION. The different typesof building just delineated provide for the fulfillment of cer-tain purposes in that they accommodate religious activities;it is consequently both possible and necessary to specify asecond typology according to function, which stems frombut also complements the previous typology according tocharacter.

Service of the deities. At home, resident within theirtemples, the gods require their devotees to perform certainservices for them. Perhaps the most striking illustration ofneed is provided by the toilet ceremonies of ancient Egypt.Each morning the cult image was asperged, censed, anointed,vested, and crowned. At the present day very similar ceremo-nies are conducted in Hindu temples, where the images arecooled with water in hot weather, anointed, clad in beautifulclothes, and garlanded. During the day it used to be the cus-tom to divert them with the performances of the deuaddsis,or temple dancers. At night they are accompanied by a pro-cession to their beds. Food may be provided, from the simplegift of grain in an African village to the hecatombs of Classi-cal Greece. Another normal form of worship is sacrifice,ranging from human victims to a dove or pigeon, from thefirst fruits of the harvest to shewbread.

Positive and negative fonctions. The motives for suchservices can be diverse; sometimes they are prompted by theconcern to provide sustenance, while at other times they areto establish communion, to propitiate, to seek favors. Func-tions now become reciprocal: the service of the gods is ex-pected to obtain a response from the gods, in that they nowserve human needs. Two examples, for many, will suffice toillustrate this.

Since the temple is a divine dwelling, to enter its pre-cincts is to come into the presence of the god and so be underhis or her protection. As a sacred place, the building is invio-lable, and no one can be removed from it by force; to do sowould be sacrilege, since a person who is inside the area ofholiness has been invested with some of the sacredness inher-ent in it and thus cannot be touched as long as he or she doesnot emerge. This is the rationale of sanctuary as it was prac-ticed in the classical world. The most famous case was thatof Dernosthenes who in 322 BeE sought sanctuary in theTemple of Poseidon on the island of Calauria. When, inthe post-Constantine era, church buildings were included inthe same class as pagan temples, as specially holy places, itwas natural rhat the idea of sanctuary should also be connect-ed to them. The right of fugitives to remain under the pro-tection of their god became legally recognized and in westernEurope continued to be so for centuries; indeed, in Englandit was not until 1723 that all rights of sanctuary were finallydeclared null.

The second example of the gods themselves fulfilling afunction on behalf of their followers is the practice of incuba-tion. This is a method of obtaining divine favors by passinga length of time in one of their houses, usually sleeping there.Its primary aspect is medical, to obtain a cure, either imrnedi-

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arely or after obeying the divine will disclosed in a vision. Inthe Temple ofPtah at Memphis therapeutic oracles were de-livered and various remedies were revealed through dreamsto those who slept there. The two principal healing gods inthe Greek and Roman pantheons were Asklepios andSarapis, and there is record of a shrine of the former at Aegaewhere those who passed the night were restored to health.The apparent success of these two gods ensured their contin-ued popularity, and their cults only fell into disuse whenchurches replaced their temples as centers of healing believedto be accomplished by Christ through his saints. Among themost successful of the Christian holy men to cure illness wereCosmas and Damian, to whom a church was dedicated inConstantinople. Running this center a close second was theChurch of Saint Menas near Alexandria; there some patientsstayed for over a year and the church itself was so completelyfilled with mattresses and couches that they had to overflowinto the sacrisry. Incubation has had a continuous historydown to the present day; in eastern Europe, for example, itcan still be witnessed.

These several functions may all be regarded as positivein character, but a corollary of viewing a religious buildingas a holy place is the requirement for negative rituals to safe-guard it by purifying those who wish to enter. Such ritualsdetermine some of the furnishing, and so, for example, theforecourts of mosques have tanks and/or fountains for ablu-tions. Holy water stoups are to be found just inside the en-trance of Roman Catholic churches; baptismal fonts wereoriginally placed either in rooms separate from the main wor-ship area or in entirely distinct buildings. The removal ofshoes before entering a Hindu temple, of hats before goinginto a Christian church-all of these testify to the seriousnessof entering a holy· place. Many religious buildings haveguardians to protect their entrances. The giant figures in theroyal complex at Bangkok, the bull Nandin in the templesof Siva, the scenes of the Last Judgment in the rympana overthe west doors into medieval cathedrals-these are but a fewexamples.

Determination of form. The interior disposition ofthose religious buildings conceived to be divine dwellings isvery much determined by the forms of the services offered.Where, for example, processions are a habitual feature of theceremonial, then corridors for circumambulation have to bedesigned, as in the complex of Horus at Idfu; this also ex-plains the labyrinthine character of many Hindu temples.When a statue is only to be seen by a special priesthood andhas to be shielded from profane gaze, an inner chamber iscreated, often entirely dark, to protect humankind from thebrilliant light of the divine presence, and this sanctuary maybe protected itself by a series of surrounding rooms or court-yards. Where there are sacrifices, altars are needed, but theseare frequently outside the shrine so that the individual wor-shiper can actually witness what the priest is doing with hisor her gift. Classical Greek temples sheltered statues of thetutelary deities, but the all-important altars were outside; on

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the Athenian Akropolis, for example, it was in front of theParthenon. Sometimes altars can themselves be architecturalin character: the Altar of Zeus of Pergamum (c. 180 BCE),

now in Berlin, has a crepidoma measuring 36.44 by 34.20meters, and the Altar ofHieron II (276-222 BCE) at Syracuseis some 200 meters long and 27 wide.

Conveyance of revelation and teaching. As a centerof reference, a religious building may accommodate activitiesthat convey meaning, guidance, and instruction in the faith.Many Babylonian temples, for example, were sources of divi-nation and even had a full complement of soothsayers, exor-cists, and astrologers. Daoist temples equally are resorted tofor divinatory purposes. The oracle was consulted at Delphi,to instance the greatest focus of this activiry in the ancientworld. The Jewish Temple in Jerusalem had cultic prophetson its staff.

Where a sacred book is central to a religion, provisionfor its reading and exposition has to be made. In synagoguesthere has to be a shrine for the Torah and a desk from whichto comment on the text. In Christian churches there are lec-terns for the Bible and pulpits for the sermon. Islam has itsstands for the Qur'an, and its minbar is the equivalent of theChristian pulpit, although the shape differs in that it is aminiature flight of stairs rising away from the congregationwhom the preacher faces down the steps. Sikh worship con-centrates on the reading of the Granth, which is accompa-nied by prayers and exposition. In these ways religious build-ings function as centers of meaning.

Manifestation of reverence and celebration of festi-vals. The religious building as memorial, it will be recalled,often contains relics of religious founders or particularlysaintly people. Reverence for these can be shown by visita-tion, sometimes to offer thanks for benefits received andsometimes to petition for help. Those who seek healing goin great numbers to the shrine of Our Lady of Lourdes tobathe in the sacred spring. In this and similar instances thedesigns of the buildings are affected by the need to accom-modate the sick for short or long stays. In the Muslim worldthe virtue of a saint is believed to be available to those whofollow him (or her) or touch some object associated withhim. If he be dead, then his tomb, which is his memorial,becomes a center of his supernatural power (barakah) and at-tracts many visitors. Pilgrimages are one of the forms thatthese visits may take. So too Hindus travel to Hardwar(North India), which displays a footprint of Visnu in stone.Jains go to Mount Abu, also in India, where the lasttirtbankara (guide), named Mahavira, spent the thirty-seventh year of his life. Buddhists go to Adam's Peak in SriLanka, where there is a footprint of Gautama; adherents ofIslam make the J;iijj to Mecca, and indeed it is one of thefive duties ofIslam. Christians have their holy places in Israeland Jordan or visit the catacombs in Rome.

Festivals are the celebrations of the births or deaths ofsaints, and they commemorate key events in the sacred histo-ry of a religion. For Jews, to celebrate Passover in Jerusalem

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466 ARCHITECTURE

is a traditional goal. For Christians, too, there is a certain fit-tingness in observing Christmas, the Feast of the Nativity,in Bethlehem itself. Religious buildings then function as cen-ters for such celebrations.

Congregational worship. It is important, if this partic-ular category is to be appreciated, to distinguish it clearly, de-spite some overlap, from the service of the deities describedabove, with which it can easily be confused. The essential dif-ference can be made plain by applying the term cult to thefirst function and reserving worship for this fourth one. Thebasic understanding of cult is evident from its erymology. Itderives from colere, which means "to till the ground" andhence to take care of, or attend to, with the aim that the ob-ject of attention should bear fruit or produce some benefit.Next it signifies "to honor" and finally "to worship." Thecultus is therefore a cultivating of the gods, a cherishing ofthem, seeing to their needs; it is the bestowal of labor uponthem and the manifestation of regard toward them. Thereis more than a hint of doing something to obtain a favor, asin the phrase "to cultivate someone's acquaintance." Cultusstems from the human side, whereas worship, as it is usedhere to describe this fourth function, is from the side of thegods. Not only are they the ones who provide the form andmatter of worship, but through it they come to encountertheir community.

Worship of this kind is characterized as congregationalto differentiate it further from cultus, which is primarily in-dividualistic. Worship then is meeting: the religious buildingis the meeting house. What takes place is not an activityaimed at or on behalf of the gods; the gods take the initiative.Hence worship is a memorial celebration of the saving deedsof the gods, and by it the people are created and renewedagain and again. So, in Christian terms, the Body of Christ(the Christian community) progressively becomes what it isby feeding upon the sacramental body of Christ. Worshipfosters community identity, and hence in the chapels ofChristian monasteries the seating frequently faces inward,thus promoting a family atmosphere.

The precise interior disposition of a building will alsodepend upon the particular understanding or form of thecommunal rite. Religions that center on a book of revelation,such as Judaism, Islam, and Sikhism, require auditoria. Prot-estantism, concentrating upon the word of God, similarlytends to arrange its congregations in rows suitable for an au-dience (audientes, a group of "hearers"). Roman Catholicism,with its greater emphasis on the Mass, stresses the visualdominance of the altar, which is now no longer outside thebuilding, as with Roman and Greek exemplars, butinside.

If the act of worship is understood to be conducted bya professional hierarchy on behalf of the community as awhole, then some separation is likely, ranging from the East-ern Orthodox iconostasis at one extreme to communion railsat others. Where there is no sharp differentiation of role, asin Islam (since the imam is simply a prayer leader and is in

no sense an ordained minister), the space is not partitioned;instead there is lateral disposition, with the worshipers shoul-der to shoulder facing toward Mecca.

SYMBOLIZATION. On whatever basis a typology of religiousbuildings may be constructed and whatever purposes theymay serve, there is one overall function that must be consid-ered: symbolization. Each building proclaims certain beliefsabout the deities to whom it is dedicated. One has only tocontrast a Gothic cathedral with a Quaker meeting house toappreciate this. The former in all its grandeur speaks of a godwho is high and lifted up, remote, awesome in majesty, fear-ful in judgment, demanding obeisance; the latter in all itssimplicity witnesses to a being who is to be known in themidst oflife, who is not separate, whose dwelling is with hu-mankind, offering fellowship. The one speaks of power andmight, the other of self-emptying and servanthood.

Sometimes the symbolism is intellectually apprehendedbefore it is given visible form, and then it needs interpreta-tion. Baptism, for example, is a sacrament of dying and risingwith Christ. A detached baptistery may be hexagonal or oc-tagonal: in the former case it refers to the sixth day of theweek, Friday, on which Jesus died and in the latter, to theeighth day, or the first day of a new week when he rose fromthe dead. The dome, surmounting many a baptistery, is alsoa habitual feature of Byzantine churches and Muslimmosques, and as the baldachin or canopy it can enshrine anyholy object or complete a memorial structure. Its popularityderives from its ideological context: it is a representation ofthe transcendental realm, an image of heaven. It is a not-inappropriate roofing for tombs, and many baptisteries tookthe shape of contemporary burial edifices precisely becauseof the meaning of the purificatory rite. Different parts of abuilding can have their own messages: towers declare heaven-ly aspirations; monumental doorways can impress with regalauthority. Sculpture, painting, mosaic can and do fulfill asymbolic function. Gargoyles ward off evil spirits; paintingsrecall events or persons in sacred history; Christ as creatormundi holds his worshipers within his downward gaze. Thehandling oflight is frequently symbolic. In a mosque it testi-fies to God as the light of heaven and earth; in Gothic archi-tecture it is a basic constituent and is regarded as a manifesta-tion of the glory of God.

ARCHITECTURAL TYPES. There is yet another typology to bereviewed that applies to all buildings whatever their function,and religious buildings are no exception. This is a dual typol-ogy that divides structures into the categories of path andplace. For a path to be identifiable, it must have (1) strongedges, (2) continuity, (3) directionaliry, (4) recognizablelandmarks, (5) a sharp terminal, and (6) end-from-end dis-tinction. For a place to be identifiable, it must be (1) concen-trated in form with pronounced borders, (2) a readily com-prehensible shape, (3) limited in size, (4) a focus forgathering, (5) capable of being experienced as an insidein contrast to a surrounding exterior, and (6) largely non-directional.

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The application of these types to religious buildings canbe briefly illustrated by contrasting a basilica and a central-ized mosque. A basilica is a path leading toward the altar;evety detail of the design confirms this. The nave, framed byaisles, has firm edges; there is continuity provided by floorpatterns and advancing rows of columns, which themselvesindicate a direction--everything points toward the holy tableframed in a triumphal arch and backed by the embracingshape of the apse. For a pilgrim people, for those who havehere no abiding city, such a royal road is obviously very ap-propriate. A centralized mosque, on the other hand such asthose designed by Sinan in Istanbul, suggests no movement,it is a place, a point of reference and gathering, it is concen-trated. Once within, there is no incentive to leave and everyenticement to stay. Embodying perfect equipoise, it pro-motes contemplation; it is indeed embracing architecture. Itsspaciousness expresses not the specificity of the Christiandoctrine of the incarnation but the omnipresence of thedivine; it manifests tawhid, which is the metaphysical doc-trine of the divine unity as the source and culmination of alldiversity.

The difference then between basilica and mosque is notstylistic; they are distinct architectural types, which in thesetwo instances correspond to each religion's self-understanding. This circumstance does not, however, pro-vide support for the nineteenth-century theory that every re-ligion develops its own supreme architectural form to bestexpress its ethos and spirit. The character of any building atany epoch is affected by many factors: technical aptitude, cli-mate, availability of materials, function, and so on. Patron-age has also played an important role. The Temple in Jerusa-lem, for example, was in origin Solomon's royal chapel, andindeed, not a few English medieval churches were on the es-tates of local lords, who regarded them as their own posses-sions. One effect of this influence was the monumentaliza-tion of many religious buildings: they were designed todisplay the power and authority not only of a heavenly beingbut of an earthly ruler. In this way many a Mughal mosquein India proclaimed the might of the ruling house. Royal,princely, and ducal boxes and galleries were inserted, and inwestern Europe the well-to-do could provide for their con-tinued well-being by constructing private chantry chapelswithin existing parish churches. Communal patronage wasnot necessarily less concerned with outward show. Civicpride and congregational piety can result in costly programs.

Yet the study of the architecture of the world religionsis not just a part of social history; it is an important elementin understanding the religious traditions themselves. Sincecult or worship is at the heart of any faith, and such an activi-ty can only be studied and appreciated fully within its ownspecial setting, it would be an abstraction to concentrateupon texts alone. Moreover, the symbolic function of archi-tectural forms is in itself an additional source of knowledgeto be taken into account.

Throughout the ages human beings have found mean-ing and succor in sacred places enshrined in their religious

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buildings. In a secularized society there still survives a needfor centers of reference, meeting places, and memorials, butthey then become associated with national figures and na-tional identity. The Kremlin wall where leaders of the Rus-sian Revolution are buried, together with Lenin's tomb, con-stitute one such place for Russian citizens. The LincolnMemorial in Washington has a spacious chamber containinga seated statue and having the words of the Gettysburg andthe Second Inaugural addresses incised on its walls; bothpresident and texts have important contributions to make toUnited States identity. The White House in Washingtonand Buckingham Palace in London are seen as the dwellingsof those who have about them a semidivine aura. The birth-places or museums containing souvenirs (relics) of film andpop stars become centers of pilgrimage. A monument toEgypt's first president, Gamal Abdel Nasser, overlooks theAswan Dam on the Nile. The former concentration campat Dachau has become a memorial of the Nazi Holocaust.At the same time temples, cathedrals, mosques, and the likecontinue to be built: sacred sites, whether overtly religiousor not, are a continuing feature of the human scene.

SEE ALso Axis Mundi; Banaras; Basilica, Cathedral, andChurch; Biblical Temple; Circle; Circumambulation; Cities;Cosmology; Jerusalem; Ka'bah: Labyrinth; Monastery:Mosque, article on Architectural Aspects; Orientation; Pil-grimage; Portals; Procession; Pyramids; Relics; Sacred Space;Shrines; Synagogue; Temple; Tombs; Towers; Worship andDevotional Life.

BIBUOGRAPHYArnheim, Rudolf. The Dynamics of Architectural Form. Berkeley,

1977-

Davies, J. G. The Secular Use of Church Buildings. London, 1968.

Davies, J. G. Temples, Churches and Mosques: A Guide to the Appre-ciation of Religious Architecture. New York, 1982.

Eliade, Mircea. The Sacred and the Profone. New York, 1959.Grabar, Andre. Martyrium: Recherches sur Ie culte des reliques et l'art

chretien antique (1946).2 vols. Reprint, London, 1972.Smith, Baldwin. The Dome: A Study in the History of Ideas (1950).

Reprint, Princeton, 1978.

Turner, Harold W. From Temple to Meeting House: The Phenome-nology and Theology of Places of Worship. The Hague, 1979.

New SourcesArnheim, Rudolf. The Split and the Structure: Twenty-eight Essays.

Berkeley, 1996.Downey, Susan B. Mesopotamian Religious Architecture: Alexander

through the Parthians. Princeton, 1988.Humphrey, Caroline, and Piers Vitebsky. Sacred Architecture.

Boston, 1997.Jones, Lindsay. The Hermeneutics of Sacred Architecture: Experi-

ence, Interpretation, Comparison. 2 vols. Cambridge, Mass.,2000.

Lawlor, Anthony. The Temple in the House: Finding the Sacred inEveryday Architecture. New York, 1994.

Pearman, Hugh. Contemporary WorldArchitecture. London, 1998.

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468 ARCTIC RELIGIONS: AN OVERVIEW

Petruccioli, Arrilio, and Khalil K. Priani. Understanding IslamicArchitecture. London, 2002.

Richer, Jean. Sacred Geography of the Ancient Greeks: AstrologicalSymbolism in Art, Architecture, and Landscape. Albany, N.Y.,1994.

Scully, Vincent J. Architecture: The Natural and the Manmade.New York, 1991.

Taylor, Mark C. Disfiguring: Art, Architecture, Religion. Chicago,1992.

Williams, Peter W. Houses of God: Region, Religion, and Architec-ture in the United States. Urbana, III., 1997.

J. G. DAVIES (1987)Revised Bibliography

ARCTIC RELIGIONSThis entry consists of the following articles:

AN OVERVIEWHISTORY OF STUDY

ARCTIC RELIGIONS: AN OVERVIEWArctic religions may be treated together, as constituting amore or less unified entity, for two reasons. First, these reli-gions are practiced by peoples situated in the polar North,who mostly live on the tundra (permanently frozen ground)and partly in the taiga (the northern coniferous forest beltthat stretches around the world); like their cultures in gener-al, the religions of these peoples reflect to no little extent theimpact of the severe natural environment. Second, the wholeArctic zone constitutes a marginal area and an archaic residueof the old hunting culture and hunting religion; whereas inthe south the waves of Neolithic agriculture and animal hus-bandry inundated the originally Paleolithic hunting culture,the latter was preserved in the high north, where no cultiva-tion of the ground was possible.

There was also a diffusion of ideas from west to east, andvice versa, within the Arctic area. This diffusion mostly tookplace in the boreal zone in the Old World, whereas in theNew World there was little contact between Arctic groupsand their Asian brethren.

Although interior change and later intrusion of worldreligions (such as Christianity and Buddhism) partly alteredthe ancient religious structures, their basic foundations andmajor features persisted until modern times in Siberia andNorth America. Only the systematic atheistic drive from1930 onward managed to overthrow the old religions in theSoviet areas.ETHNIC AND CULTURALSURVEY.The tribes and peoples ofthe Arctic culture area belong to several linguistic families.All of them, with the exceptions of some Paleosiberian peo-ples and the Inuit, are also represented in cultures south ofthe high Arctic zone. In the following survey, names of peo-ples will be given as they are authorized today by their respec-tive governments and by the peoples themselves. Their earli-

er names, used up to the 1930s or later and still popularlyused, will be mentioned in parentheses. The main sources ofsubsistence will also be noted.

1. The Uralic language family. In Scandinavia, in Fin-land, and on the Kola Peninsula, the Arctic tundra and coastand the northern interior woodland are inhabited by theSami (Lapps). Most of them are fishing people, but in themountain regions and in parts of the woodland areas rein-deer breeding is a common way of life. East of Lake Onegalive the Komi (Zyrians), who are reindeer breeders as well,and the Samoyeds. The latter are divided into two maingroups, who move extensively over the tundra with theirreindeer herds: the Nentsy (Yuraks), from the NorthernDvina River to the Ural Mountains, and the Nganasani(Tavgi), from the Ob River to Cape Chelyuskin. Along thelower parts of the Ob and Irrysh rivers live two Ugric peoples(related to the Hungarians), the Khanty (Ostiaks) and theMansi (Voguls), who practice some reindeer breeding butwho are mostly fishermen and hunters.

2. The Tunguz language family. The wide areas fromwest of the Yenisei River to the Anadyr River in the east andfrom the tundra in the north to the Sayan Mountains in thesouth are the country of the dispersed Tunguz tribes: theEvenki, west of the Lena River, and the Eveny, east of it.Their typical habitat is the taiga, where they subsist as rein-deer breeders on a limited scale.

3. The Turkic language family. The numerous Yakutson the Lena River and farther east combine reindeer breedingwith horse breeding. Their language is also spoken by theOolgans in the Taimyr Peninsula area, a group of earlierTunguz tribes.

4. The Yukagir. Now almost extinct, the Yukagir, agroup that may be related to the Finno-Ugric peoples, oncecovered a large area east of the Lena. They were hunters andfishermen until the seventeenth century, when they turnedinto reindeer-breeding nomads.

5. The Paleosiberian language family. The Chukchi,on the Chukchi Peninsula, and the Koriak and the Itelmen(Kamchadal), on the Kamchatka Peninsula, make up thePaleosiberian language family. The inland Chukchi are rein-deer breeders; the coastal Chukchi, the Koriak, and the Itel-men are ocean fishermen.

The economy of the people of the Arctic culture wasfounded on reindeer breeding, hunting, and fishing in theOld World, and only on hunting and fishing in the NewWorld. Wintertime hunting was carried out on skis in thewestern parts of the area and on snowshoes in eastern Siberiaand among the woodland Indians of Canada. Sledges (as wellas toboggans in the New World) were used for transporta-tion in the winter, and animal-skin boats and occasionallybark canoes in the summer. Animal-skin clothes and furmoccasins constituted the dress. The dwellings were mostlyconical skin tents, although more southern groups substitut-ed bark tents in the summer. Round or rectangular sernisub-

ENCYCLOPEDIA OF RELIGION. SECOND EDITION