Empire and Developmentalism

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+1mdash

Th e conceptual architecture of ldquodevelopmentrdquo is a powerful intellectual and po liti cal legacy of colonial empires of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries An overwhelming consensus that newly decolonizing societies embraced the idea of development in the postndash World War II era has resulted in scant scholarly attention to this historical phenomenon Harry Trumanrsquos 1949 presidential address which declared the obligation of the Western coun-tries toward the ldquounderdeveloped areasrdquo of the world is usually seen as the originary moment of development discourse (Escobar 1995 Esteva 1992) Historians have also noted that the British and French used the discourse of development to legitimize their colonial rule in the 1940s and that it subse-quently found offi cial endorsement in decolonizing states (Cooper and Packard 1997 7) Th e intellectual lineage of development as a state- supported discourse extends further back in time By reconstructing the conceptual foundations of the elitersquos development imagination in the state of Mysore in South India between the late nineteenth century and the end of colonial rule in the mid- twentieth century this chapter recuperates a powerful intel-lectual legacy of nineteenth- century colonialism which later attracted aca-demic prestige in the guise of modernization theory1

HISTORICAL BACKGROUNDTwo- fi ft hs of the territory of British India consisted of ldquoNativerdquo or ldquoIndianrdquo states whose rulers had formally pledged their loyalty to the colonial power in return for limited po liti cal autonomy in running their administrative

TWELVEEmpire and Developmentalism in Colonial India

chandan gowda

518-52732_ch01_1Pindd 340518-52732_ch01_1Pindd 340 3613 705 PM3613 705 PM

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Empire and Developmentalism in Colonial India 341

aff airs Th is colonial strategy of extracting po liti cal compliance along with annual fi nancial and military tributes from local rulers in exchange for semiautonomy in administering their states is better known as the strategy of indirect rule (Fisher 1991) Under the scheme of indirect rule the British warded off the threat of po liti cal rebellion from the native rulers ensured a steady revenue supply for themselves and saved on the costs of administer-ing those states directly2

Aft er fi ft y years of direct colonial rule between 1831 and 1881 the British restored a descendant of the previous ruling family as the ruler of the state and brought Mysore under indirect rule3 Mysorersquos territory was the third largest among the Native States in colonial India In 1900 its population was around fi ve million 90 percent of whom lived in agricultural villages Th e statersquos po liti cal elite consisted of the maharaja (monarch) his dewan (prime minister) and civil servants in charge of administering the eigh teen depart-ments the statersquos decision- making authority was concentrated in them

Th e state elite of Mysore initiated numerous programs of economic de-velopment within the space of institutional semiautonomy opened up by indirect colonial rule Th e po liti cal scientist James Manor notes that the monarchs and prime ministers of Mysore were ldquoheroes in the eyes of nation-alists throughout India since they provided evidence of how splendidly Indians could govern themselvesrdquo (1978 13) An analysis of the elitersquos dis-course of development in Mysore reveals its intellectual lineage Further it clarifi es the centrality of the colonial- imperial context within which ldquodevel-opmentrdquo became attractive for the state elite in Mysore

An exclusive focus on Mysore is not to suggest a Mysorean exceptional-ism or the autochthonous origin of its elitersquos discourses Th e discursive fi eld pertaining to development was not uniquely contained within Mysore in fact many of the certitudes in elite thought were part of the discursive traffi c across British India and outside According to the historian David Ludden the foundations of Indiarsquos ldquodevelopment regimerdquo were laid between the early and late nineteenth century (Ludden 1992 253ndash 261 also Ludden 2005) Th e massive knowledge accumulated by the British in the form of land sur-veys maps censuses ethnographic documentation and crop soil irrigation and mineral data formed the basis of standardized instruments of rule and the centralization of the colonial statersquos administrative functions Sugata Bose clarifi es that while the techniques for producing macroeconomic statistical knowledge were in place by the early nineteenth century the idiom of nationalist development became manifest only toward the late nineteenth century (Bose 1998 47ndash 48)4 Nationalist economic thought was


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+1mdash342 Historical Studies of Colonialism amp Empire

largely the creation of fi gures such as among others Dadabhai Naoroji M G Ranade R C Dutt and G K Gokhale who had found the economic thought of Adam Smith John Stuart Mill and David Ricardo attractive but not suited to economic conditions in colonial India (Ganguli 1977 56ndash 85) Th e intellectual infl uence of John Stuart Mill and Herbert Spencer on the dewans of Mysore has been recorded (Chandrasekhara 1981 195 Gundappa [1971] 1997 15) A few of them were personally associated with nationalist economic thinkers outside Mysore including Ranade and Gokhale (Chan-drasekhara 1971 182)5

Th e word ldquodevelopmentrdquo surfaces in the Mysore elitersquos po liti cal vocabu-lary in the late nineteenth century with reference to economic matters In 1881 Dewan Rangacharlu stated ldquoTh e development of the various indus-tries on which the prosperity of the country is dependent equally demands our considerationrdquo (AOD [1881ndash 1899] 1914 7) In 1886 Dewan Seshadri Iyer noted that the high- ranking nations of his day had ldquoconsidered heavy pro-tection duties not too high a price to pay for the fostering of new industries and have reaped their reward in the rapid development of their mineral wealthrdquo (AOD [1881ndash 1899] 1914 100) In the early twentieth century ldquodevel-opmentrdquo continued to primarily signify a concern with economic issues In 1918 Dewan Visvesvaraya who later wrote Planned Economy for India (1936) a pioneering book on planning in India observed ldquoEvery progressive nation is aiming to secure for itself better or ga ni za tion greater co- operation from its people improved methods of manufacture cheap supply of raw materials and increased enterprise in trade Th e developments we have undertaken in Mysore are in consonance with the trend of this new thought We have in a small way educated the people to the importance of economic developmentrdquo (AOD [1913ndash 1938] 1938 48)

Oft en synonymous with economic development ldquodevelopmentrdquo was a subcomponent of a more expansive concept of progress Th is becomes evi-dent in Dewan Visvesvarayarsquos declaration ldquoProgress if it is to be sustained should be many- sided but in the present state of the country economic progress with which we are concerned demands our chief attentionrdquo ([1914b] 1917 152) However as we shall see a seemingly economic concept such as development was embedded in a conceptual schema pertaining to ldquonon-economicrdquo realms6

My archive consists mainly of the po liti cal elitersquos speeches delivered at the Mysore Representative Assembly (mra) the Mysore Legislative Coun-cil (mlc) the Mysore Economic Conference (mec) state exhibitions and other institutional fora in Mysore over six de cades7 In restricting focus on


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the elitersquos discourses of development I have been guided by the method-ological strategy Kwame Anthony Appiah uses in his conceptual history of race in the United States He explains that the social practice of ldquosemantic deferencerdquo justifi ed his decision to examine Th omas Jeff ersonrsquos writings on race in order to recover the meaning of race in the United States in the late eigh teenth and nineteenth centuries (Appiah 1996 41) Many technical terms Appiah explains become pop u lar linguistic currency even when their meanings are not clearly understood by most users When asked to clarify the precise meaning of such technical terms like ldquoracerdquo in Jeff ersonrsquos time nonspecialists are likely to point to specialists for help (Appiah 1996 42) An analogous sociocultural predicament of semantic deference can be pre-sumed to obtain among nonspecialists in Mysore in relation to the dis-course of development

In addition to venues such as the mra the mlc and the exhibitions the elite frequently delivered speeches at schools and professional associations at the inaugural ceremonies of new hospitals hostels electric and water fa-cilities and other infrastructural facilities On many an occasion a speaker would cite from pre de ces sorsrsquo speeches rendering an intertextual continu-ity in the space of development discourse Collections of these speeches were published and distributed to various offi ces and libraries both inside and outside Mysore Also local newspapers frequently carried excerpts from them An examination of the elite speeches and writings on development across six de cades reveals the consistent operation of four key discourses neomercantilism utilitarianism social evolutionism and orientalism8 De-spite the frequent interarticulation among these discourses they are analyti-cally distinguishable Th is exercise in identifying the chief discursive strands is not to view them as reifi ed entities Th ese discourses oft en reinforced their self- validity while being in a dynamic relationship with historical pro cesses and acquiring new valence through new textual affi nities9

NeomercantilismHistorians have noted the key infl uence of the neomercantilist writings of Friedrich List (1789ndash 1846) on nationalist economic thought in late nine-teenth- and early twentieth- century India10 B N Ganguli the economist and historian has pointed out that ldquothe principal focus of attentionrdquo of the nineteenth- century Indian intellectuals was ldquothe anti-laisser faire doctrines of Listrdquo (1977 24) Another historian has also observed that the ldquomacroe-conomicsrdquo of this period was based less in classical economic theory than in ldquothe ideas of the German Historical School and particularly of Friedrich


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Listrdquo from whose work the economic nationalists drew ldquothe basic arguments for infant industry protectionrdquo (Datta 1978 3ndash 6) Ranade one of the most infl uential among the fi rst generation of nationalist economists in India formulated ldquoan approach to Indian development along the lines enunciated by Listrdquo (Chakravarty 1997 46)

List a key neomercantilist was the ldquofi rst universally read opponent of free trade in the 19th centuryrdquo (Heckscher 1935 325) His nation- centered theory of economic development that was to guide state policy in his native Germany which he considered to be backward in relation to Britain had found admirers even in post- Restoration Japan (Cumings 1999b 61) In Th e National System of Po liti cal Economy published in German in 1841 and in En glish in 1856 List had proposed an economic theory that presumed the economy of a nation- state as its unit of analysis in opposition to Adam Smithrsquos argument that ldquo lsquopo liti calrsquo or national economy must be replaced by lsquocosmopo liti cal or worldwide economyrsquo rdquo (List [1841] 1904 98 italics in the original) He argued that Smithrsquos advocacy of a worldwide laissez- faire would allow an already dominant economic power such as En gland to be-come the most powerful nation in the world to the detriment of countries such as France Germany and Italy (List [1841] 1904 103)11 His prescription that the states in backward countries should actively shield and foster their ldquoinfant industriesrdquo through the imposition of tariff s on imports from indus-trially advanced countries had tremendous appeal to Indian economic think-ers who urged the British to espouse a similar obligation toward industry in India (Gokhale 1962 335 Ranade 1900 9ndash 23)12 Listrsquos model of a protection-ist autarkic national economy was also presupposed in the Mysore elitersquos model of development13 An economist at the University of Mysore has re-corded the appeal of Listrsquos protectionist ideas in colonial India ldquoTh e infant- industry argument has been immortalized by Friedrich List It has gained so much popularity as to be exalted to the level of an axiomrdquo (Balakrishna 1940 240)14

List presumed colonialism as being a permanent political- economic fea-ture in the world indeed for him the possession of colonies was a sign of a developed national economy (List [1841] 1904 142 145) Although List used the example of India to demonstrate how Britain had adopted protectionist policies to safeguard its own ldquocotton and silk manufactoriesrdquo (34ndash 36) his prescription of state- directed industrial development was exclusively for the ldquocivilizedrdquo countries and not for the ldquobarbarous and half- civilised countries of Central and South America of Asia and Africardquo (153) A dubious environ-mental determinism secured Listrsquos theoretical proposition that restricted


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the option of industrial development and the right to colonize to ldquocivilizedrdquo countries15 Despite Listrsquos theoretical endorsement of Eu ro pe an colonial-ism it is ironic that Indian nationalist economists should fi nd inspiration in this ldquofalse prophetrdquo (Ganguli 1977 79) In a good illustration of a creative editorial relationship that many Indian intellectuals had with Western thinkers who built theoretical models exclusively for Western countries economists such as Ranade Gokhale and R C Dutt strategically appropri-ated those parts of Listrsquos theory that were useful for their arguments while rejecting those they found to be unacceptable16 Ranade for instance argued that Listrsquos theory of environmental determinism was a contingent not a tran-shistorical fact (Ranade 1900 24) Dutt borrowed from Listrsquos discussion of the exploitative economic policies of the British in colonial India and moved on to affi rm contra List the capacity of Indians to exercise historical agency in developing their manufacturing abilities (Dutt [1901] 1970 208ndash 209)

In addition to the basic presumption of a national economy other mer-cantilist tenets guided the Mysore elitersquos imagination of development Chief among them was a calculated economic orientation toward the population Th e early mercantilists of the seventeenth century harbored ldquoa fanatical de-sire to increase populationrdquo as that was a source of wealth- generating labor (Heckscher 1935 158)17 Although this view lost force consequent to the as-cendance of the Malthusian caution toward population increase rapid tech-nological innovations in the mid- nineteenth century which suggested an unlimited capacity to manage the needs of a growing population tempered the Malthusian demographic alarmism (Jagirdar 1963 139) Indeed an anti- Malthusian view of population was an important component of Listrsquos economic philosophy which affi rmed the power of machine technology to sustain demographic expansion (List [1841] 1905 142)

Th e Mysore elite also shared this view of population as an important con-stituent of a nationrsquos productive powers Although they did not favor a large population18 they viewed it as an economic asset that could be harnessed to increase the statersquos wealth An early instance of this view is found in Dewan Rangacharlursquos annual address to the mra in 1882 ldquoNow En gland sup-plies the greater portion of the world with cloth and other manufactures [Th is is] the result of numerous individual men devoting their intelli-gence to eff ect small discoveries and improvements from day to day in their several occupations which in their aggregate produce such marvelous wealth and general prosperity What then may not be accomplished if the large population in this country once entered on a similar career of progressrdquo (AOD [1881ndash 1889] 1914 20) In this view the local population consisted of


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potentially useful individuals whose contributions in the aggregate would result in enormous prosperity and wealth for the country Each individual is seen as a member of a national community of potential producers with a signifi cant economic role to perform in aid of the countryrsquos progress An-other illustration of this attitude is also contained in Dewan Visvesvaryarsquos address to the mec in 1915 ldquoOur town- population which is less than one- tenth of the total population is inadequate for industrial needs and should be increased to one- fi ft hrdquo ([1915a] 1917 239)

In the early de cades of the twentieth century the elite made explicit reference to Mysorersquos connectedness with a worldwide system of economic transactions Th e economic consequences of World War I and the Great Depression had been felt in Mysore too Th e elitersquos preference now was for an economy that would be as self- reliant as possible amidst vulnerability to international economic trends Although the mercantilist image of a state- protected autarkic economy was harder to sustain as an empirical possibil-ity the state elite continued to imagine the nation as a body of producers and consumers whose interests were reconciled in the functioning of a national economy (Ismail [1933] 1936 245 Visvesvaraya [1914a] 1917 205)

UtilitarianismEric Stokes has provided a detailed account of the important relation of utilitarian philosophy to the formation of British colonial policies in India (Stokes [1959] 1992) Jeremy Bentham and James Mill were key fi gures in this historical episode For them a government could achieve the key utili-tarian objective of maximizing happiness by securing the institution of pri-vate property and allowing each individual to pursue his self- interest An ideal po liti cal system ldquoreconciled liberty and security and laid on individual action no further restraint than was benefi cialrdquo whereby ldquohappiness would be lsquomaximizedrsquo rdquo (Stokes 1958 67) Whereas Mill perceived ldquothe device of representative democracyrdquo as ensuring a steady check on any possibilities of despotism in En gland he ruled it out as an option for India where oriental despotism was inherent to its po liti cal institutionsrdquo (Stokes 1958 68) Since Mill expected the utilitarian colonial government to successfully transform a backward civilization such as India colonial paternalism did not appear a violation of the utilitarian ideal of minimal government And a pedagogic relationship between the colonial state and the colonized was justifi ed on the grounds that the former better understood ldquothe lsquorealrsquo and long- term in-terestsrdquo of the latter (Iyer 1960 13) In Mysore the ruler and his bureaucrats assumed a similar paternalist relationship with the local subjects


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Th e utilitarian model of government had appeared to be po liti cally valid for the Mysore elite all through the nineteenth century In 1874 Dewan Rangacharlu had affi rmed ldquoIn this utilitarian age social institutions can only hope to stand by their capacity to meet the wants of the peoplerdquo ([1874] 1988 8) Th e rulers of Mysore in the late nineteenth and early twentieth cen-turies had been educated in the principles of utilitarian moral philosophy (Sastri 1937 17ndash 18) In keeping with classic utilitarianism which evaluated the merits of action through the conceptual yardstick of happiness they oft en declared that the objective of their government was to secure the hap-piness of their subjects In 1907 for instance the ruler declared ldquoIt shall ever be my aim and ambition in life to do all that lies in me to promote the prog-ress and the prosperity of my beautiful State and the happiness of my beloved peoplerdquo (Wadiyar [1907] 1934 44)19

In elaborating their moral philosophy utilitarians deployed the concept of utility to evaluate the desirable consequences of action with an aim to-ward undermining ldquothose defi nitions of social purpose which excluded the interests of the majority of people or in one sense of all people such as defi -nitions of value in terms of an existing order or in terms of a godrdquo (Williams 1983 327) Th is concept of utility was gradually absorbedmdash without its ethi-cal contentmdash across other domains of thought such as neoclassical eco-nomic models rational choice theory and more generally a capitalist busi-ness ethos (Biervert and Wieland 1993 93ndash 115) Although utilitarianism surfaced in the elite discourses in its original avatar as moral philosophy its instrumental version appeared more frequently An orientation toward the world solely based on considerations of utility is exemplifi ed in concepts such as waste effi ciency productivity and energy which extended analytical leverage in the elitersquos calibration of the desired means of economic development

Th e state elite used the concept of waste to identify instances of loss of economic value20 A reductionist understanding of the world as solely a re-source to be exploited this perceptual attitude united various issues under a common metric of value Peasants who worked only a part of the year illiteracy lack of awareness of ldquothe ways of the civilizedrdquo improper business ideals unconcern with onersquos healthmdash all of these were seen as so many in-stances of waste from the vantage point of an economism that presupposed these matters to be connected with fostering a national economy Th e con-cept of effi ciency is integrally linked to the defi nition of waste indeed to be effi cient is not to be wasteful Increasing agricultural and industrial produc-tivity was also a constant concern among the state elite who frequently


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asserted that increase of industrial production was the ldquomain object of the economic policy of every countryrdquo (AOD [1913ndash 1938] 1938 49) Attesting to the dominance of concepts from the natural sciences in interpreting socio-economic institutions ldquoenergyrdquo also surfaced frequently in the elite articu-lations of development21 An attribute perceived to be present in all indi-viduals it could be channeled into useful activities that is activities that aided in the development of the state

OrientalismEssentialist characterizations such as the lazy native fatalistic peasant ill eff ects of tropical climate on the characters of Indians and the inherently despotic nature of Indian rulers served to uphold the backwardness of Indi-ans and the necessity therefore of a colonial civilizing mission22 Th e Mysore state elitersquos interests in development found an anchor in such an orientalist regime of repre sen ta tion

Edward Said used the term ldquoorientalismrdquo to refer to the complex discursive apparatus that posited an essential ontological diff erence between societies of the East and the West or the analogous binary of the Orient and the Oc-cident Th is discursive apparatus he argued was produced and sustained as a result of the Westrsquos colonial and imperial dominance in the world (Said 1978)23 Th e discourse of orientalism would be more durable of course when the oriental subjects themselves acknowledged its validity and identi-fi ed themselves through it

Th e historian Ronald Inden has noted that the British utilitarians the Eu ro pe an Indologists and the Evangelicals of the nineteenth century were agreed that India had an ldquoother- worldly or spiritual orientationrdquo which meant that its civilizational essence had a religious basis (Inden 1990 85)24 Indenrsquos main observation is that the Indological objectifi cation of Hinduism as a reli-gion that privileged the ldquo lsquoimaginationrsquo and the lsquopassionsrsquo rather than lsquoreasonrsquo and the lsquowillrsquo rdquo was ultimately a post- Enlightenment exercise of defi ning Eu-rope as the home of transcendent Reason (Inden 1990 89) Indological views of Hinduism as a religion that had degenerated from the seventh century on-ward informed nineteenth- century colonial clicheacutes about the stagnant and unchanging nature of India (Inden 1990 117ndash 122) Further as Michael Adas has argued scientifi c and technological progress came to be perceived as a sign of civilizational and racial superiority in the late nineteenth century ldquoBy the last de cades of the nineteenth century British colonizersmdash whether mis-sionaries explorers or government offi cialsmdash tended to mea sure lsquoevolution-ary distancersquo in terms of technological developmentrdquo (1989 310)


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From the vantage point of these orientalist discourses the po liti cal eco-nomic and cultural institutions of Mysore appeared a deviation from their counterparts in the occidentalized Westmdash if the West was modern scien-tifi c effi cient energetic and progressive then Mysore was traditional non-scientifi c ineffi cient unenergetic and backward Th e state elite frequently alluded to Eu rope as the home of modern civilization while viewing India as a de cadent religiously oriented civilization Addressing students at the Ma-haranirsquos Girl School in 1883 Dewan Seshadri Iyer conveyed a robust opti-mism on the transformations under way in India ldquoTh e old Aryan civiliza-tion of the east aft er centuries of decay and degeneration now shows signs of healthy revival by contact with the more modern civilization of the westrdquo (cited in Chandrasekhara 1981 104) Two de cades later Sri Kantirava Nara-simharajaWadiyar the monarchrsquos brother reminisced about his recently concluded visit to Eu rope ldquothe high state of civilization and the steady and ready state of progress the West maintains as compared with the lethargy and conservatism of the East cannot but produce a most striking impres-sion upon the mind of any visitor from our landrdquo ([1913] 1942 30) Dewan Visvesvaraya deplored the other worldly orientation of Hindus which did not provide favorable grounds for a relationship of command to existing re-sources unlike the secular materialist orientation to the world seen to exist in Western countries (Visvesvaraya [1913b] 1917 63) More than two de cades later Dewan Mirza Ismail would remark that Eu rope had been ldquothe creator of modern civilizationrdquo ([1936] 1942 39)

Th e Mysore elitersquos ac cep tance of the spurious orientalist claims was se-lective For instance their visions of development did not engage with repre-sen ta tions of Indians as cunning and deceitful A probable reason for this avoidance in addition to the paramount consideration of self- respect is that these did not seem meaningful variables for explaining economic back-wardness in Mysore However the elite concurred that the local subjects were indisposed toward industrial discipline and valorized the importance of modern technology25

Th e power of orientalism can also be seen in the symbolic signifi cance of Japan for the elite Japan was an inspiration for the Mysore state elite as it had proved that an Eastern society could achieve progress Th e editor of a Mysore weekly noted ldquoJapan is an oriental country which has marched for-ward with the West and a country which has done it within the shortest space of time Mysore may not be Japan but it has nothing to lose by envying Japan studying Japan and by following Japanrdquo (Josyer 1930 47) Japan was objectifi ed as a country that had disproved myths about the


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backwardness of Eastern societies Invocations of its success by almost every dewan of Mysore were therefore oft en a rhetorical prelude for pro-claiming Mysorersquos potential capacity for success (Banerji [1925] 1926 1158ndash 1159 Urs [1917] 1953 189ndash 190) Th e perceived commonality between the two societies was their location in the Orient26

In formulating development programs the state elite accepted the valid-ity of the orientalist ste reo types about Indians but believed that their moral and po liti cal responsibility consisted in overcoming them Th is po liti cal im-perative became evident in the Dewan Rangacharlursquos speech in 1882 which signaled the importance of the founding of mra for refuting a common ori-entalist allegation ldquoTh e universal satisfaction with which it [the news of the mrarsquos founding] has been received throughout Southern India and I be-lieve in other parts of India refutes the assumption oft en made that they are not yet prepared for self- governmentrdquo (AOD [1881ndash 1899] 1914 11) In 1922 another dewan declared that an electric power installation built by local engineers proved the illegitimacy of the orientalist charge of the inef-fi ciency of Indians (Banerji [1922] 1926 323)

Eu ro pe an modernity subscribed to a perception of the world that was ldquolo-cally grounded in a way that implied its universality and concealed its particu-larismrdquo (Bauman 1992 12) Such a possibility did not obtain in Mysore where the state elitersquos espousal of the universalist ideal of economic progress was unaccompanied by the concealment of local particularism In fact orientalist discourses heightened the visibility of the local particulars as so many obsta-cles for achieving economic modernity In the elitersquos attempts of overcoming the perceived cultural obstacles and developing Mysore their relationship with their fellow Mysoreans mirrored the colonizerrsquos relationship with them-selves and shared the tutelary impulses of the colonial civilizing mission

Social EvolutionismTh e mode of historical consciousness that embeds the elitersquos development thought in Mysore corresponded to the discourse of social evolutionism27 Th ough unlike the historical models associated with fi gures such as Comte or Marx which purported to have discovered invariant laws of sociohistori-cal evolution the elite shared only a broad theoretical conviction that devel-opment involved the inevitable and desirable transition of agrarian societies to industrial ones

In 1882 Dewan Rangacharlu conveyed that the state was ldquomost anxiousrdquo to ldquorouserdquo ldquothe peoplerdquo toward ldquoindustrial enterprise and progressrdquo (AOD [1881ndash 1899] 1914 20) Th irty- one years later Dewan Visvesvaraya asserted


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ldquoIf we want to know in what direction to move we must compare ourselves with and be guided by the experience of progressive countriesrdquo ([1913b] 1917 63) In 1941 a distinguished Mysore intellectual identifi ed three phases in the statersquos ldquomodern po liti cal historyrdquo ldquoBureaucracyrdquo (1831ndash 1881) ldquoConsoli-dation and Developmentrdquo (1881ndash 1922) and ldquoPop u lar Awakeningrdquo (post- 1922) (Gundappa [1941] 1998 448ndash 449) Analogizing these historical phases re-spectively to the sprouting of a bud and its subsequent transformation into a fl ower and then a fruit he explained that these ldquothree stepsrdquo were ldquoinnate to a countryrsquos historyrdquo (Gundappa [1941] 1998 449) He considered a social evolutionist conception of time to be a countryrsquos svabhava a Sanskrit term designating an essential or intrinsic nature

Th e elitersquos evolutionist thought frequently found meta phorical analogues for progress and backwardness in select images of Western and non- Western societies In their comparativist orientation which underlined the defi ciency of local institutions numerous local features were held up for comparison with those presumed to exist in the West the native doctors in Mysore were secretive while those in the West openly discussed their fi ndings the local peasants did not keep proper accounts of expenditure while their counter-parts in the West did the local landholding patterns were fragmentary and irregularly shaped unlike those in the West the per capita newspaper con-sumption was higher in the West and so on

Th e elitersquos certitudes of social evolutionism were embodied in powerful binarisms such as tradition versus modernity the religious versus the secu-lar and agriculture versus industry In each of these binaries the latter term was valorized at the expense of the former term Th e devalorization of the reifi ed categories of tradition religion and agriculture each of which ap-peared to work to the detriment of creating a modern society in Mysore occurred from the smug conviction in a unilinear historical evolution

Among their many acts of historical reifi cation the British orientalist discourses had located the causes of Indiarsquos backwardness in the unchang-ing nature of its tradition Also the image of a changeless self- regulating Indian village which was a repository of obstacles to modern civilization anchored discussions of rural India among the colonial offi cials and the state elite alike Louis Dumont the social anthropologist attributed the idea of a village as a self- contained po liti cal and economic unit to Th omas Munro the early nineteenth- century British colonial administrator Munro depicted the village as ldquoa kind of little republicrdquo that is a self- contained social struc-tural entity with an internal division of labor and po liti cal arrangement that persevered since ldquothe age of Menu [sic]rdquo28 amidst the shift ing vicissitudes


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in macropo liti cal regimes (Dumont 1966 71) Henry Mainersquos infl uential works Ancient Law and Village Communities in the East and West also em-phasized heavily the communitarian aspects of Indian villages disavowing the importance of caste or po liti cal forces outside the village Mainersquos writings Dumont argues have to be contextualized in relation to his own conviction that Indian villages were the counterpart of Teutonic villages and to the hegemony of social evolutionist thought in nineteenth- century Eu rope29

Th e state elite too objectifi ed ldquotraditionrdquo and ldquovillagesrdquo as historically unchanging entities that proved a hindrance for their attempts at bringing economic development to Mysore Speaking at the mra in 1882 Dewan Rangacharlu said ldquoWhen all the world around is working marvelous prog-ress the 200 millions of people in the country cannot much longer continue in their long sleep simply following the traditions of their ancestors of 2000 years agordquo (AOD [1881ndash 1899] 1914 20) Th ree de cades later Dewan Visves-varaya claimed that the peasant had to be ldquoweanedrdquo from ldquothe powerful infl uence of tradition indiff erence to change and belief in fatalismrdquo as that would make him show ldquomore activityrdquo which was ldquobetter for the countryrdquo ([1913a] 1917 91) In 1931 Dewan Mirza Ismail stressed the need to depart from ldquotraditional ruts in which [India] moved through centuries of timerdquo and partake in the comforts of modern civilization (Ismail [1931] 1936 67)

In the elitersquos evolutionist vision of development agriculture was a sector sure to become marginal in the future An economy dominated by agricul-ture seemed a profound imperfection Ranade had sharply stated ldquoTh e sole dependence on Agriculture has been the weak point of all Asiatic civiliza-tionrdquo ([1890] 1990 296) Th e chronopolitics underlying the elitersquos view of agriculture becomes obvious in Dewan Visvesvarayarsquos words ldquoOccupation and production in the country are chiefl y confi ned to the most primitive of professions in the world viz agriculturerdquo ([1915b] 1917 296) Th e Depart-ment of Agriculturersquos 1926 Report on the Progress of Agriculture in Mysore (rpa) declared its main concern to be that of raising the condition of the Mysore village ldquoin the fullness of time to the level of the urban life of En gland or Americardquo (rpa 1926 144)

Th e state elite perceived a commonality between Mysore and the West-ern world on a deracinated plane of temporal progress In this social evolu-tionist orientation civilizational diff erences were temporal in nature and as such they could be reconciled in history A se nior bureaucrat clarifi ed this orientation ldquoVillages are the stronghold of conservatism all the world over and ours are no exception to the rulerdquo (Rao 1915 52) In his Reconstructing


P R O O F

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India Dewan Visvesvaraya wrote ldquoTh e Indian peasant is not essentially dif-ferent from his fellow in other landsrdquo (1920 175) A temporal conception of civilizational diff erence enabled this self- universalizing gesture However on the plane of orientalist discourse which posited an essential ontological diff erence between the Occident and the Orient the elite indulged in acts of self- particularization Th e numerous occasions in which they felt that the local subjects were fatalistic and other- worldly oriented illustrate this self- particularizing tendency Th e elitersquos repre sen ta tions of a collective self- image of a backward people departicularized local cultural diff erences in favor of a unifi ed abstract subject of development denying any contradic-tions between their interests in development and those of the nonelite

DEVELOPMENT AND THE REALM OF THE SOCIALIn the elitersquos vision of development the fi eld of the economy as a space for state intervention was purifi ed of the realm of the social30 Dewan Visvesva-raya for instance clarifi ed that though ldquoprogressrdquo was ldquomany sidedrdquo ldquoeco-nomic progressrdquo demanded the statersquos ldquochief attentionrdquo ([1914b] 1917 152)

In 1926 Krishnaraja Wadiyar IV the ruler of Mysore pointed out that the ldquohistoric pastrdquo mattered for ldquoany reconstruction of our social po liti cal or religious polityrdquo ([1926] 1934 253 emphasis added) Th e omission of the economy from the list of domains that could be reconstructed only with the aid of the ldquohistoric pastrdquo is signifi cant it was perceived as separate from the social po liti cal and religious realms Further the economy was reifi ed as an acultural domain unavailable as a space of intervention for tradi-tional knowledge Th is separation of the realm of the social from the eco-nomic and the areas of activity gathered under the former are explained in Dewan Visvesvarayarsquos address to the mra in 1918

All the activities not deliberately classed as administrative or eco-nomic may be said to fall under ldquocivic and socialrdquo Th eir object is as the name implies to train the citizens to become good citizens and good members of society It is proposed by means of a special or ga ni-za tion to spread among the people of the country a knowledge of lit-erature art culture manners and morals to inculcate habits of disci-pline orderliness loyalty to the Sovereign love of country and spirit of ser vice to reform social customs and practices by raising the status of women improving marriage customs and elevating the backward and the depressed classes to create opportunities to every one


P R O O F

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-1mdash0mdash


according to his station in life to bring up healthy families to live in clean and sanitary dwellings and to help in building up well- planned and beautiful villages and towns and generally to enable the non- offi cial public to co- operate with Government and with one another in the general uplift of the masses of the population in all parts of the State (AOD [1913ndash 1938]1938 49)

Issues of caste and gender among others were perceived to belong to the realm of the social

Clearly the elite saw little value in Indian culture from their viewpoint of economic development As the naturalized model of a modern economy was located within the coordinates of industrial standards of effi ciency and discipline the habits of Mysoreans appeared an unhelpful attribute a prob-lem ldquoTraditionrdquo and ldquoReligionrdquo which appeared as obstacles in the elitersquos envisioning of economic development signifi ed positive content in relation to putatively social issues such as language spirituality and so on Indeed there was enormous self- pride among the elite in past literary and spiritual achievements However even positive articulations of the components of the social could not sidestep the power of the development discourse Th e need to ldquocombine the best of the West and the best of the Eastrdquo was a frequent response in Mysore (Wadiyar [1921] 1934 192)

The Cohabitation of Discrepant DiscoursesTh e discourse of development occasionally became translated into the terms of locally prevalent Indian philosophical discourses A historian in Mysore noted that the concept of ldquogood governmentrdquo was a ldquohappy translationrdquo of the ancient dharma [moral duty] of rulersrdquo (Sastri 1937 16) Exemplifying an anachronistic historical method he retrofi tted to the past a concept that had emerged from a diff erent spatiotemporal formation in asserting the histori-cal primacy and originality of ldquogood governmentrdquo within the traditions of dharma he conferred on an older concept new referential content and as-similated it to a new discursive register31 Th e two discourses rest on diff er-ent conceptions of self and community Whereas the discourse of develop-ment presumed a secular atomistic conception of the individual self the discourse of dharma posited a distinctly nonsecular nonindividuated con-ception of the self Th e latterrsquos conception of the self oft en presumes the pres-ence of divine agency in human activities Th e two models of the self and its orientation to the world are therefore at sharp variance with each other In the po liti cal arena for example the copresence of the two discrepant kinds of


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discourse is obvious One set of justifi catory bases of the maharajarsquos author-ity lay in Indian philosophical discourses of Raja Dharma (kingrsquos moral duty) which saw his rule as possessing a ldquosacral qualityrdquo (Richards 1998 2) Discourses on kingship in South Asia drew from ldquoHindurdquo Islamic Jaina and other philosophical traditions which had varying ontologies of po liti cal au-thority However even this heterogeneity according to historian J F Richards will permit us to identify ldquoa numinous or sacral quality however defi nedrdquo in conceptions of kingly authority Another shared point of view was that ldquokings are somehow necessary for the protection of the people through the mainte-nance of the moral order or dharmardquo (Heesterman 1998 14)

A second set of justifi catory bases for Mysorersquos ruler drew from the dis-course of po liti cal democracy whereby he staked his claim to authority in the name of the people Powerful accusations of oriental despotism im-posed great pressures on the ruler to demonstrate his ability to be other-wise which meant discharging the necessary functions of a modern repre-sentative government32

Th e state elitersquos embrace of the discourse of representative government is announced in the order announcing the formation of the mra in 1881 which stated that ldquothe interests of the Government are identical with those of the peoplerdquo (Rao 1891 106 emphasis in the original) Again the maharaja asserted in an address to the mlc ldquoTh e happiness of the people is both the happiness and the vindication of the Governmentrdquo (Wadiyar [1924] 1934 232)

Th e rulerrsquos message to the mlc in 1939 affi rmed the importance for the state to espouse both the Indian and Western po liti cal philosophies ldquoI pray that you may succeed in evolving a scheme that will blend Western ideas of progress with our own traditions of Satya [Truth] and Dharma [Morality]rdquo (cited in Srikantaiya 1941 193) Th is note powerfully illustrates the rulerrsquos inability to be indiff erent to the ldquoWestern ideas of progressrdquo alongside which the Indian ideals of Satya and Dharma had to coexist Th e latter could pro-vide only an ethical orientation to the world whereas the former were ac-companied by instrumental knowledge whose value for building a modern economy was all too evident Th is chapter has focused mainly on ldquoWestern ideas of progressrdquo toward which the state elite could not exercise the liberty of being indiff erent

A Note on Caste and GenderAlthough issues of caste in e qual ity were mostly viewed as social and not economic issues33 the need to ameliorate the social and economic condi-tions of ldquolowerrdquo castes found institutional expression in 1918 when the state


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-1mdash0mdash


decided to grant members of ldquobackwardrdquo and ldquodepressedrdquo castes preferen-tial allotment in state employment and educational institutions Women were not represented in the Mysore state bureaucracy Th ey were allowed to vote and contest the mra and mlc elections only in 1927 In 1939 the Sec-ond Committee on Constitutional Reforms reserved eleven seats for women in these legislative fora Although the issue of women fi gured prominently with respect to the age of marriage that was perceived to be a social and not an economic issue Th e levels of fervor seen in the elite attempts at develop-ing the economy however are not similarly present with respect to the re-form of institutional practices related to caste discrimination child mar-riage or widow remarriage Th eir caution in this regard derived from both a pragmatic interest of not antagonizing local power structures and a social conservatism For instance during the mra discussions on the desirability of introducing a penal mea sure to discourage child marriage in Mysore in 1932 Dewan Mirza Ismail favored state nonintervention in a manner char-acteristic of his pre de ces sors (Ismail [1932] 1936 125) His adoption of a gradualist and incrementalist approach to the issue of social reform is in stark contrast to his zeal for adopting Western economic practices to hasten local economic progress For our purposes of isolating the elements constitut-ing the development thought of the Mysore elite it is suffi cient to note that the institution of caste became another object for the statersquos technical interven-tion in the form of reserving positions in state employment and in educational institutions Th e power of the state to defi ne the valid modes of offi cial ad-dress on the subject of caste justice is also crucial to note In 1920 a delegation of the ldquountouchablerdquo castes submitted a petition to Dewan Kantaraj Urs claiming state assistance for their betterment Th eir discursive strategies of self- presentation and seeking state redress refl ect the power of the state- validated discourses of history and modern development ldquoWe are an ancient community with a civilization philosophy and history of which we reason-ably feel proud We are confi dent also that our social condition will automati-cally improve with the improvement of our economic condition Our fore-most need is educationmdash more educationmdash universal educationrdquo (cited in Urs [1920] 1953 276ndash 277) Demands for social justice in relation to caste inequity came to be expressed within the terms of the statersquos development discourse

Discourse InterruptedTh e po liti cal elitersquos self- location within the pa ram e ters of development dis-course indicates the latterrsquos power in only one conversational sphere albeit a powerful one backed by state power Th e discourse of development prolif-


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erated in theoretical and nontheoretical forms newspaper reports school curricula jokes meta phors caricatures gossip tall- tales and other constitu-ents of the fabric of everyday conversations in various social spheres Th e oppositions and skepticism it elicited in these spheres do not permit us to view its social career in Mysore as being unambiguously triumphant For instance an anonymous article in a local newspaper chided the state for not curbing the fl ow of people into the cities which had ldquodenudedrdquo the villages of its inhabitants

A bold peasantry their countryrsquos prideWhen once destroyrsquod can never be supplied

So sang Goldsmith a hundred years ago and what was true in his day is equally true in the present time (Anonymous 1921)

Although offi cial discourses displayed conviction in the need for bringing Mysore within the ambit of industrial modernity t instances of dissent and skepticism did surface within them For example offi cial discussions occa-sionally expressed apprehension about the negative consequences of increas-ing industrialization on rural realities in Mysore However such occasional caution did not destabilize the authority of the discourse of development

Th e violence and tragedy of colonial intellectual politics becomes obvi-ous in the Mysore po liti cal elitersquos visions of their backwardness and devel-opment In the context of powerful colonial accusations of civilizational weakness the elitersquos view of their moral- political competence came to rest on a sociohistorical ontology embedded in the discursive infrastructure of colonialism Seduced by the conceptual armor of colonial empire the elite concept of development vacillated between a self- universalizing and self- particularizing gesture where the terms of the universal and the par tic u lar were themselves founded on dominant Eu ro pe an discourses Th ese modes of elite self- identifi cation not only occasioned pathos but also summoned the grounds of po liti cal agency Th eir epic claims of self- failure and self- uplift directed both to an imagined West and a home audience in Mysore and elsewhere in colonial India extended justifi catory premises for the statersquos development interventions from above

Under conditions of po liti cal semiautonomy that enabled the elite to function as ethical actors they endorsed a model of development that had emerged from Eu ro pe an intellectual formations Th is instance of knowl-edge seduction involved a nonrefl exivity about the conceptual foundations of development discourse Gandhi and saints such as Ramakrishna


P R O O F

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101112131415161718192021222324252627282930313233343536373839

-1mdash0mdash


Paramahamsa Ramana Maharishi and Narayana Guru to name a few who lived during the period of Mysorersquos indirect rule elaborated conceptions of the self and community that sidestepped the protocols of colonial knowl-edge34 Th is chapter has strived to affi rm the ethical importance of knowledge refl exivity for a politics of liberation Interventions that seek to achieve freedom need to work with a heightened understanding of and wakefulness to the ethical po liti cal and epistemic specifi cities of the moral- cultural universes they wish to work in and not seek anchor in destructive a priori models of development masquerading as universal science


P R O O F

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Timeline of British imperialism in India and modern Mysore

the british in india

1619 Th e East India Company (eic) obtains permission from Jahangir the Mughal emperor to trade in India

1619ndash1757 Th e eic expands its trading interests in India Th e cities of Bombay Madras and Calcutta emerge as major commercial centers

1757 Th e eic win the Battle of Plassey and take po liti cal control over Bengal With a clear ambition toward the po liti cal subjugation of India which consisted of many in de pen dent and vassal states the eic vanquished or subjugated most of its po liti cal rivals in the subcontinent by the mid- nineteenth century

1857 A series of armed rebellions against the British break out all over North India Th e British termed this episode the ldquoSepoy Mutinyrdquo while the Indian nationalists later referred to it as the ldquoFirst War of Indian In de pen dencerdquo

1858 Following the subjugation of the armed rebellions Queen Victoria abolishes the eic and brings India under the Imperial Crown

1885 Th e Indian National Congress (inc) is founded to provide an or gan i za tion al front for the nationalist struggle against colonial rule

1920 Mahatma Gandhi launches the Non- Co- operation Movement

1942 Th e inc launches the Quit India Movement

1947 British rule ends in India and the subcontinent is ldquovivi-sectedrdquo in Gandhirsquos words into India and Pakistan

mysore

1766ndash1769 First Anglo- Mysore War Hyder Ali the ruler of Mysore successfully defeats the combined military attack of the


P R O O F

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101112131415161718192021222324252627282930313233343536373839

-1mdash0mdash


British the rulers of Western India and the neighboring kingdom of Hyderabad

1780ndash1784 Second Anglo- Mysore War Tipu Sultan Hyder Alirsquos son counters another attack by the same group of allies Without a clear victor the Treaty of Mangalore which preserves the status quo prior to the war is drawn

1789ndash1792 Th ird- Anglo- Mysore War A defeated Tipu Sultan signs the Treaty of Srirangapatnam which results in the loss of half of Mysorersquos territory to the British and its local allies

1799 Fourth Anglo- Mysore War With the support of its allies the British kill Tipu Sultan and overcome their most formidable obstacle to colonial expansion in southern India Th ey install Krishnaraja Wadiyar III a member of the erstwhile Wadiyar dynasty as ruler of Mysore

1831 Th e British defeat a militant rebellion at Nagar and assume direct po liti cal control over Mysore which lasts until 1881

1881 Mysore is brought under Indirect Rule again and a member from the Wadiyar family is made the maharaja of Mysore

1902ndash1940 During the po liti cal tenure of Maharaja Sri Krishnaraja Wadiyar IV and the spirited prime ministers such as Sir M Visvesvaraya and Sir Mirza Ismail Krishnarajasagar Dam (1911ndash 1932) the fi rst hydro- electric project in India and major institutions such as Mysore Bank (1913) Mysore University (1916) and Mysore Chamber of Commerce (1916) come into being

1947 Mysore joins the newly in de pen dent Indian Union

NOTESTh is chapter draws from my dissertation (Gowda 2007) Research for this chapter was supported by grants from the American Institute of Indian Studies National Science Foundation Grant SES- 0326942 and the Rackham Graduate School In-ternational Institute and the Department of Sociology at the University of Michi-gan I would like to express gratitude to the following individuals for their valuable comments on this chapter Jeff ery Paige George Steinmetz Sumathi Ramaswamy Lee Schlesinger Julia Adams and Ou- Byung Chae


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1 For a discussion of the ideas of development among the Latin American elite in the nineteenth century see Baud (1995) and Gootenberg (1993)

2 Th e Indian states have not received suffi cient attention from historians of South Asia possibly due to the or ga ni za tion of the colonial offi cial archive itself which has documented British India more extensively than the Indian States Th e absence of anticolonial nationalist movements in the Indian states is another possible reason

3 During British direct rule the various chief commissioners who were in charge of administering Mysore introduced apparatuses of modern bureaucracy Although British po liti cal control was resented the state elite viewed the introduc-tion of bureaucracy as a positive contribution (Rangacharlu 1874 9) Th ese histori-cal details and the practice of colonial rule are explained in more detail in chapter 2 of my dissertation (Gowda 2007)

4 Th e nationalist movement that emerged in British India did not elicit broad- based support in Mysore until the late 1930s Th e discourses of development found in Mysore therefore do not neatly overlap with those of Indian economic national-ism Th is chapter does not elaborate the implications of this tension for reasons for space Contrary acts of national identifi cation with India and Mysore are found in offi cial discourses in Mysore Mysore was sometimes referred to as a ldquonationrdquo and Indians from outside the state were occasionally referred to as ldquoforeignersrdquo and ldquoaliensrdquo In the early twentieth century however the Mysore elite and the educated nonelite viewed themselves as belonging to the larger national- political entity of India For instance the Maharaja affi rmed at the Mysore Legislative Council ldquoWe in Mysore form as it were a nation within a nation (Wadiyar [1924] 1934 231)rdquo

5 Explicit ac know ledg ment of intellectual affi liation with economic nationalists in the writings of the Mysore state elite is rare Th e most plausible reason for this has to be the power of the colonial po liti cal arrangements within which Mysore was situated Th e statersquos formal assent to function without any antagonism toward the British colonial interests made it diffi cult for the po liti cal elite to be openly criticalmdash unlike the economic nationalists in British Indiamdash of the colonial mech-anisms that thwarted their po liti cal freedom

6 Occasionally development was taken to be synonymous with the multidimen-sional concept of progress Th e rulerrsquos inaugural address at the reconstituted My-sore Legislative Council in 1924 is illustrative in this regard ldquoTh e ceremony which I am performing to- day is thus a step in a continuous and well- ordered pro cess of development which has been going on for forty yearsrdquo (Wadiyar [1924] 1934 232)

7 Founded in 1881 the mra was a purely deliberative body without powers of legislation which consisted of state- nominated agriculturists and landlords Th e mlc which was formed in 1907 as a body with limited powers of legislation con-sisted of state nominated members Th e mec was founded in 1911 to function as a forum for entrepreneurial individuals to discuss issues related to economic prog-ress in Mysore

8 Th e infl uential theories of modernization elaborated by sociologists such as Daniel Lerner Alex Inkeles and David McLellan in the 1960s and 1970s are a codi-fi ed amalgam of these four discourses


P R O O F

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-1mdash0mdash


9 For instance although Mysore wanted to become eco nom ical ly self- reliant as early as 1881 this interest was conceptually repositioned within the politics of the swadeshi movement in subsequent de cades Emerging in the province of Bengal in 1905 with the aim of making India eco nom ical ly self- reliant the swadeshi move-ment demanded boycotting the consumption of imported articles in favor of lo-cally produced ones Although the term ldquoswadeshirdquo did not come into offi cial use immediately in 1905 in Mysore the statersquos discourse of economic self- reliance inter-articulated with that of swadeshi In 1933 Dewan Mirza Ismail claimed that My-sore had promoted swadeshi seven years before the term came into use ldquoIt is now forty- fi ve years since the State of Mysore began to promote Swadeshi enterprises through the means of this Exhibitionrdquo ([1933] 1936 241ndash 242)

10 Infl uential in Western Eu rope between the sixteenth and the late eigh teenth centuries the economic doctrine of mercantilism corresponded to the emergence and consolidation of the nation- state model in Eu rope Briefl y stated it advocated mea sures to secure the economic and po liti cal interests of the nation- state at a time of frequent wars In order to meet the rising expenditure on civil administration and military needs mercantilists favored the acquisition of precious metals like gold as they were readily accepted for economic transactions Th is objective could be best achieved by encouraging exports and discouraging imports through pro-tective tariff s Th e publication of Adam Smithrsquos Th e Wealth of Nations and its wide-spread success undermined the theoretical appeal of mercantilism Smithrsquos model of the universal economy did not favor the imposition of artifi cial obstacles to pro-tect a nationrsquos interests

11 A historian has noted that List played an important role in recasting ldquothe spa-tial assumptions of classical economic paradigms [which] conceived the division of labor and markets as abstract confi gurations with no specifi c spatial extensionrdquo (Goswami 2004 216)

12 Urging the British to impose a duty on sugar imported from Java which posed a ldquoserious competitionrdquo to the sugar industry in India G K Gokhale the famous nationalist politician and economist said ldquoSir the great German econo-mist List points out in one place what happens when a country like India comes into the vortex of universal competition He says that when a country industrially backward comes into the vortex of universal competitionmdash competition with countries which use steam and machinery and the latest researches of science in their productionmdash the fi rst eff ect is to sweep off local industries and the country is thrust back on agriculture I certainly would strongly advocate that the Govern-ment of India should follow this advice of Listrdquo (1962 335)

13 I am referring only to the elitersquos objectifi cation of the image of a national economy Th e British had imposed many imperial restrictions in Mysore For ex-ample the British had an exclusive right over excise duties on salt (AOD [1881ndash 1899] 1914 2) Also they assumed control over the postal system in 1886 (AOD [1881ndash 1899] 1914 61)

14 For a brief elaboration of Listrsquos infant industry argument and its infl uence on development economics see Shafaeddin (2005 42ndash 61)


P R O O F

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15 List proposed a twofold classifi cation of countries based on their location either in the ldquotorrid zonerdquo or the ldquotemperate zonerdquo wherein the countries in the former category were naturally situated to specialize in agriculture and those in the latter were well positioned to develop their manufacturing potential Further the ldquomental and social development and the ldquopo liti cal powerrdquo which would accrue to the countries of the temperate zone would enable them to develop colonial rela-tions with the countries of ldquoinferior civilizationrdquo in the torrid zone

16 Another instance of such a strategic discursive appropriation occurred with John Stuart Millrsquos ideas of liberty and representative democracy which were im-mensely pop u lar among educated Indians in colonial India ldquoIn his essay On Lib-erty John Stuart Mill had carefully stated that its doctrines were only meant to apply to those countries which were suffi ciently advanced in civilization to be ca-pable of settling their aff airs by rational discussion But although he himself re-fused to apply the teachings of Liberty or Representative Government to India a few Radical Liberals and a growing body of educated Indians made no such limita-tionsrdquo (Stokes 1959 298 also Mehta 1999 97ndash 106)

17 In his infl uential essay on governmentality Foucault (1991) singled out the state interest in population as marking a shift from the pastoral model of exercising power to a governmental one in Western Eu rope I have not engaged the discus-sions of colonial governmentality here as they recenter the state Foucaultrsquos key observation that governmentality was both individualizing and totalizing aimed precisely to decenter the state and reveal the workings of power in nonstate spheres such as the consolidation of statistics demography and medical science among others as scientifi c disciplines In colonized societies like Mysore the state worked with this knowledge without corresponding institutional reinforcements from ldquocivil societyrdquo so to speak

18 With the assistance of the Rocke fel ler Foundation Mysore became the fi rst state in India to carry out a birth control experiment in 1927

19 It is likely that the utilitarian concept of ldquohappinessrdquo resonated with older po-liti cal discourses concerning a rulerrsquos responsibility for the well- being of his sub-jects Still the fact that British tutors had educated the rulers of Mysore in ldquothe theory and practice of government the reading of modern history and science [and] the principles of jurisprudence and methods of revenue administrationrdquo (Sri-kantaiya 1941 184) aff ords strong grounds for seeing the invocations of ldquohappinessrdquo as more properly belonging to the discursive order of utilitarianism

20 Th e concept of waste itself has an old intellectual lineage Th e concept was im-portant for utilitarians including Jeremy Bentham and John Locke ldquoWasterdquo provided a conceptual anchor for Lockersquos argument against the law of entropy which held that the materials of nature could be transformed only from usable to nonusable state Locke claimed that ldquoeverything in nature was waste until man took hold of it and transformed it into usable forms [and] that the world and history were progressing from chaos to orderrdquo (Stokes 1995 125) Waste broadly came to be seen as the antith-esis of the quality of being productive in the late eigh teenth and early nineteenth centuries Adam Smith used the term to refer to uncultivated land for example


P R O O F

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101112131415161718192021222324252627282930313233343536373839

-1mdash0mdash


21 Philip Mirowskirsquos (1989) study shows the conceptual intimacy between eco-nomics and physics

22 British orientalism in colonial India was not a straightforward enterprise of producing inferior repre sen ta tions of Indians Indeed the offi cials of the East India Company infl uenced by the universal humanism of the eighteenth- century philos-ophes identifi ed a glorious tradition in ancient India Scholars such as William Jones and offi cials including Warren Hastings expressed deep admiration for the literary and other artistic achievements in classical India (Hutchins 1967 Kopf 1969 22ndash 42 Metcalf 1994 9ndash 15) It has to be remembered that such romantic projections of the Indian past jostled with the theses of oriental despotism and the historical degen-eration of Indians (Metcalf 1994 15) Th e romantic attitude waned with the growing prominence of scientifi c racism and evangelical zeal in En gland in the mid- nineteenth century

23 It has been remarked that Saidrsquos argument gives overwhelming agency to the Western societies in their powers of defi ning the Orient How did the Orient respond to its repre sen ta tion by the West Th ere is no single answer to this question While the Mysore po liti cal elite for example accepted the historical validity of many orien-talist claims about Indian history and society some of the most important saints in India in the late nineteenth and twentieth centuries such as Ramakrishna Parama-hamsa and Ramana Maharshi stayed outside the intellectual gambit of orientalism

24 As these scholars also perceived ldquocasterdquo to be a central institution in India Hinduism was privileged over Islam or other religions as a site for deeper investiga-tion into the foundations of Indian civilization Th e inapplicability of the Semitic concept of ldquoreligionrdquo in the South Asian context has long been noted with a view to guard against objectifi cations of a monolithic Hinduism

25 In addition to its use as a means of transport and communication Dewan Rangacharlu favored the building of local railways ldquoalso to train up Natives in the working of Railways and of the engines and machinery connected with them and thereby also diff use the practice of handling machinery amongst the peoplerdquo (AOD [1881ndash 1899] 1914 17)

26 In 1916 and 1919 Mysore sent two offi cial delegations to Japan to learn about its administrative and economic policies (Banerji [1923] 1926 690) In addition to periodic visits by students of Mysore members of a Merchantrsquos Deputation from Mysore also visited Japan in 1916ndash 1917 Th e Mysore Economic Conference a state or ga ni za tion founded in 1913 to promote local economic investment was modeled on the Japa nese Investigation Commission (Hettne 1978) Th e Village Improve-ment Scheme a major scheme that aimed at making the local peasants ldquoproductiverdquo and compiling extensive statistical knowledge about rural society in Mysore was also modeled on a parallel Japa nese scheme

27 It is well known that eighteenth- and nineteenth- century Eu ro pe an concep-tions of progress were marked by the telos of industrial modernity Th e notion of history as a progressive linear sequence of events in time is the contribution of Christian eschatology which viewed history as a series of events testifying to the continuous perfectibility of humans (Loumlwith 1949 182ndash 190) Th inkers of the French


P R O O F

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Enlightenment such as Voltaire Condorcet and Comte detached the concept of historical progress from its theological moorings and rendered it secular (Loumlwith 1949 60ndash 114)

28 Th e ldquotime of Manurdquo is used to mean ancient times Manu is oft en considered to be the author of Manusmriti one of the eigh teen Dharmashastras which are texts of moral codes composed somewhere between 200 bc and 200 ad But schol-arly opinion considers the authorship to be a misattribution to a non ex is tent fi gure and recognizes the Manusmriti to be the joint work of many writers

29 It is well known that Marx developed his idea of primitive communism based on Mainersquos book Village Communities in the East and West Dumont argues that Mainersquos criticisms of the utilitarian concept of human agency based on his obser-vations on Indian village life had an infl uence on Talcott Parsons as well

30 Karl Polanyi and Louis Dumont have pointed out that ldquothe economyrdquo as a realm in de pen dent of the po liti cal and religious fi elds is an invention of capitalist literature

31 Indeed this is the dilemma marking appropriations of the past by profes-sional historians who seek to understand diverse places and times through meth-odological devices belonging to the order of post- Enlightenment secular rational-ity One of the most compelling arguments against the universality of Enlightenment thought has been made through an unmasking of the monopolistic authority of modern historiography to explain and interpret any and all pasts (Chakrabarty 1992 Nandy 1983 1995)

32 In Th e Native Princes of India published in 1875 C U Aitchison a British of-fi cial complained that the governments of Indian states were ldquopersonal Govern-ments where the preponderance of good over evil depends less on opportunity than on the character of the Chiefs and their Ministers Perhaps in another genera-tion the doctrine that the King exists for the people will no longer sound strange in the ears of the Native princesrdquo (quoted in Sastri 1932 211)

33 Occasionally the state elite saw caste purely in terms of an economism as we saw earlier Dewan Visvesvaraya considered caste disputes a ldquowaste of mental en-ergyrdquo In appealing to the members of the mra for the necessity of state aid for the uplift of the untouchable castes Sir Kantaraj Urs said ldquoI submit that apart from bare considerations of humanity it is a great economic loss to the State that such a large body of our fellow- subjects should be left in such a helpless conditionrdquo (AOD [1913ndash 1938] 1938 80)

34 Th e works of the phi los o pher Ramachandra Gandhi illuminate the po liti cal relevance of these fi gures See for example Gandhi (1984 2005)


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aff airs Th is colonial strategy of extracting po liti cal compliance along with annual fi nancial and military tributes from local rulers in exchange for semiautonomy in administering their states is better known as the strategy of indirect rule (Fisher 1991) Under the scheme of indirect rule the British warded off the threat of po liti cal rebellion from the native rulers ensured a steady revenue supply for themselves and saved on the costs of administer-ing those states directly2

Aft er fi ft y years of direct colonial rule between 1831 and 1881 the British restored a descendant of the previous ruling family as the ruler of the state and brought Mysore under indirect rule3 Mysorersquos territory was the third largest among the Native States in colonial India In 1900 its population was around fi ve million 90 percent of whom lived in agricultural villages Th e statersquos po liti cal elite consisted of the maharaja (monarch) his dewan (prime minister) and civil servants in charge of administering the eigh teen depart-ments the statersquos decision- making authority was concentrated in them

Th e state elite of Mysore initiated numerous programs of economic de-velopment within the space of institutional semiautonomy opened up by indirect colonial rule Th e po liti cal scientist James Manor notes that the monarchs and prime ministers of Mysore were ldquoheroes in the eyes of nation-alists throughout India since they provided evidence of how splendidly Indians could govern themselvesrdquo (1978 13) An analysis of the elitersquos dis-course of development in Mysore reveals its intellectual lineage Further it clarifi es the centrality of the colonial- imperial context within which ldquodevel-opmentrdquo became attractive for the state elite in Mysore

An exclusive focus on Mysore is not to suggest a Mysorean exceptional-ism or the autochthonous origin of its elitersquos discourses Th e discursive fi eld pertaining to development was not uniquely contained within Mysore in fact many of the certitudes in elite thought were part of the discursive traffi c across British India and outside According to the historian David Ludden the foundations of Indiarsquos ldquodevelopment regimerdquo were laid between the early and late nineteenth century (Ludden 1992 253ndash 261 also Ludden 2005) Th e massive knowledge accumulated by the British in the form of land sur-veys maps censuses ethnographic documentation and crop soil irrigation and mineral data formed the basis of standardized instruments of rule and the centralization of the colonial statersquos administrative functions Sugata Bose clarifi es that while the techniques for producing macroeconomic statistical knowledge were in place by the early nineteenth century the idiom of nationalist development became manifest only toward the late nineteenth century (Bose 1998 47ndash 48)4 Nationalist economic thought was


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Documents

Empire and Developmentalism