Mary Magdalene, musician and dancer H . C O L I N S L I M

I Anonvmous: Mary Mqdalenz (Chatswonh. Trustees of thc Chatsworth Settlement)

A small Flemish painting from the early 16th century presently ar Chatsworth, scarcely known to art his- torians and unpublished, depicts a richly dressed lady intently reading her prayerbook (illus. 1). An oint- ment vessel suggests her relationship with Mary Magdalene. An intabulation of a Flemish song, partly obscured by a lute case, oflers several clues about music and dance in the legends about Magdalene which had proliferated since the Middle Ages. The

460 EARLY MUSIC OCTOBER 1980

painting also reveals something of humanistic attitudes towards this immensely popular saint.

From Pope Gregory the Great onwards, the Western Church had conflated the three Mays in the Gospels into a single Mary Magdalene. Historicaily there was the penitrrlt harlot whose tears wetted Christ's feet which she wiped with her hair and then anointed. Another Mary the Middle Ages regarded as a contemplative, in contrast with her more active

sister, Martha.' A third Mary ffom whom Christ exorcized seven devils, was present at the Crucifixion and at His Resurrection Christ bade her tell His disciples that He was now risen.

Some of the earliest legends about Magdalene's life, both before and after her conversion, influ- enced painting and literature. Others associated her with music and still later with dance. Already by the late 9th century a legend was abroad that after Christ's Ascension Magdalene led a her~riit's life o f penitence in the desert. Beginning around the 10th century extravagant legends sprang up that after her conversion she took a sea voyage from the Middle East so as to preach in Southern k'rancc and tlic~i spent 30 years of penitence there on a mountain top. The 12th century saw the place where she dwelt moved fiom the deserts of the Middle East to a mountain grotto in Southern F r a n ~ e . ~ The Golden Legend ( ~ 1 2 6 5 ) contains an encyclopaedic story about her.' Magdalene took a sea voyage to Provence with, among others, her sister Martha and her brother Lazarus. Guided by the power of God, they safely reached Marseilles where Magdalene preached to the pagans and converted them. She then re- treated fbr 30 years to a solitary mountain grotto near Sainte Baume. During the Middle Ages and the Renaissance Sainte Baume was, and is even today, a place of pilgrimage. The Golden Legend states that every day at each of the seven canonical hours angels lifted her from the grotto up to heaven. At each ascent she heard glorious chants sung by heavenly hosts.

The Magdalene themes-her former worldliness, her penitence both in a desert and in a mountain grotto, her contemplation, and her ascension accom- panied by music-permeate art and literature of' the Middle Ages and the Renaissance. For example, Joachim Patinir's mountain landscape depicting the shrine to her on the mountain top (c 1520 now in the Zurich Kunsthaus) shows angels lifiing her from Sainte Baurne to H e a ~ e n . ~

An altarpiece by the Master ot the Legend of' Magdalene combines biblical and legendary scenes.' (Dated ~ 1 5 2 0 , it is now dispersed in Budapest, Copenhagen, Berlin [destroyed], Philadelphia and Schwerin.) The central panel depicts Magdalene's almost invariable attribute, an ointment jar, from which she salves Christ's feet. A left wing shows her at the hunt; her castle is in the background and at the left she listens to Christ. In the right wing she

preaches to the pagans and in the background a priest looks upward at her ascent from Sainte Baume to Heaven.

In the last painting of a cycle illustrating her life, a late 14th-century Siennese master presents Magdalerle haloed and clothed only in her long hair (illus. 2 ) .& Borne upward over tree tops by flying angels, she hears heavenly music: at the upper lett two angels play a fiddle and a double recorder; at the right two ot her angels play a fiddle and a shawrn.

In a cloth banner painted about 1370, Spinello Aretino combines penitence arid music making (illus. 3).' Spiriello's Magdalene was the patron saint of a H~gcllant u ~ d c ~ ~t Gulhiu k l ~ u w ~ i ~s the Bru~her- hood of San Sepolcro. Iconographical association with Magdalene is twofold. The ointment jar she holds is also embroidered on the shoulders of the kneeling, hooded Ragellants. Her association with music is by way of the Golden Legend. The heavenly musicians who will bear her aloft play on the lefi: psaltery, non-waisted fiddle, and double recorder; and on the right: portative organ, shawrn, and bag- pipe. Perhaps the uppermost angels sing, or will soon be singing those glorious chants described one

2 Master of the Magdalene Legend (Siennese): Ajcmlon o/ the Magdalnc (Savoy, Abbaye Hautccombe)

EARLY MIiSIC OCTOBER 1980 461

3 Spinello Aretino: Smnt Masy Maphalent rnthronrd w l h rnusu- rnakrng Angeh and Lneclrng Flagellanlr (New York, Metropolitan Museum)

hundred years earlier in the Golden Legend. Both sets of angels strikingly resemble those who

sing and play musical instruments in many rrecento anti quattrocento paintings depicting the Corona- tion of the Virgin Mary, o r her As~umption.~ This rranster of iconographic motive from the Virgin Mary to the reformed harlot, Magdalene, causes no surprise tor during the Middle Ages and the Renais- sance popular devotion ranked Magdalene second only to the Virgin herself'. Indeed, she was called: 'Our Indy', a 'niaidrn'. and even 'virgin'.

Lucas van Leyden's engraving, dated 1519, shows us simultaneously Magdalene's early follies and her later apostolate in Southern France (illus. 4).9 Although nor all the iconography of this engraving is presently understood, i t is clear that Sainte Baume rises in the background, and just ro the right of the mountain's peak, four angels lift up the saint. In the foreground Magdalene appears haloed advancing to preach to the pagans with a male companion. The middleground shows her riding to the hunt. At the

162 E A R L Y MUSIC OCTOBER 1980

extreme left a fool points to the folly of both love- making and musicmaking. Because of the degree of resemblance among the various women making love and making music and Magdalene herself, some art historians title the engraving: 'The Worldly Pleasures of' Mary Magdalene'.l0 Others call i t the 'Dance of Mary Magdalene." Indeed, the hand and foot posirions of Magdalene and her companion and the drummer and transverse flute player behind them suggest a basse dance.

Magdalene often appears as a dancer in mystery plays. In Jean Michel's Mystire de la Passion, first per- tbrmed in 1486 and popular into the 16th century, she asks a male companion if he would dance a d sing with her:

' V o u h vous troys hrurcs ou qt~atre dancer, rhanter?'12

An English Magdalene drama from the Digby cycle, preserved in a late 15th-century manuscript, has the Devil, disguised as a gallant, tempting her:

'But wol yow dawns, my own dere?'

To which she replies:

'Sel-, I asent in good rnaner.'"

German plays which include roles fbr the Magdalene also provide helpful infbrmation. Four times during the Frankfurt Passion-play ( 1493) Magdalene exclaims :

'Ach meister, phiff ufi; las, lass uns springen!"' (Ah, master, pipe away, let's dance!)

In a play from St Gall (c 1300) she performs a round dance: 'Maria Magdalena cum una puella et duobus iuvenibus chorizet'" (With a damsel and two young men Mary Magdalene does a round dance).

Stage directions in a Passion-play from Donau- eschi~igen ( c 1480) link Magdalene and her com- panion directly with a court dance, the verb hojieren perhaps even signifying a basse dance: 'Nu fachent sy an mit dem seitenspil ze hoffieren'I6 (Now with the string playing, thev begin to perform a court dance).

Only a few musical sources, from the early 16th century, demonstrate Magdalene's interest in dancing. In February 1530 Pierre Attaingnant pub- lished a lute arrangement of a basse dance which he called La Magdalena, shortly thereafter printing the same dance for ensemble. In 1546 Marc'Antonio del Pifaro published his chtarenxna (a kind of pavane) tbr lute, titling i t La ~Cfadaha. Unfortunately no choreo-

4 1,ucas van Levden: Danre o/Maty Mqdalene (Amsterdam, Rijksmuseum)

graphies survive fbr these French and Italian dances which bear her nan1e.l7

Thoinot Arbeau's Orchlsographie ( 1589) provides another possible link of Magdalene with a basse dance. Arbeau gives dance steps to what he calls a hnrse dance d~l~louissance vous donneray.18 Some 50 years earlier Jacques Moderne's dance treatise ( c 1530-8) had already assigned dancr strps to Jou i s~ance . '~ Daniel Heartz has studied a group of five paintings by the Flernish Master of the Fernale Half-Lengths, all ti-om the 1520s. Each painting depicts Magdalene as a lutenist. In one ot them Hrartz identities two frag- ments ot the superius to Claudin de Serrnisv's chanson, Joussxznce rlous donneraj, first published by Attaingnant in l.52X.20 In conjunction with Arbrau's rrrnarks about Jouyssance, this painting perhaps a l l o w 114 r o enl~rgc. Magcfalrnc*'~ rrpertoirr of harcr dances to include one on Claudin's chanson. For his monophonic basse dance Arheau selected the tenor from Joujssance.

This painting and the other fbur by the Master of the Female Half-Lengths also have inscribed a lute intabulation o f the two lower voices of' another, three-voiced chanson, SL j'ayme mon my.^' Its earliest source is the British Museum Additional MS 35087 (dating trom 1505-6). All five paintings depict the young Magdalene playing French court chansons on hcr lutr. Onc might expect her to sing the rnirsing superius to Sz j'ayme mon amy. However, as Heartz observes, she 'always remains tight-lipped . . . [and] is clearly not singing'.22 Thr reason for this may be that, as in Jouyssance, the iconography of' thr chanson signifies not Magdalene's singing, but her dancing, for a manuscript list o f basse dances copied in 1517 hv Stribaldi includes one called S e y hzme bzen rn hmw,2J which rnav well be the chanson in all five paintings.

Arbeau's student, Capriol, poses a question which reminds us o f the two instrumentalists who stand behind Mary Magdalene in the Lucas van Leyden en- graving of some 70 years earlier.

EARLY M U S I C OCTOBER 1980 463

Caprzol: ' M u s ~ the tabor and flute necessarily be used for pavans and basse

Arbeau answers that not only can the tabor bring the feet into the correct positions required for the dance. but that also such dances can be played on all sorts of . .

instruments and can even be sung. Lucas' engraving (lower right) shows singing as

one of Magdalene's worldly pleasures. A quartet, including a woman who resembles Magdalene, sings from a folded sheet of music. Because the notation is stylized and not readable, we cannot know whether they are singing for the basse dance, as Arbeau says was possible, or merely singing for themselves.

The Flemish painting from c 1580, of which details

5a.b Anonymous: The Worldlf Joys of Mary .Hagdal~nedetails (formerly Berlin. Galerie Ehrhardt)

are shown in illus. 5o and 6, is strongly influenced by Pieter Bruegel the Elder.2s Three instrumentalists - play cornetto, transverse flute and drum. A group of singers pertorms, this time from a large choir book with stylized notation. Four people perform a round dance; Magdalene and her escort, perhaps a basse dance. While the painter may depend on Lucas' engraving fbr some details of singing and dancing, stage directions and the Magdalene episodes in the Medieval mystery plays already mentioned may also be contributing to this scene.

These plays tell us that Magdalene enjoved singing. Lo passion d'Anas (c 1430) calls upon one of its charac- ters, Mary Magdalene, to sing a chanson: 'Adonc [ellel chante une chanson a v ~ l e n t e ' ~ ~ (then [she] sings a chanson of her own choice). The play provides two lines of poetry fbr i t but gives no music.

By using the image of the chanson in his Mysthe de la Passton (c1486), Jean Michel characterizes Magdalene's worldliness no less than five times. Stage directions for one of these scenes read: 'Cy apres commence la mondanite de la Magdaleine et est a noter qu'elle pourra chanter de choses faictes a plaisan~e.'~' (Now beg~ns the worldliness of the Magdalene, and i t is to be noted h a t she may sing 'choses faictes' at her own pleasure.) 'Choses faictes' is the ubiquitous res fact^.^^ Because the actress, o r perhaps the stage director, is to choose a chanson already composed for her, the play provides neither music nor even cites a suitable text.

A chanson trom the turn 01 the 15th century which specifically names Magdalene might even have been connected with a mystery play. In May 1510, a young Swiss student at Paris, lohannes Heer, entered a

?

three-voiced chanson into his notebook (now St Gall, MS 462), although he copied only the first four words of its text, 'MaugrO danger pompera Magdalene'.29 Fortunately the remainder of the text-five stanzas in all-appears in several printed collections of chanson verse, the earliest of which is from around 15 15.j0 The music which Heer copied has a clear four-fold structure, ABCA, one which exactly suits the lengths and the rhyme scheme (ABBA) of the four lines in each stanza and allows an underlay of the text to the music with only minimal difficulties. This Magdalene

161 E A R L Y M U S I C OCTOBER 1980

chanson also relates to the basse dance for 20 years o r so after Johannes Heer copied the chanson in Paris, Moderne cites Maulgre' d a n p e r as a b a s e dance commune."

Maugri danger pompera M agdalene, Vueillent ou non ces envieulx maulditz. Le chateau Magdalon c'est ung droit paradis; Si bon soulas n'appartient a villaine.

'De rnon amy je suis en dueil et peine; Mon cueur chagnn endurer je ne puis. Amere tout soucy, tristesse et ses apuis! En amour suis trop ardante el soudaine.

Ung noble cueur qui en amours p e n t peine, Et qui jouyst maulgri ces ennemys, De dueil et de courroux doit estre dehors mis. Danger n'y a puis que soulas les maine.

'De rnon plaisirje suis seure et certaine; J'ay b i m assez en ung lops exquis; Et mon gent corps si est de maintes gens requis, Parquoy me dis sur toutes souveraine. '

'De mes deux yeux feray une fontaine, Et de mon chef, ou prens tout mon deduyt,

Je le feray couper se ne voy rnon amy; Parquoy je mews d'une amour souveraine. '

Magdalene was thus visualized as both a dancer and a singer before her conversion. The Master of the Female Half-Lengths also portrayed her as a lutenist, probably choosing the lute because its hollow, rounded shape had widely understood erotic con- notations in his society. In this regard, Heartz mentions a pun which Rabelais made in 1534 o n the popular expression, 'jouer de luc', the pun meaning to play with the female private parts.J2 However, the Master of the Female Half-Lengths may also have selected the lute for his Mary Magdalene paintings because of the roles she played in contemporary drama. For example, an early 16th-century French moralite' with six characters has Martha sending for her absent sister, Magdalene, ' to relurn I ~ o ~ n c . Magdalene is finally located-in the act of retuning her lute.JJ

The lute and its music havc considerable icono- graphical significance in several other Flemish paintings of Mary Magdalene.I4 Illus. 1 shows one of these, now in the collection of the Duke of Devon- shire.J5 Richard Boyle, the third Earl of Burlington probably acquired this small Flemish painting for his

Trans. H. Colin Slim & J. J . Hayes. Source: Chumon Vnse ofthe Early Renaissance, ed. B . JefIery (London, 1971) 1, pp. 59-60 from S'ensuivenl plusieurs Belles chamom nouvelles. Et sonl m nombre iiii.xx. el dix (Paris, Widow Trepperel [ ? I , c 15 12-25).

Despite her hesitation, Magdalene will display herself gloriously,

Whether these accursed spiteful men like i t or not. The Castle of Magdalon is a real paradise, Such good comfort does not belong to a low-born woman.

'I am in pain and sorrow for my lover; I cannot endure my sorrowful heart. Away all care, sadness and all its supports ! In love I am very passionate and quick.'

A noble heart, which feels pain in love And which, in spite of these enemies, takes pleasure Should be placed beyond sorrow and affliction. There is no danger, for comfort drives them out.

' I am sure and certain of my own pleasure; I have goods enough in a charming lodging; And my beautiful body is much in demand by many

people; So I call myself sovereign over all other women.'

' I shall make a fountain of my two eyes. And of my head, whence all my pleasure springs, 1 shall have i t cut OK, if I do not see my lover; Wherefore I die of a sovereign love.'

future Palladian villa ( 1 725-9) at Chiswick o n one of his Italian trips (1 7 14- 15 and 1 7 19).j6

Y

Pasted on the back of this picture is a long letter in . . Italian in an early 18th-century hand describing the figure, although erroneously, as Petrarch's Laura. The few art historians who have seen the picture ascribe it to various Flemish painters active in the first half of the 16th century, painters working prin- cipally at Antwerp and Bruges up to 1550: the Master of the Female Half-Lengths, the Master of the Death of the Virgin (Joos van Cleve), the Master of the Parrot, Ambrosius Benson, and Bernard van Orley.J'

Like the lute-playing young ladies by the Master of the Female Half-Lengths, the presence of the oint- ment vessel links this lady to Magdalene. Unlike those young women, ou r somewhat older lady repre- sents a later stage in Magdalene's career-the convert and the penitent. First, she neither sings nor plays, but reads from a rubricated prayer book. Secondly, only the lute's case appears, implying that she has put the lute aside, o r returned it to its case. Thirdly, although French lute tablature notates an erotic song, the lute case hides most of it.

E A R L Y M U S I C OCTOBER 1980 465

This tablature presents the beginning of a Flemish love song, 0 waerde mont . In 1529 Attaingnant pub- lished a fuller intabulation of this song for lute, which he called Alsowerdonont, and the same year, Anthoine Arena published basse dance steps to be executed t o C'e~dernont.'~ But the Chatsworth Magdalene, so intent o n her prayer-book, was surely no longer interested in the frivolities of' a basse dance, let alone one o n such an erotic song as intabu- lated here (illus. 6 ) .

Schoon he/, doet we1 Fair love, do well ende ktert nremant el, m d choost. nobodv else. ~ r r nurrl en rpel in earnest o r j e s ~ doe1 my1 bellel d o what I tell you ~ n d r haul ghlof/e In /rourrwn; ; ~ n d kwp tail hlul your vow: hct P I I ,\a1 ti ~ I P I herotm~en. \ on \vill not regrrt i t .

Trans. H . Colin Sl inl & A.,juda. SIILII-tr- Lrn rrhoon ltrdrknl~ B o ~ c k iAntwc.r.p. 1 i441, 1 1 0 . CXXX dntl

i n 11. \..ill Duvw. llpt oudr .l'ed~rlnndrrhP Lxd 11903) I , pp. 572.5. IIO. 152.

I

6 French lute tablature (detail from illus. 1)

0 uaerde monf,

g h ~ maert ghesonl mtpr herten g o n I lot alder rtonl, nli LC ht u much weien. so hen I C a1 ghenecen

\ter trchevden ~pcae/ von lfier geiael maekt mz dtsperral. ten hael ghee~un rael. unit sr mt nu beghervn. 7wn ~truerhden moel tr snerlen

Maer srhoon g h t h ha)r. haer oorhskens rlaer hrenghen mr tn r m - T nu hler nu d @ ~ , dal tcse soude r ~ e r l ~ ~ ~ s e n , oft it een ander soude kwren

Haer izppekens root. haer borstkeru hlool. a1 sonder gholool. m k m mr vroecht goo& . air tc br k r m c h rusten. hoete rc mrps herten lu.tlen

Oh honour-deset~ing m o u h , ~ h o u healtw my hrarl's t;)undation for alwavs; whrn I can be with you, thrn alrradv I a m h e a l d .

But 111'evil departure from hcl- spirited countenance makes me desperate, f ir which counsel is of no avail; would she torsake me now, ds d ~-esuh I would perish.

He]- fair blonde hair her cleal- eyes 111-ing me in danger -rww here, now thrrc~- that I would lose her, or that she will choose

someone else. Her- I-ed lips, her breasls bare. all without enjoy, makr me greatly worlv: when I may rcsr with her I otfer rny hearl's dcsirn.

The lute intat>ulation she has put aside as un- worthy includes only the tenor and the bass of. a three- o r tour-voic-ed song with Flemish texl (ex. 11. The song first appears in two partbooks-suprrius at Brussels and tenor at Tournai-the latter dated 15 1 1 . However, several sacred works ernploy either the song's superius o r its tenor as a cantus tirnius and at least one of' these can be shown to have been com- posed late in the 15th century.39 The song next appears a4 in a version almost certainly intended for instruments, titled O u g h warder mount but lacking further text, in British Museum MS 31922 (c 1515) .40 Arndt von Aich published the piece a4 in a f ire German translation around 151Y.41 In 1523-4 Jiirg Weltzell, a German university student (perhaps at Ingolstadt), intabulated a version fbr soprano, tenor and bass v iok4* This lacks an altus, but otherwise contorms to Arndt's edition, although originally the Flemish piece may have had only three voices. 0 wnerde monl clearly belongs to what John Stevens de- scribes as 'international song-hits' of the late 15th c e n t u ~ ? . ~ ~

Before her conversion, the Chatsworth Magdalcne would perhaps have sung the superius of' 0 w a e d e mont while accompanying herself with its tenor and bass on the lute. However, she might also have sung the tenor (thc highcst line of her lutc intabulation in- scribed in the painting). The Inany appearances of the tenor between 15 1 1 and 1609 and its migration earlv in the 17th century t o the suprrius 01- a Protestant chorale suggest i t was a well-known tune in its own right and that i t began a carerr late in the 15th century as a popular ~ - n c l o d y . ~ ~ Most likely Arena had thr tenor- in mind for his hasse dancc. I'e~demont.~'

In the table of contents of his Trerp.( brer~e ct /amdlere introduction Attaingnant assigned 0 w a ~ r d e mont a Frmch title, A to? me rendz, which Heartz rightly labels a contrafactum. He has also located these words in the contratenor of- an anonymous fricasee chanson published by Attaingnant in 1532.'"hey appear

466 E A R L Y M L ' S I C O C T O B E R 1980

Ex. 1 Chatsworth, lute inscription

about midway through this chanson just as the contratenor quotes the opening four bass notes of 0 waerde mont. Presumably the singers for whom this fricaske was intended were as well acquainted with A toy me rendz as they were with the fricaske's other chansons, Au pres de vous, Dont vient cela, Le content est nche, Gentil galans, etc. so as to recognize it from just four notes and from its bass at that. In seeking to sell his Tres breve et familiere introduction, Attaingnant pru- dently put on its title page not his garbled Flemish title, Alsowerdonont (the syllables of which d o not even fit the song), but a French title which his clientele would recognize because the entire text of the chanson appeared elsewhere. Although some his- torical accident has denied posterity the remainder of the text, obviously the French knew this piece and knew it well in French.

Even though the Flemish and German texts fit the music so poorly as to raise suspicions that neither language belonged originally to the music, and not- withstanding that 0 waerde mont was in Paris between 15 10 and 15 12 as we know from the Swiss student

Johannes Heer copying it,47 there is good reason for agreeing with Heartz that the French text is a conka- factum. Obviously the case could be further argued if a complete French text is ever recovered.

Why did Attaingnant place Alsowerdonont as well as A toy me rendz at the head of his intabulation? Similar double titled works appear nowhere else in his print. Why did he need to remind his clientele of the song's Flemish title? Perhaps it was the persistence of association in the French mind of 0 waerde mont with Mary Magdalene. Attaingnant's Tres breve etfamiliere introduction (October 1529) was preceded (among other volumes) some time between January and April by his Trente el cinq chansons This collec- -

t i o n contains an anonymous four-voice chanson, Tous nobles coeurs venez voir Magdalene, the text of which Albert Seay has plausibly connected with the marriage at Amboise on 2 August 15 18 of Lorenzo I I de' Medici to Madeleine de la Tour d ' A ~ v e r g n e . ~ ~ The poem and 'de la Tour' show that she too had a castle like her namesaint (at Magdala). Between Madeleine and Magdalene there is more than just a connection with name, property, and worldly glory. Madeleine de la Tour's chanson begins its superius quite unmistakably with the most frequently quoted voice of 0 waerde mont, the tenor, and until i t pauses, it paraphrases the Flemish tenor until the latter's next pause (ex. 2). Madeleine de la Tour's chanson must have been composed between her engagement in January 1518 and her departure from France in August. Almost certainly it was by one of those court composers on whom Attaingnant so frequently drew for his earliest chanson collections. What with the theological disputes then raging in Paris (from 15 1 7 ) about the unity o r plurality of the three biblical Mary~,~O plus Francis I's ardent pilgrimage to Sainte Baume in January 1516 in thanksgiving for his triumph at M a r i g n a n ~ , ~ ' it should cause no par- ticular surprise that a court composer writing a chanson in 1518 for a young woman bearing the saint's name and so closely related to the King should reHect all this interest in Mary Magdalene.

Attaingnant could not but be reminded of the deceased Madeleine de la Tour early in 1529 because there is still another chanson, Las il fauldra, in the Trate et cinq chansons which laments a foreigner marrying a French lady and taking her out of France.52 Moreover, only a few months later in his Tres breve et familiere introduction Attaingnant did not fail to intabulate h ilfauldra along with 0 waerde

E A R L Y M U S I C OCTOBER 1980 467

Ex. 2 Trente et nnq chansons m u s t c h a quatre parttes (Paris, Attaingnant [15291), f. 14: (?refers? to wedding of Madeleine de la Tour and Lorenzo I 1 de' Media in 15 18)

0 u v r dc mnnr rnachr e f l r ,'mr

Tous nobles coeurs venez voir Magdalene En son chnsteau plain defeliciti Son noble coeur a par amour nti Demenn ~ ~ u d p a r l o u l glow monh iw .

mont. A musical association of a French Madeleine with Saint Mary Magdalene by means of 0 waerde mont surely prompted Attaingnant also to provide his lute intabulation with its Flemish name when he came to print the piece no more than seven months after printing Tous nobles coeurs.

With its undeniable Magdalene associations, Tous nobles coeurs may also have been associated with a basse dance. In their dance treatiws l )o111 Str ibaldi and Arena give a similar incipit, Tout noble c ~ e r . ~ ~ The table o~pos i te summarizes musical and choreo- . . graphic evidence which link Magdalene with the chanson and the dance.54 In the Chatsworth painting two words, LAVRA

VESTALIS, are inscribed above the doorway in the upper left hand corner of the painting (illus. 7). LAVRA

is quite clear; VESTALIS less so. Presumably LAVRA

prompted the fanciful description on the reverse that here was Petrarch's Laura. This description misled several cataloguers of the Dukes of Devonshire collection. However, by 1837 the art historian Gustav Waagen, visiting the villa at Chiswick where the

All noble hearts come to see Magdalene In her chateau, full of'happiness; Her noble heart has, through love, proclaimed ' 1 would sprrad worldlv glory everywhrrr.'

7 Inscription detail from illus. 1

picture was housed at that time, had not only attributed the painting to Bernard van Orley but had disposed of both Petr-arch and his Laura. He described it as: 'A female portrait, very delicate, kept under glass, and without any reason, said to be Petrarch's Laura.'s3

468 EARLY MUSIC O C T O B E R 1 9 8 0

painter music incipit source dance title base dance treaiise

- 'La Magdalena' Att. 18 base dances ( 1530) basse dance none known

Att. 9 base dances (1530)

- 'La Madelana' Pifaro, Balli ( 1546) chiarenzana -

Female 'Joissance' Half

Att. Challtom nouvelles ( 1528) basse dance Arbeau (1589), no. 4 Jouysance hloderne (1530-81, no. 33

Female 'Si jayme mon amy' B.M. Add. MS 35087 (1505-6) basse dance: Stribaldi (1517), no. 51 Half = ? Se yaime bien

mamie

- 'Magie [sic] danger pompera J . Heer, St Gall MS 462 (15 10) basse dance: Moderne ( 1530-8), no. 48 magdelaine' Maulgre' danger

Berlin 'Je lay aymi. bien ung an' text (c 15 15) none known none known (Hemessen ?) Willaert canon (1524)

Berlin [untitled dance1 none known (Hemessen ?)

= ? basse dance none known

-

Chatswor~h '0 waerde mont' Brussels-Tournai MSS (15 1 1 ) basse dance: Arena ( 15291, no. 4 (Orley?) Verdemont

'Alsowerdonont ' Att. Tres breve zntroductlon 'A toy me rendz' (1529)

Art. 28 charttom [fricassee, 15321

- 'Tous nobles coeurs venez Att. 35 chansons ( 1529); = ? basse dance: Stribaldi ( 15 17), no. 2 1 voir Magdalene' [Madeleine de la Tour? Tou[t] noble

15181 v [= opening of 0 waerde montl Tout noble cuer Arena (1529), no. 12

Neither Waagen n o r any o f his successors visiting Chatsworth explained the inscription. I.AVRA is no t a woman's name a t all, bu t a Latinization o f harjpa. T h e Greek word a n d its Latin cognate frequently appear in writings by the Church Fathers between the 4th a n d loth centuries, in 9th- a n d 10th-century histories, a n d in travellers' descriptions o f the Holy Land.s6

Renaissance Humanists knew the word from having edited the Greek a n d Latin Church Fathers a n d from having translated the Fathers into the ver- n a c ~ l a r . ~ ~ A laura was a loosely-knit community o f cells o r hermitages which housed contemplative ascetics in the deserts o f the Middle East.'* Residents o f the cells in a laura left them only t o celebrate Divine senices together in a nearby church o n Saturdays a n d Sundays a n d then returned to the

extreme solitude o f the desert. In the inscription, LAVRA is by n o means a

humanistic plaything bu t is carefully chosen. By association with the desert Fathers the word connotes asceticism, penitence, solitude, a h d contemplation, concepts which as we have already seen could equally well apply to the penitent Mary Magdalene.

VESTALIS, the second part o f the inscription, is a word t o have caught the eye o f such a n enthusiast for Roman antiquity as was Lord Burlington. T h e concept o f VESTALIS meaning Vestal Virgin in refer- ence t o Magdalene may cause s o m e surprise now, but there is much evidence that in the Middle Ages Magdalene was considered a virgin. Among the Greek Fathers, Modest ofJerusalem ( ~ 6 3 0 ) states that she remained s o all he r life.J9 A Syrian menology from the l l th century calls her, ' O u r Lady, Mary

E A R L Y M U S I C O C T O B E R 1 9 8 0 469

Magdalene'.60 In the West as early as the 1 Ith century she is often included as a virgin when other female saints are m e n t i ~ n e d . ~ ' A 13th-century calendarium from Soissons specifies her as 'Magdalene v i r g i n i ~ ' . ~ ~

The English Medieval Magdalene play from the Digby cycle has an angel report that Magdalene is:

'Inhansyd in heven above verginne~.'~'

Earlier, one of the play's characters, a King, refers to her :

'A, blissyd be that puer vergin'

and his Queen subsequently salutes Magdalene:

'0 virgo salutata, for owr salvacion. 0 pulcra et casta, cum of nobill alia~ns.'~"

(0 virgin having been presented for our salvation. 0 beautiful and chaste, and of noble kinship.)

A 14th-century English ballad about Magdalene achieves what a recent critic describes as 'the ultimate transformation, that of sexual profligate to virgin'. The ballad concludes :

'When thou hast thy penance done Then thoust come a mayden home.'65

Such liturgical and popular references to her vir- ginity are not surprising because many elements of the Mass and of the Ofice for her feast day were drawn from the Common of Holy Women.66

The Flemish painter also chose VESTALIS because of its ancient Roman meaning of a community of virginal women secluded and living apart from daily life. The Eastern Church first informs us that after Christ's Ascension, His apostles appointed Magdalene a deaconess to instruct and to baptize women.67 In the middle 12th century the West expanded this notion by founding nunneries placed under the protection of St Mary Magdalene.hR By the early 13th century many of these Magdalene institu- tions were founded specifically for fallen women who repented their ways.69 In France such convents for reformed prostitutes were called the order of the Soeur-penitentes de Sainte-Marie Madeleine. Between the 13th and 16th centuries this order flourished in all European countries in astonishingly large numbers.'O

Still another reason for choosing VESTALIS is that in the vernaculars of Europe from at least the 15th century 'vestal' is a substantive noun meaning 'nun'." Thus Germberg's polyglot dictionaq

(finished 1599) defines 'virgo vestalis' in German as 'Ein Closterfrauw' and in Flemish as 'Een Nonne'." In 16 1 1 Cotgrave defines the French plural, 'Vestales' as: 'The Vestal virgines, the Nunnes of' the Heathenish roman^.'^'

The visual arts help clarify an often close relation- ship between nun and Magdalene. A right exterior shutter to an altarpiece executed by an early 16th- century Netherlandish painter shows all the female members of a family placing themselves under the protection of Mary Magdal~nc. '~ The shutter depicts a donatrix in a nun's habit (probably a lay order), one daughter dressed like her mother, and another in - the white habit of a Dominican order.75 Although each female member of this wealthy van Oss family was. obviouslv. not called Madeleine, i t seems safe to , , bet that the mother and probably one of her daughters were. Finally, a miniature in a late 15th- - century Book of Hours belonging to the use of Tournai depicts a seated Virgin Mary regarding an ointment box proffered to her by a kneeling Mary Magdalene who is dressed in a nun's habit.76

The iconography of the Chatsworth painting and its inscription might persuade one to suggest that the doorway under the inscription opens onto a convent of cells housing nuns, formerly fallen but now repentant as was Magdalene herself and, further, that the lady portrayed is either one of them, o r perhaps an abbess in charge of an order of Penitent Sisters. However, while VESTALIS might well be a humanistic reference to Magdalene, given her history of being regarded late into the Middle Ages as a virgin, VESTALIS might not so readily be extended to ordinary women who had fallen and then repented. Whatever the past reputation of the inhabitants beyond the doorway, the lady's dress is not that of a prostitute but of a high social class. The ointment jar tells us that she enjoys the protection of Magdalene. Her rapt attention to her prayer-book and her rejection of such earthly follies as dance, the amorous song 0 waerde mont, and lute playing, signal her piety. Although her costume belies it, she might be an abbess whose name was Magdalene for many abbesses who headed convents under the saint's protection bore her narne.7' The rich dress of the lady emphasizes her good family and her high social position before taking her vows. VESTALIS means that she and her female charges are nuns; LAVRA means they are sequestered beyond the doorway, occupy- ing individual cells in the cloister.

470 E A R L Y M U S I C O C T O B E R 1980

The Saint herself is responsible for this painting's seemingly contradictory elements of paganism and Christianity, of the worldly and the spiritual. They can be reconciled only by recalling Christ's remarks about this woman who the Middle Ages, the Renais- sance, and indeed our own times (d Jesus Chnst Superstar) have regarded as the prototype of the great sinner: 'Her sins, which are many, are forgiven, for she loved much. And He said to the woman: Thy faith hath saved thee: go in peace' (Luke 7 : 47-50).

Given the Flemish homeland of the artist, it may well be that Erasmus or someone in his circle pro- posed the inscription to the artist, o r perhaps even to the lady portrayed for whoever suggested the inscrip- tion to the painter was as well informed about the history of early Christianity as about the history of ancient Rome.

Be this as it may, hardly a better example of the delight which northern humanists took in recon- ciling early Christianity and pagan antiquity in terms of their own culture could be found than the ron- junction of LAVRA VESTALIS with a Flemish lute song, 0 waerde rnonl. Nor are there many better examples of musical iconography so clearly defining an interface between the wol Idly dnd the spilitual.

' See V. Saxer, Le Culle dt Mane Madtfetne en Ocndertl des onpnes a la fin du rnoyrn @P (Auxerre and Paris, 1959). pp. 335-40 and S. de Prierio. La uita de fa seraphim . . . rawfa Mana Magdalrna (Bologna. 15001. fl. D6v-D7v: 'Maria magdalena . . . la piu perfecta &aha vita rontemplativa . . . '

Saxer. 'Maria Maddalena'. Btbhotheca Sawlorum, 8 (Rome. 1967). col. 1092. j Jacobus de Voragine, T k Golden Legend. trans. G . Ryan and H. Ripper~er (New York and London. 194 l I . pp. 3.55-64.

' R. A. Koch, Joochcm Pdimr (Princeton. 1968). pl. 32; pp. 34 and 76. no. 12, and M. J . Friedlander, Earlv Nctherlandrsh Parnfing 912 (Leyden and Brussels. 1973). plate 232, no. 251.

Rrc~mstrucriori by Jeanne Tonhu. 'UII T~ipryque du Maitre de la Legende de Marie-Madeleine', Gazrlfe des Beaux-Arts 5/15 (1927). p. 31 1: funhrr, see Friedlander. o p cit. 12 (Leyden and Brussels. 1975), p. 13 and pl. 7-9.

M. Meiss, 'Notes on Three Linked Sienese Styles'. Art Bullettn. 45 119631. p. 48 and fig. 6. ' B. Berenson. Itaftan hrturer o/ the Rnuusrme. Florenttne School. 1 (London, 1963). pi. 404-5 and F. J . Mather Jr., 'A Processional Banner by Spinello Aretino', Bulleftn o/ the .Metropolitan Mu~eum o/ .4rl, 9 ~19111, pp. 13-6. a See for example Spinello's Coronation and Donnctton of the V z r p 113851 in Berenson. o p cit, pl. 406; many others are cited and illus- trated in K. Meycr-Baer, Mtuic ojthe Spherer and The Dance o j D e d h : Studrer rn Mus~cal Iconology (Princeton, 1970). pp. 130-87 : 'Musician Angel<'. * F. W. F. Hollsrein. Dulch and F l e m ~ ~ h Elchzngr, Engravtngs and U'oodculr fa . 1450-1700, 10 (Amsterdam, 1954), p. 145; in Saxer, 'Maria Maddalma', cols. 1093-4; and in J. Lavalleye, heferB~uege1 the Elder and Lucas van Lqyden (New York, 1967). pl. 117-18. There is also an excellent interpretation of the painring in P. Parshall, 'Lucas van Leyden's narrative style'. Nede~lrmdr Kunsthutonsch

Jaurboeh, 29 ( 1978). pp. 224-8. l o R. Kahn, Dre Graphch des Lucas uan b y d e n (Strasbourg, 1918). pl. 9 ; F. Winkler, 'Ein neues Bild des Bauernbruegel', Pantheon, 1-2 ( 1928). p. 46 1 ; and A. Bartsch, Le petnlre graveur. 7 (Leipzig, 1866), p. 402. no. 122. " Hollstein, loc rit, and Lavalleye. Ioc cit. l 2 Modern edition by O.,lodogne (Gembloux, 1959). p. 132. I J D. Bwington ed., Med~eual Drama (Boston, 1975). p. 706; see

Peter Ryom LES MANUSCRITS DE VIVALDI

Les m a n u q i t s de Vivaldi is the first scholarly study of the autograph sources of the music, both instrumental and vocal, of the great composer. The detailed descrip- tions and critical analyses of the manu- scripts are primarily directed towards the Iundamental problems of source research.

The present work is a rich source of infor- mation and suggestions for all Vivaldi students and enthusiasts: the publication of the composiuons in modern editions, performances of the works, stylistic analyses, chronological and biographical investigations, etc.

About 600 pages, more than 200 musical examples, 48 plates; bound, 2 2 . 5 ~ 16 an. ISBN 87 87677 00 8. Price US 546.50.

Address orders to : ANTONIO VIVALDl ARCHIVES r / o Murikvidenskabeligt lnstitut Klerkegade 2 DK- 1308 Kdbenhavn K, Denmark.

E A R L Y MUSIC O C T O B E R 1 9 8 0 471

also R. W. Ingram, 'The Use o f ' ~ u s i c in English Miracle Plays', Anglia, 75 (19571, p. 68. l4 F. -0 . Knoll, Die Rolle der Mana Magdalm im geistlichen Spiel des Mrlfehlten (Berlin and Leipzig, 1934), p. 97, and R. Froning, Dar Drama des Millelallen (Stuttgart, 1891-2), pp. 403.41 1 and 412. " Knoll, o p cit, p. 86; a better reading occurs in Eduard Hartl ed., Dar Bmedihfbeurer Parsiowspiel, Dns St. Caller Pnssionsspiel (Halle, 1952), p. 55. Ib Knoll, o p cit, p. 96; see esp., D. Heartz, 'Hoftanz and Basse ~ a n c e ' , JAMS 19 ( 1966). pp. 13-36. l7 Heartz ed., Preludes, Chansow and Dances for Lufe published by Pierre Aftaingnanf, Paris (1529-1530) (Neuilly-sur-Seine, 1964). p. Ixxv, no. 4 1. la Orchesography, trans. M. S. Evans and intr. by J . Sutton (New York, 19671, pp. 67-74. Iq As pointed out by Heartz, Preludes, p. Ixxii, no. 32; the dance is no. 33 in Moderne's S'ensuyvent plusieurs Basses dances l a d Communes que Incommunes ([Lyons, ~1530-81); see F. Lesure, 'Danses et Chansons 2 Danser au Debut d u XVIe Siecle', in Recueil de Travaux oJerf d. M. Clovis Bmnel (Paris, 1955), 2, p. 177, R Lesure, Musique el Musiciens Franc& du XVIe Siicle (Geneva, 1976). p. 52. 2o Hearrz, 'Mary Magdalen, Lutenist', JLSA 5 (1972), p. 58 and pl. B.

ibid, pp. 58-62 and pl. A-E, the chanson transcribed p. 62; on the date, see W. M. McMurtry Jr., 'The British Museum Manu- script Additional 35087' (Ph.D. dissertation, North Texas State University, Denton, 1967), p. 12. 22 'Mary Magdalene', p. 63. 21 P. Meyer, 'Rdle d e Chansons a Danser d u XVIe Siecle', Romania, 23 (1894), p. 160, no. 51. 24 Orchesography, p. 67. 2' See Winkler, 'Ein neues Bild', pp. 456-9; present location of the painting is not known. Most art historians decline to identify the painter as Bruegel; see Gustav Gliick, Bmegel's Gemiilde (R Vienna, 1951), p. 119, no. 99. 26 Gustave Cohen, 'Le personnage de Marie-Madeleine dans le drame religieux f ran~a i s du Moyen-Age', Convivium, 24 (19561, p. 147. 27 Jodogne, o p cit, p. 114. 2a See E. T. Ferand, 'Res Facta', MGG l I, cols. 302-8. 2q A. Geering and H. Triimpy eds., Dar Liederbuch des Johannes Heer uon Glum-Schweizoische Musrkdenkmaler, 5 (Basel, 1967). p . 90, no. 54. lo See B. Jeflery ed., Chawon Verse of the Early Renaissance. 1 (London, 197 I), p. 59, no. 13, who in 2 (London, 19761, p. 354, cites its setting by Heer. l1 Lesure, 'Danses et Chansons a Danser' (1955), p. 178, no. 48; (1976) p. 53, no. 48. " 'Mary Magdalene', p . 6h. l1 See L. P. de Julleville, Riperfoire du Tfiafre Comique en France au Moym-Age (Paris, 1886), pp. 77-8, no. 43, presumably the same morality to which A. Pirro, Hisloire de la Musique de l a j n du X I V siich a l a j n du XVIe (Paris, 1940), p. 127, n. 2, refers. j4 One of these, in the ~ e m d d e ~ a l e r i e - d e r Staatlichen Museen, Berlin-Dahlem (see Friedlander, o p cit, 12, p. 112, no. 227). is discussed in my article, 'Mary Magdalene, mondaine musicale', to appear in the Reporl offhe TwelJh Congress of the Infermfional Music- ological Sociefy Berkeley 1977. Three others, ascribed to the Master of the Female Half-Lengths, now unlocatable, are cited by Friedlander, o p cit, 12, p. 100, no. 100 (Berlin. 1931); by Fievez, Georges Talon sale (Brussels, 10 March 19271, no. 57, and again by Fievez (Brussels, 24 May 1932); and by F. Kleinberger (Paris, 1927) and again by the American Art Association (New York, 18 November 19321, no. 34, as coming from the Max Flersheim collection, Paris. I' Information from a typed catalogue at Chatsworth, ff. 92v-93,

no. 467. The late Mr T. S. Wragg, M.B.E., T.D., Librarian and Keeper of the Devonshire Collections extended many courtesies to me while visiting Chatsworth. Ib See J . Charlton, A Hisfory and Descripfion of Chiswick House and Gardens (London, 1958), p. 4. l7 Attributions in the Chatsworth typed catalogue made by: Mrs S. A. Strong (librarian, (1905); W. G. Constable; Gustav Gliick; unidentified; and by G. F. Waagen, respectively, the latter also appearing in the privately primed W. G. S. Cavendish Handbook of Chafsworfh and Hardwick (London, 1845), p. 58. 1 a m grateful to my colleagues, George and Linda Bauer and to Drs Douglas Hinkey and David Metzgar who likewise agree that i t seems nearest Orley. la Heartz, Preludes, p. Ixvi, no. 5, which also contains a relatively complete list of sources wherein the song appears; see also J . Ward, 'The Lute Music of MS Royal Appendix 58'. JAMS 13 (1960). pp. 122-3, no. 6 and M. Picker, 'The Chanson Albums o f Marguerite of Austria', Annales Musicologiques, 6 (1958-63). pp. 214- 15, no. 23 and p. 262. The German text only of the song appears in a broadsheet published by Kunigunde Herrgott, ~ 1 5 3 0 , in Nuremberg, edited in 'Alte Lieder', Weimarisches Jahrbuch fur Deutsche Sprache Literafur und Kuwl, 4 (1856), p. 230, no. 5. See E. Weller, Annalen der poefrschen Nalional-Liferalur der Deufsch im XVI. und XVII. Jnhrhunderl, 1 (Freiburg, 1862), p. 214, no. 66. jq A Salve Regina a5 by a Johannes Molunet in Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Mus MS 34, f .29~-33, copied (1525 (see H. Kellman, 'Josquin and the Courts of the Netherlands and France: The Evidence of the Sources', in E. E. Lowinsky ed., Josquin des Prez [London, 19761, p. 2151, which twice quotes the superius of 0 waerde monf in its secundus discantus belongs, stylistically, to the late 15th century. Many other Salve Regina settings in MS 34, by composers such as Josquin, Obrecht, de la Rue, Pipelare, Bauldeweyen, and Ghiselin, cannot date much after 1500. Presumably this Salve Regina is by Jean Molinet (1435-1507), the famous poet, rhetoriquer, chronicler and composer, rather than by a Johannes du Molinet, known only as a singer in Charles V's chapel, 1509-14 (see A. Atlas, The Cappella Giulia Chansonnier [Brooklyn, 19751 1, p. 195). Jean Molinet, whose earliest n~us ic may belong to the 1460s, was apparently still composing as late as c1497 when, owing to old age and failing eyesight, he staled: 'Musique qui diminue' (see N. Dupire, Jean Molinef, La Vie-Les Oeuvres [Paris, 19321, pp. 23-5, 135 and 140). 'O W. Edwards, 'The Instrumental Music of Henry VIII's Manu- script', The Consort, 34 (1978), pp. 274-5; the piece ed i~ed in John Stevens, Music al the Courf of Henry VIII-Musica Bnfannica, 18 (London, 19621, p. 34. 41 E. Bernoulli and H. J. Moser eds., Dar Liederbuch des Arf von Aich (Kassel, 1930). pp. 36-7, no. 16 and in Moser, Paul Ho@mer (Stuttgart and Berlin, 1929), pp. 162-3, in which the text underlay diflers considerably.

See C. Gottwald, Die Muikhandschn9en der Universifiitsbibliofhek Munchen (Wiesbaden, 1968), pp. 55-62: 4O Cod. MS 718, ff. 89v, 129v and 140v. I am much indebted to Howard Mayer Brown for his help concerning this manuscript. 41 o p cit, p. xx.

44 An anonymous four-voiced mass (1515-18) at Casale Monferrato (D. Crawford, Sixleenfh-Cenfury Choirbooh in the Archivio Capifohre al Carale Monferralo [American Institute of Musicology, 19751, p. 115, no. 2, and p. 51) quotes the tenor throughout as a cantus firmus as does a Latin motet (c 1515) by Franciscus Strus of Cologne (Picker, The Chanson Album of Marguerite of dustria [Berkeley and Los Angeles, 19651, pp. 129-30, no. 23 and pp. 270- 4) and an anonymous setting a4 : 0 wer dich mundf zu aller stundl so, printed in Frankfurt ~ 1 5 3 5 . (This quotation has gone un- recognized because of the loss of the tenor partbook to 56 Lieder [Frankfurt, c 15351, listed as c 1535- 15 in RISM. lncipits o f the three surviving voices appear in N. Boker-Heil, H . Heckmann and I .

472 E A R L Y M U S I C O C T O B E R 1 9 8 0

Kindermann, Das Tenorl~ed: 1\1ehrstimmige Lieder in Deulschen Quellen 1450-1850 , I [Kassel, 19791, p. 60, item 1514.) In resetting Arndt von Aich's German text in 1549, Caspar Othmayel- also quotes only the tenor (F. Pirrsig ed., Reutterische und

Jegerische Liedlein, durch M . Caspar Othmayr mil vier stimmen componirt, 2 [Berlin, 19331, pp. 145-7, and lacking text in Bernoulli, A w Liederbiichem der Humanrstenieit [Leipzig. 19 101, pp. 102-3). At Breslau in 1555 Valentin Triller reworked the German lovesong into a three-voiced Protestant contrafactum (Ein Schlesisch singebiichlein a w Gottlicherschnift [Breslau, C. ScharEenberg: 15551, f. m3; see K. Ameln el al , Das Deulsche Kirchenlied, 111 [Kassel, 19751, p. 41. The text only is in P. Wackernagel, D m Deutsche Kirchenlied, 4 [Leipzig, 18741, no. 132). H e prescnvd the song's cantus and tenor, deleted its altus, and wrote a new bass. However, when Michael Praetorius set Triller's new sacred text, he selected only the tenor from the old song, placed i t in the uppermost voice, and then harmonized i t with three new lower voices (F. Blume ed., Michael Pmetoriw, M w a e Sioniae, 7 (1609) [Wolfenbiittel, n.d.1, pp. 231-2). " This dance is no. 4 in Arena's augmented edition of his Ad suos compagnones studiantes . . . bassas dansas (Lyons, 1529); see Heartz, 'The Basse Dance. Its Evolution circa 1450 to 1550', Annales Musxologiques, 6 (1958-631, p. 335, and Robert Mullally, 'The editions of Antonius Arena's Ad Suos Compagnones Studiantes', Gutenberg-Jahrbuch 1979 (Mainz, 1979), pp. 146-57. It can be no accident that where 0 waerde mont appears in Brussels, Biblioth6que Royale MS IV, 90, ff: 14v- 15 (superius) and Tournai, BibliothPque d e la Ville MS 94, 11: 16-16v (tenor), the same miniature depicts a couple dancing, probably a basse dance. I am grateful to Bonnie J . Blackburn for her suggestion concerning the Brussels manuscript. 46 Preludes, p. Ixvi, no. 5.

Geering and Triimpy, o p cit, pp. 109- 10, no. 65, which employs the song's cantus as a tenor.

Heartz, Pierre Attaingnanl, Royal Printer o f M w i c (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1969), pp. 215-16, no. 6.

'Two Datable Chansons from an Attaingnant Print', JAMS 26 (1973), pp. 326-8; Seay quotes the fourth line of the chanson incorrectly and slightly misintelprets the verse's meaning. The chanson appears c 1525 with a few musical and textual variants in Copenhagen, Kongelige Bibliothek, MS Ny kongelige Samling 1848, ZO, p. 187, probably copied at Lyons. See C. Hamm and H. Kellman, Cewus-Catalogue ofSources of Polyphonic Music 1400- 15 50 , 1 (American Institute of Musicology, 19791, pp. 163-4. 'O See Heartz, 'Mary Magdalen', p. 64 and Saxer, Le Culte, pp. 4-5. 'I E. M. Faillon, Monuments inidits sur l'apostolat de Sainte Marie- Madeleine en Provence, 1 (Paris, 1848). cols. 1033-5; on the devotion of 15th- and 16th-century French kings to her cult, see ibid, cols. 1025-58 and below, note 69. " Seay, o p cit, p. 327. " Meyer, o p cit, p. 159, no. 21, who gives 'Ton' for the 'Toultl' in the MS (see p. 158) and Heartz, 'The Basse Dance', p. 335, no. 12, who gives 'Toute' from a 1533 edition of Arena (other editions give 'Tout'). " During the 13th century in Normandy nuns danced on her feast day, 22 July; see Y. Rokseth, 'Danses Clericales du XllIe Sikcle', Milanger 1945: 111 ~ t u d e r Historiquer-Publicafim de la F m W der Letlres de I'Universilide Strasbourg, 106 (Paris, 19471, p. 94, n. 1. For the Berlin painting, see above, note 34. Obviously the.sheer quantity of chanson and basse dance titles in common may alone be responsible for the connections suggested here. Moreover, 'finding a chanson whose title is attached to a choreography does not produce a dance, unfortunately' (Heartz, 'The Basse Dance', p. 3 16). " W o r h ofArt and Artists in England (2nd edition, London, 1838) I, p . 270.

s6 See G. W. H. Lampe. A PaIristic Greek Lexicon (Oxford, 196 I) . p. 794; Du Cange, Glossarium ad rmpfores mediae el infimae Graecilalis ( R Graz, 1958), col. 792; idem, Glossarium mediae et injimae Latinifafis, 5 (Paris, 18853, p. 44; and the Thesauncc Linguae Latinae, 712, fasc. 7 (Leipzig, 19731, col. 1056. " Among renaissance scholars who employed 'laura' were: In Germany, Sigmund Galen (Eutropii Insigne volumen quo Romana Historia universa derm'bitur [Basle, 15321, pp. 339 and 349 and Amobii Disputafionum adversus gentes libri octo [Rome, 15421, f. 42v. See also W. Musculo trans., Ecclesiasticae Hisloriae Autores, Eusebij Pamphili . . . Evagn'iScholastici lib. VI [Basle, 15571, p. 734). In France, Gentian Henret (Symeon Metaphrastes, Vita S . Androcini in Opera omnia [Venice, I5561 and Palladius, Lawiaca quae dicitur histonae [Paris, 3555)). In Italy, Benedetto Egio (L'Historie di Paolo Diacono . . . novamente tradotte di Latino in llaliano [Venice, 15481, ff. 2 18 and 2 2 9 ~ ) . In the Low Countries, Erasmus almost certainly knew it. (An annotated edition by Erasmus of Eutropii . . . Pauli Diacmi [Venice. 15211 omits the later books which contain the term laura; presumably, however, Erasmus knew the entire work. Erasmus himself speaks of the usefulness of knowing the Church Fathers; see J. Coppens, 'Les 1dPes Reformistes d ' ~ r a s m e dans les Prefaces aux Paraphrases du Nouveau Testament', Scnnium Louaniense, 4/24 119611, p. 354. Further, see R. Hover, 'Enseignement du grec et livres scolaires d a m les anciens Pays-Bas et la Principaute d e Liege de 1483 a 1600'. Premiere partie: 1483- 1550', Gutenberg-Jahrbuch 1979, pp. 78-86.) J8 See F. Cabrol and H. Leclercq, Dictionnaire d'hchiologie Chritienne el de Liturgie, 812 (Paris, 1929), cols. 1961 -88. J9 Saxer. 'Les Saintes Marie Madeleine et Marie de Bethanie dans la Tradition Liturgique et Homiletique Orientale', Revue der Sciences Relrgieuses. 32 (19581, pp. 32 and 34. 60 ibid, p. 12, note 26(a).

Saxer, Le Culte, pp. 65, 83, 120, and 252. " ibid, pp. 287 and 403, no. M 115.

Bevington, o p cit, p . 749, 1. 2023. " ibid, p. 745.11. 1896 and 1900-1. " J . Harris, ' "Maiden in the Mor Lay" and the medieval Magdalene tradition', Journal of Medieval and Renaissance Studies, I (1971). p. 87. 66 Saxer, Le Culte, pp. 293 and 299. b1 Saxer, 'Les Saintes', p. I I . 68 Saxer, Le Culte, esp. pp. 1 10, 1 1 7 , 136, 145-6, 199-200,215, 2 17, 219, 223, 258 (a Dominican convent), 270, and 273. b9 ibid, pp. 205, 212, 216, 221-2, 249-50, 257-9, 262, 267-8, 273, and 277 (founded by Charles VlII in Paris, 1492). lo See, for example, F. Discry, 'La regle des Penitentes d e Sainte Marie-Madeleine, d'apres le manuscrit de Saint-Quirin de Huy', Bulletin de la Commissron Royale d'Histoire Academie Royale de Belgique, 121 (1956). pp. 85-145. " See R. E. Latham, Revised Medieval Lafin Word-List from British and Irish Sources (London, 1965). p. 509 ( c 1434 and c 1533) and The Shorter Oxford Diclionary (Oxford, 1973) 2, p. 2469 (in 1590). ' l H. Germberg, Nomenclalor Octilinguis omnium remm propria nomina c o n f i m (Paris, 1606), p. 68, col. 2. 73 R. Cotgrave, A Dictionarie o/ the French and English Tongues (London, 161 1). s.v. 'Vestales'. " See C. T. Eisler, New England Museums-Les Primit$ Flamands, 4 (Brussels, 1961), pp. 38-41 and pl. 40; see also Friedlander, o p cit, 5 (New York and Washington, 1969), pl. 123, no. Add. 149. lJ See above, note 68. 76 See the C d d o g u e of The Famous Library o f p r i d e d Booh. Illuminated Manusmpts and Engravings collecfed by Henry Huth . . . The Printed Booh and llluminaled Manwcripls Third Porlion (London, Sotheby: 19 131, pp. 1099- 100,Iot 38 15. " Saxer, Le Cuke, pp. 1 17, 135, and 248.

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