Eduardo Neales Silva

7/27/2019 Eduardo Neales Silva

1/17

The Factual Bases of La VorgineAuthor(s): Eduardo Neale-SilvaSource: PMLA, Vol. 54, No. 1 (Mar., 1939), pp. 316-331Published by: Modern Language AssociationStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/458641 .

Accessed: 13/10/2013 10:57

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at .

http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp

.JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of

content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms

of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

.

Modern Language Association is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to PMLA.

http://www.jstor.org

This content downloaded from 200.26.133.57 on Sun, 13 Oct 2013 10:57:03 AMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=mlahttp://www.jstor.org/stable/458641?origin=JSTOR-pdfhttp://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsphttp://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsphttp://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsphttp://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsphttp://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsphttp://www.jstor.org/stable/458641?origin=JSTOR-pdfhttp://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=mla


2/17

XVIITHE FACTUAL BASES OF LA VORAGINE

EVER since its appearance in 1924 Rivera's novel La Vordginehasbeen widely discussed. Its literary merits are beyond dispute, andthe nature of its plot is sensational. Editions and translations into foreignlanguages have rapidly succeeded one another.' Discussed as a literarywork by several critics, La Vordginehas not yet been analyzed in suffi-cient detail to reveal fully its documentary character.2 It is a historicalrecord of importance, containing an accurate summary of the barbarousconditions that prevailed in the Colombian interior and adjacent landsfrom about 1905 to 1920.In 1916 Venezuela and Colombia had agreed to submit their boundarydispute for arbitration to the Swiss Confederation. When the preliminaryaward, handed down on June 24, 1918, had been confirmed by the finaldecision of March 24, 1922, a commission of Swiss engineers and expertsfrom Venezuela and Colombia was formed to mark the frontier. Amongthe Colombian representatives was Jose Eustasio Rivera, who had beenappointed secretary for the Second Section, with a field of operationincluding that part of the line crossing the Apure, Arauca, and Metaregions and the Federal Territory of Amazonas in southern Venezuela.In this capacity Rivera obtained fist-hand information about the cha-otic world of the Amazon regions of Peru, Colombia, Venezuela, andBrazil. The experts crossedplains, rivers, swamps, and forests-deprivedof the most indispensable comforts and constantly defying danger. Anidea of their physical and spiritual prostration may be gathered fromthe fact that the entire Second Section commission of Colombians re-signed before the delimitation was finished.3 Under those conditions theplot of La Vordginewas conceived, and parts of it were written in theforbidding loneliness of the jungle. The part dealing with the llanos, how-

1 La Vordginehas been translated into English, French, German, Italian, Portuguese,and Russian.The Englishtranslations by E. K. James(NewYork,1935).2 Special mention should be made here, however, of the article published by ArturoTorres Rioseco in Revista Cubana VI (1936), Nos. 16-18. Other critical studies have beenpublished by R. S,nchez Ramfrez, Revista Chilena (1927), Nos. 90-91, pp. 1-12; E. K.James, Revista de Estudios Hispdnicos, II (1929), No. 1, pp. 69-73; Concha Melendez,Cultura Venezolana (1930), XLIII (1930), 138-149; Juan Marinello, Sur, vi (1936), No.16, pp. 59-75; L. E. Nieto Caballero,Libros Colombianos. Bogota, 1925), pp. 154-162; andRafael Maya, De Silva a Rivera (Bogota, 1929). Shorter notices and appreciations havealso been published in the pages of RepertorioAmericano, Universidad, Atenea, Mercurede France, Hispania, Books Abroad,and other magazines.8 Carlos Alamo Ybarra, Nuestrasfronteras occidentales(Caracas, 1927), pp. 100-103.

316

http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsphttp://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsphttp://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp


3/17

Eduardo Neale-Silvaever, is probably traceable to Rivera's stay in Casanare in previousyears.4The author divided his novel into three parts, but so far as subject-matter is concerned there are really only two: one dealing with the ilanosof Casanare, and the other with the Amazon jungle. Within these partsone may easily separate the various component sections, for they arepoorly joined. The only thread connecting them is the flight of Aliciaand Arturo Cova with a parallel action in the affairs of Griselda andFidel Franco.The basic plot of the book includes the flight through the llanos ofCasanare, affairs at Hato Grande, the stay at the Barracas del Guaracu,and the subsequent dramatic escape to the rubberregion of Yaguanari-where the jungle finally devours the fugitives. Within this plot the authorincluded in the form of reports six narratives that give the novel atremendous sweep. Heli Mesa relates the departure of the enganchadosand the atrocities of the overseers who take over the men and womenbrought by Barrera, and El Pipa tells the story of the Indiecita Mapiri-pana, "la sacerdotiza de los silencios, la celadora de manantiales ylagunas." Then comes the Odyssey of Don Clemente Silva, with thehorrors of the Putumayo enclosed within a sentimental tale of fatherlydevotion. In the later part of the novel there is a recital of an ill-fatedflight through forests and swamps, and the story of the macabre crimesof Funes as witnessed by the half-blind Ramiro Estebanez.Rivera wished to create, even at the expense of novelistic technique,a vast, sweeping picture of the Colombian hinterland which would covera rather long period of time and adhere to the historical sequence ofevents. Undoubtedly his book was intended as an exposure in which theauthor might point an accusing finger at the Colombian authorities whomade a mad world possible in the fastnesses of the jungle.In 342 pages, within a plot that covers no more than seven months'time (judging from the fact that the story ends shortly after the birthof the sietemesino)Rivera relates the dark history of some fifteen years.The main action of the novel takes place around the year 1920. Thisdate is given advisedly. In its last pages the novel alludes to MonsefiorMassa, Apostolic Prefect, then living at the mission of San Gabriel,5whowas appointed to the post shortly after the death of his predecessor,MonsefiorGiordano,in December, 1919.6That the action does not extendto 1921 may be gathered from the story of Funes's crimes at San

4 Cf. E. K. James, "Jose Eustasio Rivera," Revista de Estudios Hispdnicos, II, 71.6 La Vordgine,p. 336. All references are to the fifth Spanish edition (New York, 1928).6 Hamilton Rice, El Rio Negro (Amazonas) y sus grandes afluentes de la Guyana,brasilena. Tr. by D. Juan Riafo y Gayangos (Cambridge, Mass., 1934), p. 180.

317



4/17

The Factual Bases of "La Vordgine"Fernando. Although Rivera probably knew the ultimate fate of Funesprior to the publication of his novel, he limited himself to the periodending with 1920.7Wishing to give his novel the appearance of a true story, our authorincluded a prologue and an epilogue in the form of a letter and a telegramrespectively, thereby insisting that the novel is essentially the memoirsof the protagonist. Rivera even took the trouble to account for the writ-ing of the original manuscript, explaining that it was written on theledger of El Cayeno in about six weeks and at the request of RamiroEstebanez. Although the motive given for the writing of the book isnone too convincing, the choice of its autobiographical form and thearrangement of important events in chronological orderclearly show theauthor's desire to give La Vordginethe appearance of a veracious ac-count. After relating the death of the French scientist, Robuchon, whichoccurred in 1906, the novelist states that the accusations of SaldafiaRocca appeared "al aiio siguiente," adhering in this to actual history.The allusions to the distribution of Saldafia's news-sheets among thecaucheros,the machinations of the Arana Company and the arrival of aninvestigator are also given in their true sequence.8 Later on, Riveraspecifically relates that the massacre of San Fernando occurred May 8,1913, a date that is strictly historical.9Let us now examine the various parts of the novel in the light ofother written evidence with a view to determining to what extent LaVordgineis a historical record and a social document. The first partpresents an accurate picture of the physical geography of the llanos.Such travellers as Brisson, Bingham, and Mozans give us identicalobservations on climate, topography, flora, fauna, and general land-scape.'0 Upon reading Brisson in particular one surmises that this authorwas not unknown to Rivera, who must have consulted every availablesource of information before and after he joined the Colombian boundarycommittee. With Brisson's book at hand the accuracy of Rivera, even

7Funes was killed by Arevalo Cedenio, January 30, 1921. Rivera's novel appearedthree years later.8 Corroborations can be found in The Putumayo Red Book, London, 1913. There is alsoa Spanish edition of Bogota, 1913.9 La Vordgine, p. 298. Before describing the massacre Arthur Friel states: "On the nightof May 8, 1913, San Fernando was gay with music and general jollification for the caucho

(rubber) season had ended." The Riverof Seven Stars (New York: Harper and Bros., 1924),p. 128.10 George Brisson, Casanare (Bogota, 1896); Hiram Bingham, TheJournal of an Expedi-tion Across Venezuelaand Colombia,1906-1907 ... (New Haven, Conn., 1909), ChaptersvI-Ix; H. J. Mozans (J. A. Zahm), Up the Orinoco and Down the Magdalena (London,1910), Chapter vII.

318



5/17

Eduardo Neale-Silvafor insignificant details, becomes astonishingly evident. The ranches, ElHatico and San Emigdio, mentioned in the novel" are not inventions ofRivera. The former belonged at one time to D. Fidel Reyes and issituated eight leagues from Orocue. The latter is a short distance fromLa Trinidad and was owned at one time by Aquiles Lugo.l2As for HatoGrande, chosen for a good deal of the action, we presume it to be Matade Palma with a fictitious name. Its twenty thousand cattle were ownedby one Don Ram6n Oropeza, whose similarity with Zubieta, a characterin La Vordgine,cannot be a mere coincidence. Rivera describes Zubietaas "borracho y gotoso", a distrustful old man with "barriga protuber-ante, ojos de lince, cara pecosa y pelo rojizo."'3This description given byBrisson speaks for itself:El sefiorRam6nOropeza s venezolanoy duenio e unasdiezy ocho a veintemilcabezasde ganadoy de una fuerte suma de oro, que nadie sino 1econoce.Eshombrede buenaestatura,muy robusto,colorado,pint6n,marcadoen toda lapiel con manchitasamarillas,comoatigrado; endraunossesentay cincoafnosy sufrede gota; su voz es oscuray sus ojos muy apagadospor el abuso delalcohol.14Probably the novelist changed the names of the ranch and the owner toavoid possible complications.Rivera describes a civil bureaucracy flagrantly corrupt in its highestofficials. It is easy to understand why lawlessness prevailed in the llanosamong Indians and whites. Some stole from necessity; others for want ofa notion of personal property. Speaking of the llaneros, Rivera states:"todos tienen cuenta con la justicia, porque todos roban ganado."'5These llaneros, so well portrayed in the novel as distrustful, melancholyindividuals with a pronounced sense of independence and personal valor,are the same haughty Centaurs described by Mendoza in his study ofthe llanerol6 except that in the novel a dramatic atmosphere envelopsthem. Rivera saw the llanero as an exalted individual more restless andquarrelsomethan he really is. The atmosphere in Hato Grandeis chargedwith electricity; everyone is expectant, ready to make brutal force or aweapon decide the issue. In none of the accounts dealing with Casanarehave we found this dramatic tension to be the prevailing note.In the first part-as in the entire novel-there is a super-abundanceofaction; events succeed one another with vertiginous speed; yet the

11LaVordgine,p. 62,133. 12 Brisson, p.cit.,pp.156,170.13 La Vordgine, p. 42, 60, 73.14 I3risson,op. cit., pp. 140-141.If we rememberhat Brissonwrote n 1896abouta manwhomRiveraprobablymet severalyearslater we have slightdifferences ccounted or.16La Vordgine,p. 112.16Daniel Mendoza, El llanero. Estudio de sociologia venezolana(Caracas, 1912).

319



6/17

The Factual Bases of "La Voragine"novelist has been able to include a wealth of factual information thatmakes his book a true social document. Authentic details abound oncustoms, occupations, living quarters, food, amusements, beliefs, super-stitions, dance, and song. Aside from the tonada, llorao, and variousother songs and dances common at the joropos, the novelist reproducessayings and maxims in great profusion. Some of these are remnants ofballads, as is the boast of one cowboy: "-Mira, repuso el hombre: porsobre yo, mi sombrero.""7This is probably a residue of a ballad:

Sobre a paja,la palma;Sobre a palma, os cielos;Sobremi caballo,yo;Y sobremi, mi sombrero.l8

La Vordginecontains, besides, a large number of words common amongthe llaneros: punta, atajo, rejo, botalon, colear, sabanear, barajustar,pues-tear, etc. Some are not even recorded in dictionaries of Americanisms.Of particular interest are the novelist's occasional remarks on super-stitious practices: the mixing of the heart of the piapoco with coffee,the use of the aphrodisiac "venga venga," similar to the pusana used bythe Indians, the magic prayers of Mauco, and that unique fever curewith "cinco hojitas de borraja, pero arrancas de pa arriba,porque de paabajo prouicenv6mito."'9Tienen la cabeza llena de historiaspavorosas-says Brisson-sobre tal o cualcueva,pefia o laguna,sin hablar,por ejemplo,de la Mancarita,... que es labrujao hadamaleficaquese lleva a los viajerosaisladoso extraviados....20And in the novel we find allusions also to witches, ghosts and fairies,such as "el Poira" of the crooked legs and the ubiquitous IndiecitaMapiripana.21

Such are the llanos, "donde se respira un calor guerrero y la muertecabalga a la grupa de los cuartagos," a land of primitive peoples, un-afraid of death, deeply rooted to those inhospitable plains of broadhorizons, where fun is found in revelries, horse taming, and cockfights-and where love is like the wind, for it blows "pa cualquier lao."The outcasts of the llanos are the Indians. Of these Rivera treatsespecially the Guahivos and mentions also the Piapocos, Cuivas, andSalivas. A good deal has been written and said of the supposedly fierceGuahivos. Even Rivera is inclined to exaggerate the ferocity of these

17 La Vordgine,p. 37. 18Mendoza, op. cit., p. 59.19La Vordgine,p. 41. 20 Brisson, op. cit., p. 214.21 Many references to the belief in "El Poira" can be found in the novel Tod (Manizales,1933), by Cesar Uribe Piedrahita, who gathered first-hand information during his travelsin the jungles of Colombia.

320



7/17

Eduardo Neale-Silvanomads. Speaking of their depredations on the cattle and racionales, ourauthor states: "los indios guahivos de las costas del Guanapalo, que fle-chaban las resespor centenares, asaltaron la fundaci6n del Hatico, llevan-dose a las mujeres y matando a los hombres."22Brisson met no fierceIndians in his travels through Casanare and categorically denies themany stories of Indian treachery:hablamosde los Goahivosy los Cuivas,quealgunosviajerosnovelescos e entre-tienen en presentarnos omofieras; o cierto es quehastaahora os pobreshansido muy mal tratadospor los civilizadosy huyenaterradoscuandoven a unblanco.23Curiously enough, some of the Indian raids were instigated and directedby white men. The renegade "El Pipa," who lived with several tribesand even adopted their primitive customs, is not a mere invention ofRivera. This individual has a counterpart in the white man with thepseudonym of Ger6nimo Perez describedby Dickey in My Jungle Book.24The Indians were not the only unfortunate ones in the ilanos. Duringthe promising days of the rubber boom not a few llaneros decided toleave the plains in quest of the black gold of the rubberregions, attractedby the fantastic reports and promises of some enganchador ike NarcisoBarrera, by whom they became enslaved. Concerningthe authenticity ofNarciso Barrera and the horrors of slavery we have the opinion of aprominent Colombian, Don Antonio Gomez Restrepo, a member of theColombian Language Academy:El personajede Barrerano es una ficcion;esta tomadode la realidady el na-rradorha sabidocaracterizarloonbrevesperosugestivosrasgos:bajosusapa-rienciasmelifluas e esconde a crueldaddel negreroafricano.25

In the second part of the novel Rivera relates the incidents of a tripto the upper reaches of the Isana river, the subsequent meeting with DonClemente Silva, and the story of the Putumayo horrors. The story ofthe crimes perpetrated in the Putumayo, "the Devil's Paradise," is wellknown today through the many books, reports, pamphlets, and articleswritten in connection with the investigation of Sir Roger Casement. Acomparison of the novel with these historical materials will reveal to usthe accuracy of Rivera's account.In the early years of the twentieth century several Colombians estab-lished rubber-gathering stations in the Putumayo region. Among them

22La Vordgine, p. 42.23 Brisson, op. cit., p. xi. See also p. 70. A similar opinion in entertained by ManuelRoca Castellanos in his recent book, Diez luces sobreelfuturo, Bogota, 1936, pp 232-233.24H. C. Dickey, My Jungle Book (Boston, 1932) pp. 57-71.25See "Algunos conceptos sobre La Vordgine" appended to the novel, p. 360.

321



8/17

The Factual Bases of "La Vordgine"were Gregorio Calder6n and Hipolito Perez, both mentioned in LaVordgine.2 Calder6n was a pioneer, in a way, who worked with hisbrothers among the Huitoto Indians until he was forced to sell hisproperties to a Peruvian concern under most disadvantageous condi-tions.27The fate of Hip6lito Perez, at one time "uno de los mas acomo-dados residentes en el Garaparana,"28was no better. Perez entered intoa partnership with Julio Cesar Arana and eventually had to sell out for?5000, an amount which his property could have produced in less thantwo years.29The new rubber king of the Putumayo was Julio Cesar Arana, ahistorical character who figures prominently in La Vordgine. Riveradescribes Arana as "un hombre gordote y abotagado, pechudo como unahembra, amarillento como la envidia."30This is in sharp contrast withPeruvian opinion. Especially loud in their praises were some publicofficials who considered Arana's conquests a noble civilizing crusade.El notablepatriota y ricocomerciantede Loreto,don Julio C. Arana,a quienpor sus cualidadespersonalesy virtudes ciudadanas iempre lame el Abel delDepartamento,ha sido el civilizadorde todo el rio Putumayoy el que con sutalento y capitalesha hecho florecerel comercioen sus dos mas hermososa-fluentes,queson el CaraParanay el Iga Parana.a1Arana began his career as a hat peddler. At fourteen he had begun hisrubber dealings in the Amazon region. By means of crafty machinationsthe new rubber potentate gradually did away with his competitors.His technique consisted in organizingrubbercompanies in such a mannerthat he ultimately became the chief beneficiary. His agents co-operatedby means of raids and wholesale slaughter. For many years Arana pros-pered, having the tacit approval of the local Peruvian authorities becausethey saw in his expansion an assertion of national sovereignty over adisputed territory.In 1907 Arana organized a new concern, The Peruvian Amazon Co.,registered in London. On its board of directors were several Britishsubjects. Great was their astonishment in 1909 when the English maga-zine Truthbegan publishing sensational articles denouncing the company

2 La Vordgine, . 218.27JoaqulnRocha,Memorandumeviaje(Bogota,1905),p. 124. Seealso VicenteOlarteCamacho'sLas crueldades e los peruanos n el Putumayoy en el Caquetd,hirdedition(Bogota,1932), p. 66. 28Rocha, op.cit.,p. 119.29 Fray Gasparde Pinell, Excursi6napost6lica or los rios Putumayo,San MigueldeSucumbios,Cuyabeno, aquetd Cagudn Bogota,1929), p. 220.80La Vordgine, . 198.n HildebrandoFuentes,Loreto.Apuntesgeogrdficos,istoricos, stadisticos, oliticosysociales (Lima, 1908), II, 113.

322



9/17

Eduardo Neale-Silvaas the most brutal slavery machine of modern times. The evidence forthis accusation had been obtained from an American engineer, Mr.W.E. Hardenburg,who had gone to the Putumayo in 1907with his friendMr. W. B. Perkins to study the possibilities of the rubberindustry there.An official investigation followed three years later, and in 1913 theatrocities of the Putumayo became known the world over.32The Peru-vian Amazon Company was liquidated, but Arana continued operatingnew companies in a vain attempt to retain a waning market. In 1921,Julio Cesar Arana became senator for the Department of Loreto, Peru,and took an active part in discouraging the ratification of the Salomon-Lozano treaty of 1922, with which Colombia and Peru sought to put anend to a long and protracted boundary litigation which affected preciselythat region where the Arana Company had been operating.33Among the employees of Arana were two renegades from Colombia.One of them, Benjamin Larrafiaga, is called by Rivera: "Ese pastusosin coraz6n, socio de Arana y otros peruanos, que en la hoya amaz6nicahan esclavizado mas de treinta mil indios."34His compatriot, MiguelTriana, calls him "hijo del pueblo de Pasto que en diez afios lleg6 a ser elNabab de los giiitotos y el Montecristo de la ciudad teologica."35Alsohistorical is Juanchito Vega, who had formerly been Colombian Consulat Iquitos. "Se hacia indispensable sustituir al peligroso LarranfagaporJuan Bautista Vega, tambien pastuso de nacimiento, y mas traidor queel otro a los intereses de su pais."36While Arana directed the export trade from Iquitos and Manaos hisagents committed unheard of atrocities at the various stations. Riveramentions two of these agents, the notorious Victor Macedo and thebookkeeper Loaiza.37Both had long criminal records.

32Cf. House of Commons: CorrespondenceRespecting the Treatmentof British ColonialSubjects and Native Indians in the Putumayo District, Including Sir Roger Casement'sReport, Vol. LXVIII (1912-13), Miscellaneous No. 8; Special Report and Reportfrom theSelect Committeeon Putumayo Atrocities . . . Vol. ix (1912-13); Reports, Proceedings,Evi-dence,Appendicesand Index, Vol. xiv (1913), 713 pp.; House of Representatives: SlaveryinPeru . . 62nd Congress, 3rd. Session, Document No. 1366 (Washington, 1913), 443 pp.33Cf. The Putumayo Red Book (London, 1913); W. W. Hardenburg, The Putumayo, theDevil's Paradise (London, 1913); G. S. Paternoster, The Lords of the Devil's Paradise(London, 1913); J. F. Woodroffe, The Upper Reachesof the Amazon (New York, 1914). Abiography of Julio Cesar Arana is given by Fray Gasper de Pinell, op. cit., pp. 196 ff.Arana's evasive testimony in London is found in House of Commons, xiv, 459-500.

34La Vordgine, p. 192.36Miguel Triana, Por el sur de Colombia (Paris, 1907), p. 121. Details of his life andsudden death, probably by poisoning, are given in ThePutumayo RedBook, pp. 86-87, andin Pinell's book, pp. 149-150.38From accusation of Unos Colombianos, Manaos, July, 1907, apud Olarte Camacho,op. cit., p. 48. Cf. La Vordgine,pp. 199, 211, 226. 37La Vordgine, pp. 214, 197.

323



10/17

The Factual Bases of "La Vordgine"Victor Macedo,el gerentede la Chorrera,uno de esos miserablesasesinos, yMiguelLoaiza,su emulo,dandoriendasuelta a sus instintoscriminales, e dancontinuamenteel placer de quemary asesinara los indefensosy pacificosmoradores e esas luctuosasselvas.38The accusation goes on to relate the details of the horrible death of someIndians who were burned alive in exactly the same manner described inLa Vordgine.The author of these charges was the brave Benjamin Saldafia Roca,also referred to in the novel: "No se c6mo, empez6 a circular subrep-ticiamente en gomales y barracones un ejemplar del diario 'La Felpa,'que dirigia en Iquitos el periodista Saldafia Roca."39 The accusationmade by Saldafia Roca, dated August 9, 1907, as well as the manyarticles in La Felpa and La Sancion, published by Saldafia,probably werein the possession of the novelist when he wrote his book. Saldafia Rocawas a Peruvian and the first to expose the Arana Company. His charges,formally presented to the Criminal Judge of Iquitos, were promptlypigeon-holed. They were the cause, nevertheless, of a great deal of anx-iety among the criminal agents of the Putumayo, who had managed theyear before to do away with the inquisitive French scientist EugenioRobuchon, who was employed by Arana, as stated by Rivera, to explorethe Putumayo region.40There the scientist saw too much. Horrified bythe atrocities that came to his knowledge, Robuchon began taking pic-tures of mutilated or murdered Indians. These photographs he sent toLima and Europe. Word reached the masters of the Putumayo, and soonthe scientist had mysteriously disappeared. His papers were hurriedlycollected and censored. When they were published by the Peruviangovernment in 1907, full credit was given to Mr. Arana for his interestin Robuchon's work. Anyone who reads this book will grow extremelysuspicious of the vague preface by Mr. Rey de Castro, explaining thefate of the scientist.41In spite of all precautions, La Prensa of Lima saidin an editorial: ". . . las fotografias ineditas tomadas por Robuchon son

38OlarteCamacho, p.cit.,pp. 87-88. A pictureof Macedocanbe seen in Paternoster,op. cit., between pages 64-65. 39La Vordgine,p. 207.40 "Un sefor frances eg6 a las caucherias omoexplorador naturalista.Al principiose susurr6 n losbarracones uevenfaporcuentade ungranmuseoy deno s6quesociedadgeografica;uegose dijoquelos amosde losgomales e costeabana expedici6n."La Vord-gine,p. 203.ThecontractbetweenRobuchon nd Aranaas well as a pictureof the scientist

and his wifearefound in Robuchon's wn book:En el Putumayo sus afluentesLima,1907).a "Los sefioresAranay Hermanospresumen,con fundamento,que el Sr. Robuchonhaya sido victima de los indiosantrop6fagosque frecuentanesos parajes.Los mismossefiores anhecho odogEnero eesfuerzos aradescubrir lparadero el activoexplorador,perosin resultado lgunosatisfactorio."Robuchon,op. cit., p. xviii.

324



11/17

Eduardo Neale-Silvamuy conocidas y representan escenas verdaderamente espantosas."42It should not be surprising, then, to find in La Vordginethe implicationthat Robuchon was murdered. Rivera mentions specifically in this con-nection an agent named Barchilon,43a Jew from Tangiers who firstcame to Brazil and later entered into a partnership with Larrainaga.His guilt in the death of Robuchon and that of many others has beendiscussed in several books.44The Putumayo crimes were officially reported by several investiga-tors. It is difficult to identify any one of these as the "Visitador" of LaVordgine.Rivera tells us that he was energetic but accomplished verylittle in his short visit. This certainly would not apply to Sir RogerCasement, who stayed in the Putumayo for over two months and whoseinvestigation had tremendous repercussions. It is hardly possible thatour author is alluding to the visit (1907) of the American Consul, Mr.Eberhardt, since this investigation was strictly private. It is not likelyeither that Mr. S. J. Fuller or Mr. G. B. Michell, American and BritishConsuls respectively at Iquitos is the "Visitador" of the novel, sincethese gentlemen had no authority, such as the novel describes, to dismissemployees. On the other hand, Rivera might have had in mind the in-vestigation conducted by Judge R6mulo Paredes from March 15 to July15, 1911. Paredes tried to whitewash the entire affair, but could nothelp admitting the truth of the charges already made. The futility ofhis visit is evidenced by the meagre results obtained: of the 237 warrantshe issued only 9 were served.45 We must conclude, then, that the in-vestigator named "Visitador" is a composite figure.Rivera also mentions the judge at Iquitos, Dr. Valcarcel,46who orderedthe arrest of a few more criminals of the Putumayo. Valcarcel is anotherhistorical character. The irony of his situation was that one of the mostnotorious offenders, Pablo Zumaeta, was allowed to walk freely in thestreets of Iquitos while the judge himself was removed on the groundthat he had abandoned his post.47There are two other personages in the second part of the novel whomwe can definitely identify: General Velasco, sent by the Peruvian gov-ernment "a licenciar tropas y resguardos en el Putumayo y en el Caqu-eta,"48and Don Custodio Morales, "un colombiano de amables prendas

42 El librorojodelPutumayo, . 58. 43La Vordgine, . 206.44Cf. Fray Gaspar de Pinell, op. cit., p. 213; Olarte Camacho, op. cit., pp. 48-49, 51.Mr. UribePiedrahitacallshim "hombrepeligrosoy taimado,"Tod,p. 30.45The reportsof Eberhardt,Paredesand Fullerarefound n Slaveryn Peru,HouseofRepresentatives,DocumentNo. 1366(Washington, 913).46 La Vordgine, . 222. 47Paternoster, p.cit., p. 283.48 La Vordgine, . 218.GeneralVelasco s mentionedn OlarteCamacho, p.cit.,pp.65-66.

325



12/17

The Factual Bases of "La Vordgine"... que era colono del rio Cuimafif."49 n the book of Olarte Camacho towhich we have so often referred there appears an article entitled "Vocesdel Putumayo," signed by Morales.50We now come to Don Clemente Silva and Zorayda Ayram. The formerhas a prototype in the "rumbero" Di6medes of Tod, who is said tohave accompanied the French scientist Robuchon. Don Clemente's fam-ily tragedy was in all likelihood invented by Rivera to account for thelong travels of this character. There were many expert guides like DonClemente, and Rivera may not have had in mind any one in particular.As for Zorayda Ayram, "la madona," it is believed that her prototypeis dofia Narcisa Saba, widow of Barrera Malo and owner of a modesthouse at Puerto Carreiio where meals were served in hotel fashion."Corre como valida la especie de que dofia Narcisa, cuyo verdaderonombre, mucho mas lindo, es Nazira, fue retratada por Jose EustasioRivera en La Vordgine,con el inolvidable nombre de ZoraidaAyram."5'Whether this be true or not, we have ample reason to believe Zoraida agenuine character. A few women ventured into the Colombian interiorand traded in rubber. It is known, besides, that not a few of the peddlersof the Amazon were "turcos," a vague name applied to Turks, Syrians,and Jews.Still more difficult to identify is El Cayeno. Although he was in allprobability a real person, we have not been able to find mention of himin any book dealing with the Isana, Vaupes, or Rio Negro. Mr. E. K.James, however, affirmsin the preface to the translation of La Vordginethat "Funes and El Cayeno, undisguised in this story by any pseu-donyms, were figures known and hated throughout the rubber world."This information was obtained from Rivera himself at the time of thenovelist's stay in New York. Rivera had with him some Spanish sourcesand assured Mr. James of the authenticity of El Cayeno. This is partlycorroborated by Mr. Earl P. Hanson, who traveled in the Amazonregion a few years ago. He met a Frenchman-so he states in a letter tous-still living in the upper Guainia. This individual was reputed to bea fugitive from Cayenne. By personal admission one of his bitter enemieswas, as related in the novel, none other than Funes. As not all the factsgiven in La Vordgine agree with the ones we have been able to gather,we are led to believe that Rivera again gives us a type rather than adefinite individual. Certainly some of the qualities of El Cayeno wouldalso apply to other masters of the rubber regions like that ponderous

49 La Vordgine, p. 193. 50 Olarte Camacho, op. cit., pp. 65-70.51L. E. Nieto Caballero, Vuelo al Orinoco,in El Tiempo, Bogota, Nov. 1., 1934, apudArturo Torres Rioseco, "Jose Eustasio Rivera," Revista CuLbana,i (April-June, 1936),Nos. 16-18, p. 75.

326



13/17

Eduardo Neale-Silvanegroid "king" met by Gordon MacCreagh in the upper reaches of theVaupes.52We need not comment here on the work of the caucheros,the crimescommitted and the generalprevalence of vice in the Putumayo, discussedat length by Hardenburg and Paternoster, among others. Of particularinterest, however, are the details given by Rivera concerning the admin-istration of the various rubber stations. His information is in perfectaccord with the evidence gathered by Sir Roger Casement. Rivera musthave used the English report as one of his main sources for the sectiondealing with the Putumayo.53The most pitiable victims of the rubber barons were the Indians.They were rounded up like beasts and forced to work in gangs for amere pittance. Thousands died in a few years from starvation or illtreatment. Rivera saw several tribes of the Vichada and Meta andalludes besides to many others.54A discussion of the Indian customsdescribed in La Vordgine would be too lengthy to include here. Ourauthor was intensely interested in Amazon life and felt a deep compas-sion for the Indian, a Colombian citizen for whom little or nothing hasbeen done and one who has generally been the victim of crafty adven-turers.55The third part of the novel contains the story of Funes and the crimes

62 Gordon MacCreagh, White Waters and Black (New York, 1926), pp. 320-321. So ac-curate is the factual data of La Vordginethat Messrs. Howard and Ralph Wolf did nothesitate to include El Cayeno as an authentic figure in their excellent work Rubber-AStory of Glory and Greed (New York, 1936). The authors have informed us that theirreference to El Cayeno was written on the basis of the facts given in Rivera's novel.

63 "Nominally-says the British Consul-General-the men were well paid with from5 1. to 61. per month, but this pay given with one hand was generally taken back with theother, for the prices at which the men were forced to satisfy their necessities from thecompany's stores ate up each month's and even several months of their earnings beforethey became due. A man in debt anywhere in the Amazon rubber districts is not allowed toleave until the debt is paid and, as the creditor makes out the account and keeps thebooks, the debtor frequently does not know how much he owes and, even if he had themeans, might not always be able to satisfy their claims. Accounts are falsified and men arekept in what becomes a perpetual state of bondage, partly through their own thriftlessness(which is encouraged) and partly by deliberate dishonesty." From Sir Roger Casement'sReport, HIouseof Commons, Vol. LXVIII,Miscellaneous No. 8, p. 18. Cf. La Vordgine, pp.189,217.

54 Rivera mentions the Vanivas, Bares, Carijonas, Huitotos, Andoques, Puinaves andMaipurefios, aside from a cosmopolitan tribe of the Papunagua formed by refugees fromthe rubber regions. La Vordgine,pp. 134, 168, 169, 176, 195. Mr. Custodio Morales tells ofthe existence of a similar cosmopolitan tribe at Cuemafii. Cf. Olarte Camacho, op. cit.,pp. 67-58.55Details on the use of achiote, yopo, yage, and on Indian beliefs and practices may befound in the books of Fray Gaspar de Pinell, Perez Triana, and Brisson, already cited.

327



14/17

The Factual Bases of "La Vordgine"of San Fernando. Ever since Puerto Ayacucho was made the seat of thegovernment in 1928, San Fernando has been a ghost town. In 1932 ithad only about sixty people. The town, although dead, survives in thememories of those who lived through the reign of terror of the halfdemented Tomas Funes, the ogre of San Fernando.San Fernando was not a safe place for a governor: Venancio Pulgarwas shot, Melendez Carrascowounded, Maldonado killed; and RobertoPulido, the one presented in La Vordgine,was murdered in cold blood,along with seventy others.56Opinions on the wisdom and honesty of governor Pvlido vary. Riverais inclined to justify his commercial activities, admitting, however, thatPulido "al vender con mano oficial recogia con ambas manos."57 Mr.H. C. Dickey, on the other hand, states that Pulido, not satisfied withtaxes alone, had a monopoly of cigarettes, which he sold to his ownsoldiers, charging the purchases to their next month's pay. Pulido, weare told, even opened a gambling den where cigarettes were used aschips.68 Some claim-with Rivera-that the governor's decrees werewell inspired. Mr. Arthur Friel, who has written a very able account ofSan Fernando affairs, states that Pulido intended to use some of theproceeds of his taxes for the improvement of transportation facilities.59Undoubtedly the governor was not above reproach and, knowing thathis situation was not safe, he preferred to live at Catanapo, where itwas "healthier."60As some of the taxpayers could not pay with cash, Pulido confiscatedrubber, tonka beans, balata, or any other produce of value. One of thoseaffected was Colonel Tomas Funes. The facts given in La Vordginecon-cerning the events of May, 1913, are as accurate as any. The readermaycompare them with those found in the lengthier account of Friel, whoobtained his information largely from men of the Orinoco. Funes sec-retly armed his men and attacked Pulido and his family at night. Thegovernor, who had just returned home with fever; was in his hammock.

68Cf.RufinoBlancoFombona,Diariodemi vida(Madrid,1929),pp. 181-182.57La Voragine,p. 299. "El gobernador-the novelist explains-no habfa establecidoimpuestosestfipidos; in embargo, ragu6basea conjuraparasuprimirlo. umalaestrellale aconsej6dictar un decretoen el cual disponfaque los derechosde exportarcauchosepagaranen SanFernando, onoroo conplata,y noconpagaresgirados ontrael comerciode CiudadBolivar."La Vordgine, . 300.58 "Hewould akefiftypercent of the cigarettesout of eachpot, as ownerof theresort,andsellthemback to theplayers.AndI haveit ongoodauthority hat he didnot disdainshoes and articlesof clothing,even food of the soldiersfor which he exchangedmorecigarettes orgambling."H. C.Dickey, My JungleBook(Boston,1932),pp. 173-174.69ArthurFriel,op. cit.,p. 127.60Cf. Leo E. Miller,In theWildsof SouthAmerica New York,1919),pp. 153, 163.

328



15/17

Eduardo Neale-SilvaA volley of bullets killed him before he could defend himself. His wife,driven to insanity by this assassination, was captured and bound, alongwith her son, a lad of about fourteen. In the meantime the henchmen ofthe crazed Colonel killed some seventy people: "En las tiendas, en lascalles, en los solares reventaban los tiros. Confusi6n, fogonazos, lamen-taciones, sombras corriendo en la obscuridad."6lAfter the massacre Funes appointed himself governor. With garrisonsstationed at strategic points along the rivers and with an army of crim-inals behind him, Funes became sole authority along the Orinoco. Some-times an innocent individual was "sent to Funes's cemetery" for themost trivial reason. In the black list were included his own accomplices.In mortal fear for his life, El Coronelordered the death of whole families.Rivera justly says:Jamfs, en ningunpais,se vi6 tiranocontantodominioen viday fortunascomoel queatormentaa inmensurableonacauchera uyasdossalidasestascerradas:en el Orinoco,por los chorrosde Aturesy Maipures;y en el Guainia,porlaAduanade Amanadona.62Oddly enough, Funes became the official governor of Amazonas by adecree of Juan Vicente Gomez. Mr. Dickey, who met the monster ofthe Orinoco,describes him as "a small, dapper chap... He had a retreat-ing forehead, a luxuriant black moustache, a sallow complexion. He worea number five shoe."63His reign of terror lasted eight long years, untilJanuary 30, 1921, when he was shot by Arevalo Cedeiio.Rivera mentions also a few minor individuals who are historical. Oneof Funes's subordinates was a certain L6pez: "El grupo de Lopez,felinamente se acerc6 a la ventana abierta."4 This individual is men-tioned in Friel's book. Lopez acted like a scared rabbit-Friel asserts-when he faced a firingsquad in 1921.65Another culprit in Funes's "army"was Gonzalez, mentioned in La Vordgineas the one who murdered sev-eral men with his own machete.This was Gonzalez Perdomo, the authorof a book vindicating Funes. Gonzalez was later placed in charge of theMaipures garrison. Like many others he was poisoned by Funes himself.66Even Espinosa, barely mentioned in the novel, is a real character. Andit is at least remotely possible that Vacares, nicknamed "El Vaquiro" inthe novel, is the individual whom Friel calls Baca.67

61 La Vordgine, pp. 302-303. 62La Vordgine,p. 301.63Dickey, op. cit., pp. 175-176. 4 La Vordgine, p. 302.65"The most noted butchers in Funes's force were Luciano L6pez, his second in com-

mand, who really was a butcher-the town's official killer of cattle-and one Avispa, whosename (real or assumed) meant 'Wasp'." Friel, op. cit., p. 144.66 Ibid., pp. 144, 145. Cf. La Vordgine,p. 303.67 Friel, op. cit., pp. 135-136, 137.

329



16/17

The Factual Bases of "La Vordgine"Near the end of the novel Rivera mentions two other persons thatdeserve comment. One is Monsefor Massa, to whom we have already

alluded. Monsefior Massa has been described asDigno sucesor.... Hombrepractico, poseedorde la educaci6ny experienciasnecesarias araunalabordeestegenero,y, animadodel celo misionero espiritureligiosoque parecen nspirara los Padres Salesianos,su iniciativa,energia,entusiasmoy habilidad stan obteniendo esultadosnotables.68The other person is Joao Castanheira Fontes. Joao was probably relatedto don Antonio Castanheiro Fontes of Umarituba whom Dr. HamiltonRice met on his trip to the Rio Negro.69

A close examination of other materials which we have been unable toconsult would probably show that several of the names and events notdiscussed in this paper are also historical. As secretary of the SecondSection Committee Rivera had excellent opportunities to examine agood number of documents from which to draw information. Besides,he must have talked to many a river boatsman to whom the inside storyof the Putumayo and San Fernando was well known. It is well-nighimpossible today to verify many of the details given by the novelist, asmost of the possible informers prefer to carry their secrets with them.Friel, Hanson, and others who have traveled in the Amazon interiorhave found a general reluctance to confide in strangers.Rivera mentions over sixty rivers and tributaries of the region coveredby the novel. So sure was the novelist of his geographical knowledge thathe dared to call the map prepared by the Oficina de Longitudes "mapacostoso, aparatoso, mentiroso y deficientisimo." Aside from the manyrectifications made in recent years concerning the headwaters of certainColombianrivers, we have found many evidences of imperfect knowledgeof the geography of the Colombian interior. As late as 1925, for example,Fray Estanislao de Las Corts published a Report relating his adventuresalong "el desconocido rio Caguan," a tributary of the Caqueta.70 LaVordgine also contains a great profusion of information on the faunaand flora of Colombia. Rivera was a lover of nature and a good observer.Now he delights in the gorgeous sight of a herons' pond or the glory ofthe awakening day; now he succumbs to the spell of the jungle and itsdestructive denizens, the recoiling giilo, the voracious carib fish or thedevastating tambochas.La Vordgineis a historical record and a social document. Probablythe historical part of its plot will relegate the novel to a secondary place68Rice, H. A., op. cit., p. 180. 69Ibid.,p. 6.70Cf.InformeselasMisionesCatblicase Colombiaelativoslosanos1925y 1926(Bogota, 926).

330



17/17

Eduardo Neale-Silvain the future. But certain sections will survive, especially those writtenin complete detachment from pure history. The events of the Putumayoand San Fernando refer to a specific time and a specific place and haveno representative value. More significant by far are the sections inter-preting the soul of the llanos and the jungle.While the novel is essentially accurate, the impression it leaves in thereader is erroneous. Rivera crowdedinto a simple plot the history of somefifteen long years. The choice of the events, their rapid succession, andthe exalted dramatic atmosphere that pervades the pages of the novel,all contribute to make of La Vordgineexactly what its title implies, avortex of action. The mad world depicted in the second and third parts,even though its component elements are historically true, is essentiallyan artificial accumulation of events unrelated in time and space. Incontrast with the first part the latter sections of the novel are not asynthesis but a summary.Probably the more artistic passages of the novel were written asseparate units and fused into one work at a later date. This explains theunevenness of the novel and its defective technique. The poetic andfactual moods indicate a difference in the time of composition and adifference in purpose. When the novel was finally written, the artist waspartly defeated by the historian.7

EDUARDO NEALE-SILVAUniversity of Wisconsin

71 Subsequent to the completion of this article I consulted the excellent book of Earl P.Hanson, Journey to Manaos, (New York, 1938). In the detailed account of Funes's regimethe author alludes to the Italian Jesus Capecchi and to Dr. Baldomero Benftez, both his-torical characters mentioned by Rivera. (Cf. La Vordgine, pp. 302, 305). I also succeededin obtaining a copy of El procesodel Putumayo (Lima, 1915), a general expose written inself-defense by Sr. Carlos A. Valcarcel, the Peruvian judge at Iquitos already discussed(See footnote 46). The evidence given by Valcarcel concerning the affairs of the Putumayois overwhelming. Finally, one modification. When the articles published in El Tiempo ofBogota appeared in book form, L. E. Nieto Caballero inserted a letter signed by Nazira(dofia Narcisa Saba) denying the supposition that she is Zoraida Ayram. Vuelo al Orinoco(Bogota, 1935), p. 151.

331

Documents

Eduardo Neales Silva