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EARLYMETALLURGYF THE PERSIAN ULF

Technology, Trade, and the Bronze Age World



A M E R I C A N S C H O O L O F PR E H IS T O RI C R E S E AR C H M O N O G R A P H S ER IE S

Series Editors

C. C. LA MB ER G- KA RL O VSKY, Harvard Univer si ty

DA VID P ILBE AM, Harvard Univers i ty

O F ER BAR-YOSEF, Harvard University

Editorial Board

S TE V E N L. K U H N, Univers ity of Ar izona, Tucson

D A N I E L E . L I E B E R M AN, Harvard UniversityR I C H AR D H . M E A D 0W, Harvard University

MA RY M. VO IG T, The Coll ege o f Wi l l iam & Mary

H E N R Y T. W RI G H T, Univers i ty of Michigan, An n Arbor

Production Editor

W R E N F 0 U R N I ER, Harvard University

The American School of Prehistoric Research (ASPR) Monographs in Archaeology an d

Paleoanthropology present a series of documents covering a variety of subjects in the archaeology

of the Old World (Eurasia, Africa, Australia, and Oceania). This series encompasses a broad range

of subjects-from the early prehistory to the Neolithic Revolution in the Old World, and beyond

including: hunter-gatherers to complex societies; the rise of agriculture; the emergence of urban

societies; human physical morphology, evolution and adaptation, as well as; various technologies

such as metallurgy, pottery production, tool making, and shelter construction. Additionally, the

subjects of symbolism, religion, and art will be presented within the context of archaeological stud-

ies including mortuary practices and rock art . Volumes may be authored by one investigator, a team

of investigators, or may be an edited collection of shorter articles by a number of different special-

ists working on related topics.



Technology, Trade, and the Bronze Age World

Lloyd R. Weeks

Brill Academic Publishers, Inc.

Boston Leiden2003



Library of Congress Cataloging-in-PublicationData

Weeks, Lloyd R., 1970-

Early metallurgy of the Persian G ulf : technology, trade, and the Bronze Age World 1Lloyd R. Weeks.

p. cm. American school of prehistoric research mo nogra ph series ; ol. 2)

Includes bibliographical references and index.

ISBN 0-391-04213-0

1. Bronze age-Persian Gulf. 2. Me tal-work , Prehistoric-Persian Gulf. 3. Min es and

mineral resources, Prehistoric-Persian Gulf. 4. Excavations-(Archaeology)-P ersian

Gulf. 5. Bronze-Persian Gulf-Metallurgy. 6. Tin bronze-Persian Gulf. 7. Persian

Gulf-A ntiquities. I. Title . 11. Series.

ISSN 1543-0529

ISBN 0-391-04213-0

O Cop yright 20 04 by Brill Academic Publishers, Inc., B oston

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in

a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic,

mechanical, photocopying, recording o r otherwise, w ithout prior writ ten

permission fr om th e publisher.

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use is granted by Brill provided tha tthe app ropriate fees are paid directly to T he Co pyright

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Danvers M A 01 923, USA.

Fees are subject to change.

PRINTED I N T HE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA



Contents Foreword vii

Preface ix

Acknowledgments xi

List of Figures xiii

List of Tables xvii

lntroduction 1

Outline and Genesis of the Project 1

Copper Production and the Bronze Age Econom

of Southeastern Arabia 4

Alloying Practices in Bronze Age Southeastern Ar

Investigation of the Bronze Age Tin Trade 5

Analytical Techniques 6

Outline of Chapters 6

Geology and Early Exploitation of Copper

Deposits in Southeastern Arabia 7

Geology of Northern Oman and Masirah 7

Copper Deposits in Southeastern Arabia 12

Early Research into Ancient Copper Production

in the Oman Peninsula 14

German Mining Museum Project in Oman 22

Periodicity in Copper Production in Prehistoric

Southeastern Arabia 33

Organization of Early Copper Production 43

Copper-Base Objects in Bronze Age Southeaster

Arabia 54

Summary 57

Analyzed Artifacts: Contexts and Chronology

AI Sufouh 59

Unarl 61

Unar2 63

Tell Abraq 64

Results of Compositional Analyses 71

lntroduction 71

Elemental Concentrations 73

Elemental Relationships: Rank-CorrelationAnalys

Principal Components Analyses (PCA) 99Summary 102

Discussion of Compositional Results 105

lntroduction 105

Iron and Sulfur 105

Arsenic, Nickel and Cobalt 109

Tin-Bronze 121

Alloy Use in Different Object Categories 124

Summary 127



Lead lsoto pe Analysis in Archaeology 129

Theoretical Basis of the Lead lsotope Technique 129

LIA in Archaeology 131

Issues for Archaeological LIA in the Gulf Region 134

Summary 143

Lead lsotope Data from the Gulf

(L. R. Weeks and K. D. Collerson) 145

lntroduction 145

Radiogenic Outliers in the Analyzed Umm al-Nar Period

Objects 145

Isotopic Differences by Site 147

Differences by Composition (Alloy Group) 150

lsotopic Comparisons with Bronze Age Objects from the

Gulf 152

Absolute Provenance 155

Tin-Bronze in Wider Western Asia: Important Lead

lsotope Studies 160

LIA: Summary of the Main Findings 163

Tin and Tin-Bronze in Early Western Asia 165lntroduction l65

Tin Deposits n Western Asia and Surrounding Regions 166

Archaeological Evidence for Early Tin-Bronzes 173

Texts Referring o the Bronze Age Use and Trade ofTin 178

Summary of Archaeological, Geological and Textual

Evidence 180

Tin-Bronze in the Gulf: Patterns of Acquisition 181

Reconsidering the Tin Problem 187

Summ ary an d Conclusions 197

Aims Reiterated 197

Summary of Major Results l98

Prospects for Future Research 200

Appendix

Analytical Techniques and

Data Treatment 203

References 209

Index 247



Foreword Mesopotamia, as has often been stated, lacked resources.

lack of metal ores required this world of, at times, indepe

city-states and, at other times, empire, to look to distant

in order t o procure its metauores.

Mesopotamian technology, however, was not a form

administrative or scribal concern. When it came to metal

nology written texts offer limited information and are all

silent on the training, organization, and recruitment of m

smiths. Similarly, the texts are vague, or more typically si

as to the geographical provenience from whence they obt

their metallore, its quantity, quality, price, or techniques o

rication. It is left to the archaeologist and the recovered m

artifacts, workshops, associated tools, and mines, to addr

these questions.

As important as the recovery of the metal object is its

analysis. Analyses are especially helpful with regard to elu

dating the sources of the metauore, the techniques of thei

manufacture, and the uses to which they were put. Recen

there has been a trend in historical narrative to focus upo

given item and build upon it a regional, even global, histo

the world. Thus, we have the history of the world accord

spices, salt, cod-fish, homespun, maps, the banana and th

potato, clocks, tobacco, and of course slaves, to mention

few volumes that have produced a macrohistory accordin

single item. Archaeologists have long been practitioners o

such an approach. The study of metals, archaeometallurg

long had pride-of-place in such an approach. This monog

attests to the contribution of both archaeology and our a

of new analytical techniques in the study of metallurgy.

Decades ago V. G. Childe placed metallurgy on the to

his list of important crafts. He maintained that the develo

ment of early civilizations was a consequence of the inven

of metallurgy (Childe 1930). Bronze-working, he believed

encouraged the manufacture of tools, which in turn led t

more productive agriculture, and the growth of cities. Sev

five years ago, Childe (1930:39) could point out that "Ot

documents from Mesopotamia, also written in the wedge

characters called cuneiform, refer to the importation of c

from the mountainous region east of the Tigris and of m

and stones from Magan (probably Oman on the PersianGulf)". As demonstrated in this volume Childe's location

Magan as an important source of copper is shown to be

entirely correct.

In this volume Lloyd Weeks adds a significant chapt

our study of archaeometallurgy. His initial focus is the

v i i



Arabian Peninsula where he introduces us to a new corpus

of metal artifacts from the United Arab Emirates.

Surprisingly, a significant percentage of these metals,

recovered from the site of Tell Abraq, are tin-bronzes.

Importantly, these artifacts, and others from near-by

sites, are subject to Proton-Induced X-ray Emission

analysis (PIXE). With these results in hand his horizon

widens and takes on a review of metallurgy within the

Bronze Age of the entirety of the Arabian Peninsula,

where an extensive amount of archaeometallurgical work

has been undertaken within the past few decades. Finally,

his volume offers an up-to-date review of the enduring

"tin-problem" within the context of the greater Near

East. Again, Childe (1928:157) confronted the problem:

"The Sumerians drew supplies of copper from Oman,

from the Iranian Plateau, and even from Anatolia, but

the source of their tin remains unknown". Today we

have answers, even if they must still be regarded as par-

tial ones. With a full appreciation of the complexity ofinteractions that characterized the thi rd millennium

throughout the Near East the author is not reticent to

offer conclusions. Thus, he states that . . . the absolute

source of the metal [tin-bronze] is likely to have been far

to the north and east in Afghanistan or central Asia". The

central Asian source has been given reality by the recent

discovery in Uzbekistan and Tadzhikistan of Bronze Age

settlements and mines involved in tin production

(Parzinger and Boroffka 2003). How is it then that if

central Asian tin was reaching the Arabian Peninsula

that there is a paucity, indeed a very great poverty, of

contemporary tin-bronzes on the Iranian Plateau? The

question does not allude the author. In fact, nothing

within the data base, either bibliographic nor artifactual,

escapes his lens.

With careful attention to detail, a comprehensive

appreciation of the evidence at hand, while subjecting

the relevant evidence to laboratory analysis, Hercule

Poirot would be in agreement that Lloyd Weeks' study

adds both substantial evidence and clues that point

toward an emerging solution of the century long case ofthe "tin-problem".

Finally, thanks are due to Mr. Landon T. Clay whose gen-

erous support over the years include some of the metals

analysis reported upon in this volume.

C. C. Lamberg-Karlovsky

v i i i



Preface This volume examines the production and exchang

copper and its alloys in the Bronze Age Persian Gu

During the third and second millennia BCE, the Gu

was a critical long-distance trade route by which p

tige goods such as lapis lazuli, carnelian and ivory

reached wider western Asia. Additionally, the Gulf

tioned as a major metal supply route for Mesopota

and southwestern Iran, and abundant cuneiform so

testify to the flourishing copper trade between the

centers of southern Mesopotamia and the Bronze A

Gulf polities of Dilmun and Magan.

Multiple aspects of the Bronze Age Gulf trade

work are investigated in this research program, wh

based upon the archaeometallurgical analysis of co

alloy objects from four third millennium BCE sites

the United Arab Emirates. The data generated by c

positional and lead isotope analyses are integrated

geological information from southeastern Arabia a

technological studies of early copper smelting in thregion, and provide important insights into a numb

issues of archaeological significance. These range f

technological aspects of early copper-base alloy pro

tion in southeastern Arabia, to more anthropologic

informed research regarding the interaction of specia

copper production, exchange, and social complexity

early Arabia.

The broader archaeological issue of the Bronze

tin trade is also investigated in detail. The trade in

metal linked vast areas of western Asia, from the In

Iranian borderlands to the Aegean, through a series

overland and maritime trade routes and exchange r

tionships that are only hazily understood. The disco

of tin and tin-bronze objects in third millennium BC

contexts in the U.A.E., demonstrated conclusively i

present volume, provides important new evidence f

discussion of the tin trade, a long-standing problem

Bronze Age western Asian archaeology.



This page intentionally left blank



AcknowledgmentS This book began i ts l ife as a doctoral dissertat io

unde rtaken a t the Universi ty of Sydney, Australia

Although subsequent periods of research have re

in the substant ial reworking of the o riginal text ,

well as many addi t ions, the ideas and approaches

tained wi thin i t remain those which were sh aped

strongly by my thesis supervisors, Dan Potts (Uni

of Sydney) and Richard Tho mas (Universi ty of W

Sydney). I would l ike to express my grat i tude forguidance during that cri t ical and seemingly endle

period, an d in part icular t o D an P ot ts for his prac

and intel lectual input into s o many aspects of the

My thesis was assessed by Andreas Hauptmann

(Deutsches Bergbau-Museum, Bo chum), Roger M

(Ashmo lean Museum , O xfo rd) , and Vincent Pigo

(Insti tute of Archaeology, London), and this volu

has been greatly improved by their constructive

ments and cri ticisms.

Of course, this volume has reached i ts presenform since my arrival at the Peabody Museum an

funded throu gh the goo d graces of the Am erican

School of Prehistoric R esearch (ASPR ). I wou ld l

sincerely thank the ASPR and in part icular Karl

Lamberg-Karlovsky an d O fer Bar-Yosef for the o

tuni ty to produ ce this s tudy, and for shepherding

manuscript when i t threatened to st ray. Grea t th

must also be extended to W ren Fournier , who ac

prod uct ion edi tor for the volume and oversaw al

aspects of the editorial and production processes,

including some part icularly t ime-consuming ad ap

tions of images.

The volume is based upon a large number of

rial analyses, for which the assistance of numero

scholars and inst i tut ions must be acknowledged.

PIXE analyses were conducted by Grahame Baile

Phi lip Johnson and Ed Stelcer at the Aust ral ian

Nuclear Science and Technology Organisation, L

Heigh ts, N.S.W., an d Rainer Siegele provided im

tant inform at ion on the accuracy and precision o

data. Th e TIMS lead i sotope analyses of art i factTell Abraq were conducted at the Departme nt of

Sciences, University of Queensland, by Ken Coll

and Im mo Wendt . The more recent MC-ICP-MS

topic analyses of m aterial from A1 Sufouh, Un ar

Unar2 were also conducted at the Universi ty of





List of Figures Major archaeological sites of the U.A.E.

Geological units comprising the Oman

Mountains

Ma jor co pper deposits and metallurgical

sites of so uthea stern Arabia

Slag heaps at Samdah, Om an

Slag fields at Tawi 'Arja, Om an

Settlement at M aysar 1, the mining area

M2 , and the cemetery M 3Evidence for Umm al-Na r Period mining at

Maysar 2, Oman

Ham mer and anvil stones from Maysar 1,Oman

Fragmen ts of the base of a smelting furnace

from Maysar 1, Om an

Slag typology for Umm al-Na r Period copper

production at Maysar 1

2.10 Iron Age smelting remains from Om an

2.11 Iron Age copper slag from 'Arja in Om an

2.12 Periods of copper production in southeasternArabia

2.13 Slag-filled planoconvex copper ingot from

Al-Aqir in Oman

2.14 Hoard of planoconvex copper ingots found

at Maysar 1 in House 4

2.15 Third millennium BCE copper-smelting

settlement of Zahra 1, O m an

2.16 Iron Age slag heap at Raki 2, O m an

3.1 Chronology of the excavated tom b

assemblages

3.2 A1 Sufouh Tom b I after excavation (fro m wes t

3.3 Fragments of copper-base objects from A1

Sufouh analyzed in this study

3.4 Un arl Umm al -Nar Period tomb

3.5 Fragments of copper-base objects from

Un ar l analyzed in this study

3.6 Unar2 to mb after excavation, showing

chamber designations (from north)

3.7 Fragments of copper-base objects from

Unar2 analyzed in this study

3.8 Tell Abraq tom b after excavation (from north)3.9 Two copper-base rings from the Tell Abraq

tomb, as excavated in position on phalanges

3.10 Copper-base objects from Tell Abraq

analyzed in this study

x i i i



3.1 1 Spearhead TA21 83 from the Tell Abraq Urnm

al-Nar Period tom b

3.12 Daggerlknife blade TA226 8 from the Tell

Abraq Urnm al-Nar Period tomb

3.13 Daggerlknife blade TA227 0 from the Tell


3.14 Daggerlknife blade TA2315 fro m the Tell


3.15 Daggerlknife blade TA2440 from th e TellAbraq Urnm al-Nar Period tomb

3.16 Socketed spear head TA2 757 from the Tell


4.1 Sulfur concentrations in A1 Sufouh, Unarl,

Un ar2 an d Tell Abraq objects

4.2 Sulfur concentrations in all Urnm al-Nar

Period objects analyzed by PIXE

4.3 Iron concentrations in AI Sufouh, Un ar l ,

Unar2 and Tell Abraq objects

4.4 Iron concentrations in all Urnm al-Nar Period

objects analyzed by PIXE

4.5 Cobalt concen trations in AI Sufouh, Una rl ,


4.6 Cob alt conc entration s in all Urnm al-Na r


4.7 Nickel conc entration s in A1 Sufouh, U na rl ,


4.8 Nickel conc entrations in all Urnm al-N ar


4.9 Arsenic conc entrations in A1 Sufouh, U na rl ,


4.10 Arsenic conc entration s in all Urnm al-Nar


4.1 1 Selenium concentrations in A1 Sufouh, Unarl ,


4.12 Selenium conc entration s in all Urnm al-Nar


4.13 Silver conc entration s in all Urnm al-Na r


4.14 Lead concentra tions in A1 Sufouh, U n ar l,

Unar2 and Tell Abraq objects4.15 Lead concentrations in all Urnm al-Nar


4.16 Tin concentration s in A1 Sufouh, U na rl,


4.17 Tin concentrations in all Urnm al-N ar


4.1 8 Negative correlation between t in and cobalt

in the Urnm al-N ar objects analyzed by PIXE

4.19 Arsenic and nickel in Urnm al-Nar Period


4.20 Nickel and cobalt in the Urnm al-Na r Period


4.21 Arsenic and cobalt in the Urnm al-Nar Periodobjects analyzed by PIXE

4.22 Tin and silver in the Urnm al-N ar Period


4.23 Element Correlations as found in a PCA of

the unmodified PIXE composit ional data and

PIXE data converted to rank-order

4.24 PCA scattergram of untransformed PIXE data

for ob jects from Tell Ab raq a nd A1 Sufouh

4.25 PCA scattergrams of ranked PIXE data for

all Umm al-Nar Period objects

4.26 PCA scattergrams of Urnm al-Nar Period

copper objects only

4.27 PCA scattergrams of Urnm al-Nar Period t in-

bronzes only

4.28 Alloy use in the four Urnm al-N ar Period

tomb assemblages

Iron and sulfur levels in finished objects in

comparison to secondary refining waste from

the settlements of Saar and Muweilah

Nickel, arsenic, and tin concentrations in

Umm al-Nar Period objects

Tin concentrations in Urnm al-Nar Period

objects analyzed by PIXE, and previously

analyzed Iron Age objects from

southeastern Arabia

Alloy use in different object categories

Lead isotope data for massive sulfide deposits

from Oman, in comparison to mid-ocean

ridge basal ts (MO RB )

Isotopic variability of copper ores from

individual ore deposits in Om an LIA data for copper ores from Om an

Isotopic composition of Omani ores, in

comparison t o copper ingots an d finished

objects from southeastern Arabia and Bahrain

xiv



LIA data for all Urnm al-Nar Period objects

from th e U.A.E. analyzed in this study

LIA data for all Urnm al-Nar Period objects,

arranged by site

LIA data for all Urnm al-Nar Period objects

by alloy category

207Pb1206Pb isotopic composition of Urnm

al-Na r Period copper objects from the UAE

analyzed in this study207Pb/206Pb Isotopic ranges for Urnm al-Nar

Period objects analyzed in this study

LIA data for Urnm al-Nar Period objects

analyzed in this study, and Gulf copper ingots

analyzed previously

LIA data for Urnm al-Nar Period copper

objects analyzed in this study, and copper-base

artifacts and prills analyzed by Prange et al.

(1999: Figure 7) 15 4

LIA data for Urnm al-Nar Period copper-lowtin and tin-bronze objects analyzed in this

study, and copper-base artifacts and prills

analyzed by Prange et al. (19 99: Figure 7) 1 5 4

LIA data for Urnm al-Nar Period objects

analyzed in this study, and copper-base

artifacts and prills from Saar, Bahrain 1 5 5

LIA data for Urnm al-Nar Period copper

objects analyzed in this study, and copper

artifacts and prills from Wadi SuqILate Bronze

Age contexts at Tell Abraq (Weeks 19 99) 1 5 5

LIA data for Urnm al-Nar Period tin-bearing

objects analyzed in this study, and tin-bronze

artifacts and prills fro m Wadi SuqILate Bronze

Age contexts at Tell Abraq (Weeks 19 99 )

LIA da ta for copp er objects from the

U.A.E. analyzed in this study, and O ma ni

copper ores

7.13 LIA dat a for copper-low tin objects from the

U.A.E. analyzed in this study, and Om ani

copper ores

7.14 LIA data for t in-bronze objects from theU.A.E. analyzed in this study, and Om an i

copper ores

7.15 LIA data fo r AsINi-copper objects from the

U.A.E. analyzed in this study, and Om ani

copper ores

7.16 LIA data for Urnm al-Nar Period objects

analyzed in this study, and Indian ores

and slags

7.17 LIA data for Urnm al-Nar Period objects

analyzed in this study, Iranian copper ores

and slags

7.1 8 LIA data for Urnm al -N ar Period objects

analyzed in this s tudy, and Sau di Arab ian

copper an d t i n ores7.19 LIA data for Urnm al-Nar Period objects

analyzed in this study, in comparison to the

isotopic characteristics of copper ores from

Anatolia, the Aegean, Feinan and Timna

7.20 LIA da ta for t in (an d zinc)-bearing objects

from the Aegean and northwestern A natolia,

in comparison to t in-bronzes an d copper-low

tin objects from the U.A.E.

M ap showing ore deposit s and archaeologica

and metallurgical si tes mentioned in Cha pterEight

SR2 target cham ber schematic

The relationship between PIXE sensitivity

and atomic number

The relationship between PIXE

and element concentration

Chrom ium concen trations in al

PIXE samples

precision

.l analyz ed






List of Tables Chronological periodization of southeastern

Arabian prehistory

Geology and strat igraphy of the north ern

Oman Mounta ins

Objects from A1 Sufouh analyzed by PIXE

Objects from Un ar l analyzed by PIXE

Objects from Unar2 analyzed by PIXE

AMS Radiocarbon dates associated with the

Tell Abraq tom bObjects from the Tell Abraq to mb analyzed

by PIXE

PIXE composit ional data for objects from

A1 Sufouh

PIXEcompositional da ta of objects from Una r1

PIXE compo sitional data for objects from Una r2

PIXE composit ional data for objects from

Tell Abraq

Sulfur concentrations in Urnm al-Nar Period

objects analyzed by PIXESulfur levels recorded in previous analytical

studies

Iron c oncentrations in Urnm al-Nar Period


Ironlev elsreco rdedin previous analytical studie

Cobalt con centrations in Urnm al-N ar Period


Cob alt levels in previously analyzed objects

Nickel concentrations in Urnm al-Nar Period


Nickel levels recorded in previous an alytical

studies

Zinc conce ntrations in Urnm al-Nar Period


Zin c levels recorded in previous analytical studie

Arsenic concentrations in Urnm al-Nar Perio


Arsenic levels recorded in previous analytical

studies

Selenium concentrations in Urnm al-Nar Per

objects analyzed by PIXESilver concentrations in Urnm al-Nar Period


Silver levels recorded in previous analytical

studies

x v i i



4.20 Antimony levels recorded in previous analytical

studies 92

4.21 Lead concentrations in Umm al-Nar Period

objects analyzed by PIXE 92

4.22 Lead levels recorded in previous analytical

studies 94

4.23 Tin conc entration s in Umm al-Nar Period objects

analyzed by PIXE 94

4.24 Ran k-co rrelation coefficients for all Umm al-NarPeriod objects 9 7

7.1 Lead isotope data for objects from A1 Sufouh,

Un ar l , Unar2, and Tell Abraq 146

x v i i i



Introduction

Outline an d Genesis o f th e ProjectThis volume presents a study of early metal produc-

tion, exchange and use in the Persian Gulf region.

The issues addressed range from technological aspects

of early metal extraction and alloy production, to the

broader socioeconomic issues related to the produc-

tion and trade of metallic resources in the Gulf and

the use of tin and tin-bronze in early western Asia

(Figure 1).

Metallurgical studies have been of primary interest

in the archaeology of the Gulf from the earliest peri-

ods of work in the region. This is chiefly a result of

scholarly debate regarding the location of the lands of

Dilmun and Magan, which are mentioned in Bronze

Age historical texts from Greater Mesopotamia and

which were intimately linked with the supply of copper

to the Sumerians, Akkadians and Babylonians in the

third and early-second millennia BCE (e.g. Oppenheim

1954 ; Leemans 196 0; Muhly 1973 a; Weisgerber 198 3;

Potts 1B o a : 133-149). Archaeological and Assyriological

research in the twentieth century have paid great atten-tion to locating the lands of Dilmun and Magan, and

it is now clear that both are to be placed within the

Gulf region: Dilmun in the central Gulf, incorporating

eastern Saudi Arabia and particularly Bahrain from the

later third millennium BCE onwards, and Magan at

the southern end of the Gulf, incorporating southeast-

ern Arabia and, perhaps, some areas of southeastern

Iran (Heimpel 1987).

While these debates over historical geography

back t o the nineteenth Century (Potts 1986:271-27

archaeological research in the Persian Gulf region i

comparatively recent pursuit. Fieldwork in southea

Arabia was initiated by Danish archaeologists in th

1 9 . 5 0 ~ ~nd a great deal of research since that timeallowed the development of a secure chronology f

prehistoric southeastern Arabia (Table p) , and a so

what less assured understanding of the economic,

nological, social and p olitical characteristics of thes

early Gulf societies. Th e archaeological evidence in

cates that, by the early third millennium BCE (the

Period ), relatively small, sedentary co mm unities ex

in southeastern Arabia that were founded upon a

cultural subsistence and the exploitation of marine

resources (Potts 199713). The evidence fo r sm all nuof copper-base objects from collective Hafit graves

Frifelt 1975b) suggests tha t local copper extraction

already begun by this period. This subsistence basi

hu ma n settlement persisted into the later third mill

um (the Umm al-Nar P eriod), when i t was supplem

by a new form of subsistence adaptation based upo

specialized production and exchange of various com

modities (e.g. copper, ceramics, and stone vessels) w

southeastern Arabia (Cleuziou and Tosi 1989 , 20 00

This regional exchange network represented a criti

adaptation in an environment where resources wer

plentiful but often strongly localized geographically

The development of an integrated local economic

tem in southeastern Arabia was contemporary wit

dramatic increase in the number of known settlem

and with material remains from sett lement and fun

ary contexts indicating extremely far-flung trade c

tacts with regions such as Meso potamia, Iran, the

Valley, central Asia and the central Gulf (Potts 199

1993e, 2003 a, 2003 b). However, set tlements remai

relatively small, usually no larger than a few hectarand there is no evidence for the development of lar

political institutions o r significant social hierarchies

(Crawford l9 98 : l3 8). In the early second mi l lenniu

BCE (the Wadi Suq Period) there was a dram atic re

tion in the number of settlements, an occurrence th

has been related to the increasing importance of

nomadic pastoralism as a subsistence regime (Cleuz

1981; Carter 1997 ).



Figure 1.1 Major archa eological sites of th e U.A.E. referred to i n the text.Ob jects analyzed in this volum e co me fro m AI Sufouh, Unarl,

and Tell Abraq.

2 Early Metallu rgy of the Persian Gulf



It is against this background that the evidence for Table 1.1

third millennium copper extraction in southeastern Chronological Periodization of Southeastern Arabian Prehistor

Arab ia, the copper mou ntain of Ma gan , must be

considered. The large scale of this production was

demonst rated from the late 19 70s through archaeomet-

allurgical research by the German Mining Museum in

the Sultanate of Oman (Weisgerber 1980b, 1981;

Hauptmann 1985, 1987; Yule and Weisgerber 1996;

Weisgerber and Yule 1999 ; Prange et al . 199 9). Thisongoing field project established the production of

copper in southeastern Arabia from as early as the

Umm al-Nar Period, and the high-volume copper

trade between the Gulf area and Mesopotamia sup-

ported by these studies and by cuneiform references is

regarded as crucial in the socioeconomic development

of the region in the Bronze Age and later (e.g. Edens

1992). The composit ional and lead isotope analyses

(LIA) which form the substantive core of this volume

were undertaken on copper-base objects of this period,

from four Umm al-Nar Period collective assemblages

tha t can be dated between 2450-1900 BCE (see

Chapter Three for details).

As outlined above, the data and discussions pre-

sented in the following chapters exist within a local

technological framework largely constructed by the

German research in Oman. Nevertheless, the new

analyses represent an important complement to the

German research in two respects. Firstly, the analyses

provide evidence of metal use in settlements that are

not associated with primary copper production, whichhas until recently been the main focus of the German

research (althoug h see Prange et al . 1 99 9). Secondly,

the analyses are important for our understanding of

metal use in more northerly areas of the Oman

Peninsula rather than those where the German team

has tradit ionally worked. Looking beyond the data

from southeastern Arabia itself, the results of this

study can be related to broader regional developments

in western Asia, particularly the development of min-

ing, metallurgy and pyrotechnology on the IranianPlateau, the adoption of new alloys such as tin-

bronze in neighboring regions of western Asia, and

the long-distance trade in metals that linked the Gulf

with complex societies stretching from the Indus Valley

to Anatolia.

Broad Chronological Phase Cultural Period

BRONZE AGE Hafit Period

3100-1 300 BCE) Umm al-Nar Period

Wadi Suq Period

Late Bronze Age

I R O N AGE Iron I

1300-300 BCE) Iron IIlron Ill

Absolute Da

Chronolog ical periodization o f southeastern Arabian prehisto

Note: Periodization a fter Velde 2003), otts (1997b),and Mag(1996b).

The genesis of the volume lies in previous ana

of material from the site of Tell Abraq in the U.A.

undertaken by the autho r in 1 995 (Weeks 199 7).

study analyzed the changes in copper alloy use at

Abraq through the entire occupational sequence of

site: a period of two millennia spanning ca. 2300-

BCE. The study showed that tin-bronze had been

at Tell Abraq from the earliest phases of its occup

in the third millennium, alongside objects of relati

pure copper and arsenical copper. As such, the fin

contrasted strongly with previous studies of early

use in southeastern Arabia (e.g. Hauptmann 1987

Hauptmann et al . 1988; Berthoud et al . 1980, 19

These studies had indicated that tin-bronze was

extremely rare in the region in the third millenniu

and was not consistently used until the end of the

ond millennium.Th e analyses of the Tell Ab raq objects thu s raise

question of whether Tell Abraq, clearly the largest si

the Gulf coast of southe astern Arabia dur ing the late

and second millennia (Potts 1993 a),was somehow u

in terms of its access to metallic resources. For e xam

has been proposed that Tell Abr aq func tioned as the

outlet for O ma ni copper in the last centuries of the th

millennium (Frifelt 19 95 ) and the site may therefore

had greater access to a variety of metal resources and

other luxu ry goods than m ost sites in the O ma n PeniAlternatively, Carter (2 00 1 19 6) has suggested that T

Abra q might be best regarded as a trading post betw

the centrallno rthern Gulf and South Asia; an except

al site not well integrated economically with southe

ern Arabia beyond the northe rn coastal region.

Introduction



These early archaeometallurgical analyses from

Tell Abraq suggested the possibility of differences in

metal procurement patterns between northern and

southern areas of the Om an Peninsula. Further

basic questions posed by the Tell Abraq analyses

related to the c hronology of the earliest tin a nd tin-

bronze use in the region, and the mechanisms and

routes by which this clearly foreign material

reached the Gulf. However, due to the dearth of

analytical programs on chronologically and geo-

graphically related metal objects, the Tell Abraq

analyses stood somewhat in isolation. As a conse-

quence, it was difficult to assess whether the site

was representative of more widespread metallurgical

practices in southeastern Arabia, or whether it was

indeed unique in its metalworking technology and

access to fore ign resources. The analyses of objects

from three other to mb assemblages in the norther n

U.A.E., fro m the sites of A1 Sufouh , Una rl , andUnar2, are thus significant in providing a more

secure analytical basis to support the discussion of

the issues raised by the initial Tell Abraq analyses.

Additionally, excavation of the second half of the

Umm a l-Nar Period tomb at Tell Abraq was com-

pleted in 1997-1998, bringing to light many more

copper-base objects from the late third millennium

BCE. The analysis of a sub-set of these newly recov-

ered objects using a fully quantitative technique was

deemed desirable, in order to support the results of

the semi-quantitative EDS analyses of material from

the site undertaken previously.

As a group, analyses of the four to mb assem-

blages allow for a relatively clear understanding of

developments in alloying technology and r aw mat e-

rial exchange patte rns over the last half of the thir d

millennium BCE in the northe rn Oma n Peninsula.

Such issues are indeed the focus of much of the dis-

cussion presented in this volume. However, other

issues such as the organization of copper produc-

tion in Bronze Age southeastern Arabia, a nd thelocal and foreign factors t hat influenced the scale

of production, and the role of the Gulf in the third

millennium tin tr ade are also addressed. These the-

oretical and substantive issues are outlined below

in greater detail.

Copper Production and the Bronze Age

Economy of Southeastern ArabiaOne of the main theoretical foci of this volume relat

not t o the interpretation of the analytical data gene

by PIXE and LIA, but to an investigation of the org

zation of copper production in Bronze Age southea

Arabia, and an examination of the integration of co

production with other local subsistence activities. As

noted above, the Umm al-Nar Period witnessed wha

many archaeologists have characterized as an incre

level of cultural and economic integration. The

exchange of copper produced in the mountainous ar

of the interior no doub t played a significant role in

integration. In Chapter Two, the possible effects of f

back between greater economic integration and incr

ingly specialized craft production are examined in d

The implications of these factors for our understand

of emerging social complexity in Bronze Age southe

ern Arabia are also addressed.The importance of local exchange systems in gener

demand for copper is emphasized partly to counte

the prominence that has previously been granted t

foreign demand for copper from areas such as

Mesopotamia, Dilmun, and perhaps the Indus Valley

is clear that both local and foreign demand played a

in determining total output of copper in the third m

nium, and also the ways in which that production w

organized. As will be seen in Chapter Two, the arch

logical evidence for particular modes of copper prod

tion in Bronze Age Oman is very scarce. Nevertheles

there is some evidence for Bronze Age copper extrac

sites producing at very different scales, which might

tatively support the notion of distinct modes of prod

tion. Whether such differences can be linked to chro

ogy, production for local or foreign markets, or oth

factors remains uncertain.

Prehistoric copper production in Oman, beginni

around 3000 BCE, also witnesses distinct periods of

growth and decline, to the point where long periods o

complete abandonment of the industry have been hypsized in the Late Bronze Age and the Late Pre-Islamic

Period. This "periodicity" or "cyclicality" of product

is another reflection of changes in local and foreign

demand for copper, in addition t o environmental fac

changing technology, and historically contingent pol

4 Early Metallurgy of the Persian Gulf



and economic events in southeastern Arabia and neigh-

boring regions of western Asia. In Chapter Two, the many

factors that may have caused the periodicity of copper

production in southeastern Arabia are examined in detail.

Alloying Practices in Bronze Age

Southeastern Arabia

Considerable information regarding early metalworking

practices in southeastern Arabia is generated by the ana-

lytical data presented and discussed in Chapters Four and

Five. When the compositional analyses are compared with

the work of the German Mining Museum, important fac-

tors regarding the production and use of certain alloy

types, changes in local ore types exploited, and in the tech-

nology of extraction can be examined.

A brief note on terminology is required here to facili-

tate the discussion. All objects made of copper and its

alloysarereferred o ascopper-baseobjects.In theanalyzed

assemblages from Umm al-Nar Period southeastern

Arabia, the most common alloy types are pure copper

(which contains less than one percent of arsenic, nickel,

zinc and lead, and less than two percent t in) , tin-bronze

(copper with more than two percent t in), arsenical cop-

per (copper with more than one percent arsenic), and

nickel copper (copper with more than one percent nick-

el). The last two alloy types are commonly grouped

together under the label As/Ni-copper, which includes all

copper samples with more than one percent of arsenic

andlor nickel. No a pr or assumptions are made regard-

ing the intentional production of these alloys.

Justifications for these definitions can be found in

Chapters Four and Five.

The discussion of the compositional data focuses on

the production and use of tin-bronze and As/Ni-copper.

Based upon mineralogical studies of ore deposits in

southeastern Arabia, it is suggested that the latter alloy is

probably a local product. In addition to the investigation

of the particular kinds of Omani ore deposits that may

have produced such an alloy, discussion focuses upon the

various mechanisms by which As/Ni-copper may havebeen produced and the material properties that may have

differentiated it from pure copper and from tin-bronze.

Analyses of alloying processes for the production of tin-

bronze are also addressed, based upon tin concentra-

tions in the objects and also evidence from minor and

trace element concentrations. Chronological aspects

tin-bronze use in the northern Oman Peninsula are

investigated and significant differences in the use of

bronze and As/Ni copper for specific object categori

are visible. The technological, economic, and ideolo

factors that may have mediated processes of alloy s

tion in third millennium southeastern Arabia are di

cussed in detail.

Investigation of the Bronze Age Tin Trade

The investigation of early tin and tin-bronze use in th

northern Oman Peninsula is important for understan

early metal use and trade both within the Gulf, and i

wider western Asia. The tin sources used in Bronze A

western Asia remain unidentified after more than 50

of investigation (Muhly 1973a; 1985a; 1993a; Stech

Piggot 1986) and related fieldwork, analytical progra

and archaeological debates are actively in progress (e

Yener and Vandiver 1993a; Moorey l994:297-30 1;

Alimov et al. 1998; Yener 2000). The debate is conce

as much with the trade routes and mechanisms by wh

tin and tin-bronze may have moved in the third mille

um as it is with the absolute source of the material. T

discovery of early tin-bronze use at Tell Abraq has hi

lighted the possible role of the Gulf trade in the distr

tion of this material, an avenue which had been large

under-emphasized due to the dearth of tin-bronzes re

ed in other compositional studies of material from

Bahrain and southeastern Arabia (e.g. McKerrell

1977:167; Hauptmann et al. 1988; Prange et al. 199

The archaeological objects from the four Umm al

Period tomb assemblages analyzed in this volume add

siderably to the body of evidence for early tin-bronze u

the Gulf. Furthermore, the significance of the timing a

frequency of early tin-bronze use in the Gulf for gener

discussions of Bronze Age Gulf archaeology is address

In particular, the possible cultural contacts tha t might

account for the use of tin in the central Gulf and in so

eastern Arabia are assessed. Any discussions of this na

rely for their validity upon multiple strands of evidencfrom geology, archaeology and early textual sources (

Muhly 1985a, 1993a; Penhallurick 1986; Stech and P

1986), and these are presented in detail in order to re

satisfactory conclusion regarding the likely sources of

used in the Gulf in the Bronze Age.

Introduction



The possible significance of the early tin-bronze

exchange in the Gulf for wider western Asia is also con-

sidered in detail. The results of the LIA of more than 40

objects from the four Umm al-Nar Period tomb assem-

blages provide crucial evidence for this discussion. The

isotopic data provide important information on the

extent of the early tin and tin-bronze trade in western

Asia and beyond an d the possible technological and

socioeconomic implications of this trade are discussed

in detail.

Analytical Techniques

As noted above, the data presented in this volume

involve both compositional and lead isotopic analy-

ses. The compositional analyses were undertaken

using the technique of Proton-Induced X-ray Emission

(PIXE). Details of the application of the PIXE tech-

nique to the objects analyzed in this study, as well as

information on accuracy, precision and sensitivity ofthe data, are provided in Chapter Four and Appendix

One. PIXE analyses have been successfully used as the

basis of a number of archaeometallurgical analysis pro-

grams in the Old World (e.g. Fleming and Swann

1985:142).

Currently, the use of LIA is much debated within

archaeological science and archaeology in general

(e.g. Budd et al. 1995a, 1 995b, 1996 ; Muhly 19 95a;

Pernicka 1995a; Tite 1996; Knapp 2000; Gale 2001).

As the issues surrounding the application of LIA to

archaeological provenance studies can be complex, a

detailed discussion of the development of LIA in

archaeology is given in Chapter Six. LIA can provide

extremely useful information in the generation and

assessment of novel archaeological hypotheses regard-

ing provenance (e.g. Pernicka e t al. 1 990, 1993 ), as

demonstrated by the results presented and interpreted

in Chapter Seven. Useful results are dependent upon a

detailed understanding of both geological and anthro-

pogenic factors controlling lead isotope signatures of

archaeological objects, and the value of integratingisotopic and compositional data is clear (e.g. Pernicka

1995 a; Bridgford 2000; Begemann et al. 2001).

Details of the analytical technique for LIA and infor-

mation on data precision and accuracy can be found

in Appendix One.

Outl ine of Chapters

Following this introductory chapter, Chapter Two pr

ents the background to the present study, summarizi

previous geological and archaeological work relevan

early metallurgy in the Gulf region. It incorporates a

extensive discussion of the factors that affected the s

and periodicity of early metal extraction in southeas

Arabia; an examination of the organization of Umm

Nar Period copper production; an assessment of the

gration of various specialized production regimes (in

ing metallurgy) in Bronze Age southeastern Arabia,

presentation of the evidence for copper-base object f

cation and alloying technologies. Chapter Three revi

the chronological and contextual information on the

objects analyzed in this volume. Chapter Four presen

and summarizes the compositional data for all analy

samples on an element-by-element basis. It concludes

with a statistical analysis of elemental correlations in

collected data, and of the chemical characteristics ofarchaeological metal assemblages from each of the fo

funerary structures. The implications of the composi

a1 data and statistical analyses are discussed in Chap

Five, with particular focus upon the types of ores tha

may have been exploited in the Umm al-Nar Period

the production and use of various local and imported

copper-base alloys such as As/Ni-copper and tin-bro

Chapter Six is a summary of theoretical and practica

developments in the application of LIA to archaeolog

a background to Chapter Seven, where the results of

LIA of copper-base objects from the four Umm al-N

Period tomb assemblages are presented. Particular at

tion is paid to the possible local and foreign metal so

that were used to produce the analyzed copper-base

objects. Chapter Eight focuses more specifically on t

possible sources of tin used in the Gulf in the Bronze

and includes a discussion of the trade routes, exchan

mechanisms, and socioeconomic importance of the t

millennium BCE tin and tin-bronze trade in western

The overall results of the research are summarized in

Chapter 9.




2 Geology and EarlyExploitation ofCopper Deposits inSoutheastern Arabia

This chapter addresses the nature of copper deposits in

southeastern Arabia and past archaeological studies of

ancient copper production in the region. The first sec-

tion of the chapter begins with a brief description of

the geology of southeastern Arabia, and the A1 Hajjar

Mountains in particular, including the basic stratigraph-

ic units, their time of formation, and the mechanisms of

their emplacement. Subsequently, a detailed description

is given of the various copper deposits of southeastern

Arabia, their geological setting, mineralogy, and impor-

tance for ancient metal production.

In the second section of the chapter, archaeological

research into ancient copper production in southeastern

Arabia is discussed. Early approaches to provenance

and the question of the location of Magan are dealt

with first, followed by a section on early geological and

archaeological surveys in the region and a discussion of

the work of the German Mining Museum in Oman.

The discussion of early primary copper extraction in

southeastern Arabia concludes with an investigation of

the apparent periodicity in copper production in theBronze and Iron Ages, and an examination of the ways

in which copper production was organized and inte-

grated into the broader Bronze Age economy of the

region. The chapter concludes with a discussion of

changes in the technology of copper-base object fabrica-

tion over the course of the Bronze Age, examining both

the range of items produced and the alloying practices

that are evidenced.

Geology of Northern Oman and MasirahAll of the copper deposits of southeastern Arabia,

the exception of those on Masirah Island, are to b

found within various geological units of the northe

Oman or A1 Hajjar Mountains. In the following se

tions, brief descriptions of the geology of the A1 H

Mountains and Masirah Island are given, as they

an important basis for the understanding of ancien

copper mining and production in southeastern Ara

Geology of the Northern Oman (A1 Hajjar) Mounta

The A1 Hajjar Mountains are comprised of a numb

different groups of rocks, whose genesis, location

association have been explained in different ways

the course of geological research in the region, dat

as far back as the 1900s (Pilgrim 1908). Althoughprehensive local geological research did not begin

the 1960s, the geology of Oman and the U.A.E. is

tively well understood for a number of reasons. In

ticular, the search for new oil and gas reserves was

primary motivator of early geological research in t

region, as was the chance to study the world's bes

exposed and most complete piece of former oceani

mantle and crust, the so-called "Semail Ophiolite"

(Glennie 1995:6-9; Batchelor 1992:109). A numbe

important general studies of the mountains have b

published (e.g. Greenwood and Loney 1968; Glennie

1974; Robertson et al. 1990), as well as publication

specific geological units within the mountains, par

larly the ophiolite (e.g. Lippard et al. 1986; Boudi

and Nicolas 1988).

The various geological divisions used to descri

and explain the geology of the northern Oman

Mountains (see Glennie 1995; Lippard et al. 1986

given in Table 2.1 in stratigraphic order (oldest at

bottom) . The table indica tes the basic bipartite d

sion of the rocks of the region into autochthonousallochthonous sequences. The autochthonous units

include basement granites and shallow marine sedi

that were deposited on the Arabian continental she

platform, and which remain in the position in whi

they formed. These units include the "Basement",

"Hajar Supergroup" and "Aruma Group" discusse

Glennie (1995:23-32) and Lippard et al. (1986:9-1

and date from the Precambrian to the Late Cretace



Above these autochthonous units sit two series of

allochthonous rocks, so-named because they have been

moved from their place of formation into their current

position by various geological processes. Allochthonous

units are noted in Table 2.1. The lower of these units,

the "Hawasina," is composed largely of marine sedi-

ments that were deposited on the floor of an ancient

ocean called the Neo-Tethys, which lay to the northeast

of Arabia, between mid-Triassic and mid-Cretaceous

times (ca. 270-70 million years ago [Ma]; Lippard et al.

1986:12; Glennie 1995:4). The upper allochthonous unit

is the Semail Ophiolite, a section of oceanic upper man-

tle and crust that formed on the floor of one part of the

Neo-Tethys in the Mid-Cretaceous (ca. 105-170 Ma;

Glennie 1995:4-5).

From about 10 5 Ma, active spreading ridges in the

Neo-Tethys and the South Atlantic Ocean focused great

horizontal compressive forces upon the oceanic crust of

the Neo-Tethys, causing it to rupture and leading to theformation of an eastward-dipping subduction zone

(Glennie 1995 53 ). It was in fact the presence of this

subduction zone that led to the formation of the Semail

oceanic crust in the associated back-arc environment of

the subduction zone (Lippard et al. 1986:Figure 4.11).

As described by Glennie (1995:5), at 10 5 Ma these three

groups of rocks (the autochthonous series and the two

allochthonous series) lay side-by-side, with the granites

and shallow marine sediments of the Arabian shelf to

the west and the newly-forming oceanic crust of the

Semail to the east. The Hawasina sediments overlay

older and deeper oceanic crust in between the Arabian

platform and the Semail crust.

The subduction zone in the Neo-Tethys and the

compressive forces which initiated the formation of the

Semail oceanic ridge led to the emplacement of first the

Hawasina sediments and then the Semail oceanic litho-

sphere over the Arabian shelf in the period between

about 105 and 70 Ma. The relative direction of trans-

port was from northeast to southwest, and the distances

involved were of the order of several hundred km(Shackleton and Ries 1990:721). Horizontal compressive

forces ceased to operate at around 75 Ma, and the uplift

of the partially subducted, buoyant continental crust

onto which the Hawasina and Semail units had been

emplaced led to the detachment of the Semail nappe

from its contiguous oceanic crust and the local eleva

of parts of the nappe above sea level for the first tim

(Glennie l995:%-56).

At this time, however, the rock units formed a c

of low-relief islands rather than a mountain range. I

was not until approximately 30 Ma that these units

uplifted to form the Oman Mountains, as a result of

compressive forces arising from the separation of Ar

from Africa and the collision of the Indian plate wit

southern edge of Eurasia (Glennie 199.55). In the in

vening period between about 70 and 30 Ma

(Mastrichtian-Lower Tertiary), shallow marine sedi

ments were deposited above a number of the rock u

that formed the island arc. These units remained in

relative place of formation after the uplift of the Om

mountains, and are thus referred to by Glennie

(1995:Table 1)as "neo-autochthonous".

The Oman Mountains, in their present form, co

prise an arc more than 700 km long and up to 150 wide, parallel to the Gulf of Oman. They extend fro

the Musandam Peninsula and the Straits of Hormuz

the north to Ras a1 Hadd in the southeast at an elev

of generally between 500-1,500 m, although Jebel

Akhdar rises to ca. 3,000 m (Lippard et al. 1986:l-2

The rock formations that comprise the Oman Moun

are illustrated in Figure 2.1.

The most extensive geological unit of the moun

is the Semail Nappe, with an area of approximately

20,000 km2 and a thickness of between five and ten

metres, which has been broken into 1 2 generally int

blocks of varying sizes as a result of erosion and of

ing during and after emplacement (Glennie et al. 19

The Hawasina outcrops mostly on the southern and

western extremities of the Oman Mountains , but al

occurs in the interior of the mountains, for example

the type site of the "Hawasina Window" in Wadi

Hawasina, and in the Dibba Zone in the north. The

upper and lower autochthonous units of the mount

range are exposed in the region of Jebel Akhdar, in

mountains south of Muscat, in the Huqf region, anthe northern end of the Oman Mountains in the

Musandam Peninsula. Neo-autochthonous rocks ar

in the A1 Ain region, particularly at Jebel Hafit, and

the coastal region between Saih Hatat and Ras al-H

in Oman (Glennie 1995:Figure 10).

8 Early Metallurgyof the Persian Gulf



Table 2.1

Tectonostratigraphic Units of the Northern Oman Mountains

Age (Ma BP) Stratigraphic Unit

Mostly shallow marine limestones (Maastrichtian-Early Tertiary) of: 1) the Hadhramaut Group, and;

Formed 105-95 Oceanic crust (Mid-Late Cretaceous), consisting of: 1) a crustal sequence of extrusive basaltic pillow

lavas and interbedded pelagic sediments;

a sheeted dyke complex; high-level plutonic roc

and layered peridotites and gabbros;

2) a mantle sequence of peridotites and harzburgites

3) a basal metamorphic sheet of amphibolites and

Formed 270-70 Mostly calcareous sandstones (U. Permian-Turonian)

deposited as turbidites, comprised of: 1) the Umar Group;

2) the AI AridhIKawr Groups, and;

3) the SumeiniIHamrat Duru Groups (including the

Wahrah Formation).

Aruma Group (Allochthonous Unit)

1) Simsima limestones (U. Cretaceous-L.Tertiary);

2) Fiqa shales and conglomerates of the Juweiza

Formation (Campanian),and;

3) conglomerates and turbidites of the Muti Forma

(Santonian-Campanian).

270-90 Upper Autochthon (= Hajar Supergroup)

Shallow marine limestones and dolomites comprised of

(in the central mountains): 1) the Wasia Group (M. Cretaceous);

2) the Kahmah Group (L. Cretaceous);

3) the Sahtan Group (Jurassic), and;

41 the Akhdar Grow (U. Permian-U.Triassic).

650-270 Lower Autochthon

A sedimentary sequence of limestones and dolomites consisting of: 1) Palaeozoic siltstones of Saih Hatat, Quartzites of

J. Qamar and J. Ramaq, and;

2) Eocambrian rocks of the eastern Huqf.

850-650 Basement (Autochthonous Unit)

Jebel Ja'alan sedimentary rocks (Precambrian)

Geology and stratigraphy of the northern Oman Mountains.




Figure 2.1 The geological units comprising the Oman Mountains.

Geology of Masirah Island

Masirah Island is located 24 km off the southeastern

coast of O ma n (Figure 2.2). The island is 64 km long

and up to 16 km wide, with a highest elevation of 27 7

m (Moseley 1969:293-294). It contains a suite of rocks

that are very similar to those of the Semail Nap pe,

including mantle serpentinites, ultramafic to gabbroic

cumulates, m assive gabb ros, shee ted dykes, basaltic pil-

low lavas and radiolarian cherts (A bbotts 198 1; Moseley

1990 :665). These rocks w ere originally thou ght t o repre-

sent a pa rt of the Sernail Na pp e (M oseley 196 9; cf.

Moseley an d Ab botts 19 79 ), however, recent geologicalresearch has determined th at th e oph ioli tic rocks of

Masirah are genetically unrelated t o the m ainland ophi-

olite, being late Jurassic-Early Cretac eous in age

(145-125 Ma; G nos et al . 1997; Meyer et al . 199 6;

Smewing et al. 1 991 ).

The ophiolitic rocks of Masirah Island are unu

in that they were em placed a long t ime after their

mation, having drifted in oceanic lithosphere for

approximately 90 M a (Meyer et al. 1996:187). Th

are actually two dist inct ophioli te nappes on Masi

Island (Gno s and P errin 199 6:55), the upper of wh

was obducted onto the lower between the late

Maastrichtian and the pre-Eocene (ca. 60-50 Ma ;

and Perrin 1996:62). It is likely that the emplacem

of the lower Masirah Ophioli te onto the Arabian s

was related to the northward movement of the Ind

plate (although this is a complicated issue; for a fuexplanation and illustration, please see e.g., Mosele

Abbotts 1979 ; Shackleton an d Ries 1 990 ; Smewin

al. 19 91) , and took place sl ightly after the o bdu ct

the upper ophioli te nappe onto the lower (G nos an

Perrin 1996:62).

10 Early Meta llurgy of t he Persian Gulf



Figure 2.2 The major copper deposits and metallurgical sites of southeastern Arabia (triangles) and third millennium settlements (sma

circles).

Geology and Early Exploitation o f Copper



Copper Deposits in Southeastern ArabiaThe vast majority of copper deposits in southeastern

Arabia (Figure 2.2) are hosted in rocks of the Semail

Ophiolite, the formation and emplacement of which is

described above. As show n in Table 2.1, th e Semail

Ophiolite consists of rock series with both mantle and

crustal origins. Th e mantle series is the lowe st strati-

graphic unit in the Semail Nappe, and is composed

mostly of variably serpentinized ultramafic rocks (most-

ly tectonized harzburgites and dunites) with an estimat-

ed maximu m thickness of 10-12 km (L ippard et al.

1986 :41). The peridotites of the ma ntle series are over-

lain by a magmatic assemblage of cumulate gabbros and

peridotites up to four km thick (th e Layered Series ),

and a sequence of high-level plutonic rocks (t he High-

Level Intrusives ), generally gabbros, of up to 500 m

thick (Lippard et al. 1986:14, 41). The high-level intru-

sives are stratigraphically overlain by a she eted diabase

dyke complex of up to 1.5 km in thickness, which actedas a feeder fo r an overlying extrusive sequence of

basaltic pillow lavas up to tw o km thick. Th e extrusive

basalts are interbedded and overlain by pelagic sedi-

ments (Lippard et al. 1986:41, Figure 3.3).

Massive Sulfide Deposits of the Semail Extrusive Series

The largest copper deposits in southeastern Arab ia a re

those con centrated in the Semail upper extrusive

sequence. These massive sulfide deposits are strata-

bound within the pillow lavas of the ophiolite, although

they are not exclusively associated with any particular

strat igraphic interval , and a re directly comp arable to

the large copper deposits of the T rood os Ophioli te in

Cyprus (Coleman 1977:124-126; Batchelor 1992:108;

Lippard et al . 1 986:1 27). The copper, iron an d zinc-rich

ores are exha lative sedimentary depo sits formed either

in sea-floor depressions near oceanic ridges or as a

result of sea-m ount volcanism (Ixer et al. 1984 :123;

Ha up tma nn 1985 :27). The ore metals themselves origi-

nated in the volcanic rocks, from which they were

mobilized by hydrothermal seawater solutions(Jankovic, 1986:27; Hau ptma nn 1985:27).

The massive sulfide deposits are com prised primari-

ly of p yrite (FeS 2), chalco pyrite (C uFe S2),and sphaleri te

(Z nS ), bu t exhibit well-developed gossans con sisting of

brightly colored iron oxides, hydroxides and sulfates in

addit ion to secondary copper minerals such as mal

( C U ~ C O , ( O H ) ~ ) ,zurite ( C U ~ ( C O ~ ) ~ ( O H ) ~nd ra

native copper (Coleman 1977:125; Ixer et al . 1984

Hau ptma nn 1985:26; Weisgerber 1 987:170 ) .

Cem entation zones or zones of secondary enrichme

are not seen in the massive sulfide deposits (Ha up t

1985:25; Hauptm ann e t al. 1988:35), al though the

considerable quanti t ies of secondary sulfur-contain

minerals such as bornite (Cu5F eS4), halcocite (Cu

and covelli te (C uS) in some deposits (Ix er et al .

1984:120 and Table 2; Smewing et al. 1 97 75 36 ).

The three largest deposits in the region occur i

hinterland of Sohar, at the sites of Bayda, Lasail an

'Arja, while other massive sulfide deposits and stoc

works a re known at Zu ha, Raki , Hayl as-Safi l and

Daris in the Su ltanate of O ma n (Calvez and Lescuy

19 91 ). Detailed summ aries of the for mation a nd m

alogy of these deposits can be found in numerou s p

cat ions (e.g. Ixer et al . 198 4, 1986 ; Hauptm ann1985:25-27; Lippard et al . 1986:127-128; Lescuye

al. 1 988 ; Calvez and Lescuyer 1 99 1; Batchelor 199

Azry et al . 1993).

The extrusive lavas of the upper Semail ophioli

were formed as a result of two separate but nearly

temporary magmat ic events ( M 1 and M 2). The form

tion of the first series of pillow lavas (th e V1 o r

Geotimes unit), which form s the footwall of al l the

massive sulfide deposits in southeastern Arabia, wa

related to the first magmatic event. The Geotimes U

directly overlies the sheeted dyke c om plex from wh

was derived (Batchelor 1992:11 4) and w as formed

late Albian to early C enoman ian t imes (Calvez and

Lescuyer 1991 . The Bayda massive sulfide depos it

thoug ht to have been formed by hydrothermal activ

this t ime (Batchelor 1992: 11 4) .

Th e upper lava unit (V 2, consisting of the Lasa

Alley Units) is related to the second m agmatic even

(M 2) , and its earliest manifestations a re associated

the hydrothermal activity that formed the massive s

deposits at Lasail an d 'Arja, as well as those at Z uhRaki a nd Hayl as-Safil (Batchelor 19 92:114). Thus,

majo rity of massive sulfide deposits in the Semail

Ophioli te occur a t the contact between the V1 an d

volcanic units. The Lasail ore deposit has a hanging

of Lasail Unit lavas, whereas the 'Arja deposit has a

1 2 Early Metallurgy of the Persian Gulf



hanging-wall of Alley Unit lavas (Ix er et al. 198 4:Figure

2) . This volcanic an d hy drothe rma l activity is of

Cenom anian to Turonian age and represents the most

important period of copper mineralization related to the

Om an M ountains (Batchelor 1992:11 4 ) .

Othe r C oppe r Deposits of the Semail Ophiolite

Although the largest copper deposits of the Oman

Mountains occur as massive sulfide deposits in theupper extrusive sequence, smaller vein-type deposits are

in fact found thro ugho ut the ophioli te c rustal sequence

and in mant le sequence rocks (H auptm ann

1985:21-3 1).Minor sulfide concentrations are found in

the sheeted dyke complex (Weisgerber 1 9 8 0 ~ :15;

Weisgerber l98Oa: 89; Ha uptm ann and Weisgerber

1980:13 4) and high level gab bros, often associated with

northwest-southeast trending faults (Cole man

1977:124; Lippard et al . 1986:128). Copper deposits

are also known from lower in the crustal sequence, at

the contact between cumulate gabbro and cumulate

peridoti te near the petrological Mo ho (Coleman et al .

1978:12; Weisgerber 1980c:115; Weisgerber 1981 :190),

and along major fractures within the mantle harzbur-

gites (Goett ler et al. 1976:46-47; Hau ptma nn

1985:21-31; Lorand 19 88; Batchelor l9 9 2 :l l4 ). It is

likely that a lot of this fracture mineralization is related

to mineralization at higher levels within the ophiolite

extrusive sequence (Batchelor 199 2:114 ), although

some deposits lie along northwest-trending faults relat-

ed to younger tectonics (Coleman et al . 1978 12).

Although these deposits are generally small, with

lengths of less than 600 m and widths of less than 20 m

(Hau ptma nn 1985:27; Batchelor l9 92 : l l4 ) , they are

frequently of high grade and contain significant quanti-

ties of secondary minerals such as brochantite

( C U & ~ ~ ( O H ) ~ ) ,alachite, azurite and chrysocolla

(C uS i03 .2H 20 ) n addi t ion to primary chalcopyri te and

pyrite (Go ett ler et al . 1976:47-50; Hau ptma nn 1985:26;

Hauptmann e t a l. l 9 8 8:35). Geological researchers in

southeastern Arabia have commonly noted an associa-tion between ancient slag heaps and these lower ophi-

olit ic copper deposits (Greenwo od and Loney l96 8:3 1;

Glennie et al. 1974 :284; Goettler et al. 197 6; Coleman

et al . 1 978 ; Batchelor 1992 :114), and have therefore

suggested th at these ores, ra ther than th ose of the massive

sulfide deposits, were of the greatest importan ce for

early metallurgy in the region (Goettler et al. 1976:4

Hau ptma nn et al . 1 988 :35). There are significant di

ences in the mineralogy of the massive sulfide depos

and those from lower in the ophiolite sequence

(Hau ptma nn 1985:21-31) which, when compared t

compositional data from the analysis of archaeologi

copper-base objects, also support such a conclusion

(Hau ptma nn et al. 198 8:35).It should, however, be noted that significant

amounts of low-grade oxidized copper minerals wer

available in the gossans (i.e. the upper weathered zo

of the massive sulfide deposits of the extrusive sequ

(Weisgerber 198Oc:115-1 16 ), and that a numbe r of

deposits in the vicinity of Wadi Jizzi were wo rked a

early as the third millennium BCE (Weisgerber

198 7:1 45) . This is in contrast t o the evidence sugge

that the unaltered primary copper ores of the massiv

sulfide deposits (i.e. chalcopyrite and bornite) were

work ed on a significant scale until the local Iron Ag

around the beginning of the first millennium BCE

(Weisgerber 19 87:14 5).

Ophiolitic Cop per Deposits o n Masirah Island

A com mo n feature of oph iolites is the occu rrence of

massive sulfide deposits in the various rock units, pa

ularly extrusive rocks, of which they are comprised

(Coleman 1977:124). There are thus st rong a pr or

sons to suspect the presence of copper deposits on

Masirah Island. In fact, copper mineralization was

reported o n Masirah Island as early as the 18 40s (C

18 48 ) in the form of disseminated carbonates (mala

and azurite) associated wi th haemat i te (F e2 03 ) n qu

veins (Batchelor 1992:117) . Othe r copper mineraliz

tions are found in rocks of the sheeted dyke comple

(Moseley 1990:Figure 5 ) and pil low lavas on the isl

(Moseley and Abbotts 1979:Figure l ) , and i t has be

suggested tha t the M asirah Ophioli te and small oph

lites at Ra's al-Madrakah and Ra's al-Jibsch on the

by main land carry obvious poten tial for Cyprus-tycopp er mineralization (Batchelor 1992 :117).

Only a small amo unt of archaeological work ha

been carried out on Masirah Island, but even the ea

geological repo rts mention the presence of ancient s

heaps (Batchelor 1992 :117) . Archaeological informa




and radiocarbo n analyses indicate tha t copper mining on

Masirah Island can be placed at least as early as the

eighteenth century BCE (Weisgerber l9 8 8:footnote 7;

Weisgerber 199 1:3 27 ), and the cop per of the island is

therefore significant for discussions of Bronze Age pro-

duction and trade in the region.

Non-O phiolitic Copper Deposits in Southeastern Arabia

In addition to copper deposits within rock units of the

Semail Op hiolite, small copper mineralizations c an be

found within stratigraphic units that underlie the Semail

Nappe. Both massive sulfide and vein-type mineraliza-

t ion is found within Haw asina rocks in the Sultanate of

Om an and the U.A.E. (e.g. Hau ptma nn et al . 1988 :48).

The largest Hawasina hosted copper deposit is that at A1

Ajal, no t far from M uscat (Lescuyer et al. 198 8; Calvez

and Lescuyer 1 991) . This Late Permian (>2 50 M a)

deposit, roughly 1 00 m long and five m thick, has high

levels of go ld an d silver but a relatively low c once ntra-tion of copper in the gossan as a result of considerable

leaching (Batchelor 1992:117) .

Further to the north, a number of geological surveys

in the U.A.E. (Greenwo od and Loney 19 68; Hassan and

Al-Sulaimi 197 9) have dem onstrate d small veins of frac-

ture-related copper mineralization in Hawasina rocks.

Th e mineralization is usually of chalcopyrite with vary-

ing quantities of secondary copper carbonates (mala-

chite), silicates (ch rysoc olla) and secondary sulfur-bear-

ing species such as chalcocite (Greenwood and Loney

1968:29-3 1, 51 ). At present, there is no archaeological

evidence for the exploitation of Hawasina-hosted

deposits in southeastern Arabia.

Early Research into Ancient Copper

Production in the Oman Peninsula

Cuneiform Sources Referring to D ilmun, Mag an

and Meluhha

The investigation of copper production in the region of

southeastern Arabia began with the study of

Mesop otamian Bronze Age cuneiform documents. Overthe course of the third and early second millennia BCE

the Gulf, know n to the Mesopotam ians as the Lower

Sea, was the most cri t ical trade route for the supply of

luxury goods an d som e essential raw materials to the

Me sopo tamian alluvium (T. F. Potts 1 99 4) . A significant

body of cuneiform texts, dating from the Jemdet Na

Period to the Old Babylonian Period, records the

exchange of cloth, textiles, grain, silver, oils and oth

Mesop otamian manufactured goods with polit ies of

Lower Sea, for the procurement of various types of

woo d, semi-precious stones, ivory and above all , co

(Leemans 1960:lO-12; Oppenh eim 19 54) . These

cuneiform texts are our earliest historical references

copper trade in the Gulf region, and are reviewed hdue to their imp ortance for reconstructions of early

per production in southeastern Arabia.

The three toponym s associated with the Gulf tr

are Dilmun, Maga n an d Meluhha , each of which is

tioned as a supplier of copper at various periods in

Mesopotamian history: Magan and Meluhha are ref

to only in the Sargonic-Ur I11 periods (ca. 2350-200

BCE), whereas the topo nym Dilmun occurs from th

Late UrukIJemdet Nasr Period through to the Isin-L

an d Old Babylonian Periods, ca. 3100-1750 BCE(Heimpel 1987, 1988, 1 993; Pot ts 1990 a). There i s

strong agreement between archaeological and textua

dence for locating Dilmun on the Arabian littoral o

central Gulf, incorporating Tarut Island by the midd

the third millennium BCE and conc entrated primari

the islands of Bahrain a nd Failaka by the beginning

the second mi llennium BCE (C rawford l9 9 8: -8 an

Figure 1.2; Potts 1 99 0a ). Likewise, the archaeologic

evidence for extensive Bronze Age copper extractio

the Su ltanate of O man (see below) can be correlate

with cuneiform references to M agan as a major sup

of copper, in order to suggest tha t Magan encompa

the area covered by the modern countries of the U.A

and O ma n (Potts 1990a:133-149; Heimpel 19 88) .

association between the Om an Peninsula and the

Sumerian copper-supplying land of Magan had alre

been suggested in the nineteenth century based upo

graphical considerations (Potts 1986:271-272), and

the second decade of the twentieth century early his

cal references to cop per production in Om an ha d b

used to supp ort the association (Potts 1990a:117) .However, the details of a number of Old Akkadian

tary campaigns against the region (a nd the booty th

brought back to Mesopotamia) are more equivocal,

suggest the possibility that areas on the north of the

Straits of Hormuz were also included within the




Mesopotamian conception of Magan (Glassner 1989;

Heimpel 19 87 ). Although the possibility of a political

entity spanning the Straits of Hormuz finds parallels in

mo re recent Sasanian-early Islamic polities which did

just tha t (Wilkinson 1979 :889 ), archaeological assem-

blages from each side of the Gulf are so distinct as to

suggest that M agan occupied only so utheastern Arabia.

Almost al l the third m illennium BCE cuneiform

texts from southern Mesop otamia which ment ion spe-

cific toponyms as copper sources speak of copper from

ei ther Mag an o r Di lmun (T. F. Potts 1994:Table 4.1).

Me luhha, th e third poli ty of the Low er Sea, is men-

tioned only rarely as a copper supplier, and then for

amo unts of only a few ki lograms (Leemans 1960:16 1).

The com mon associat ion of Meluhha wi th the supply

of carnelian, lapis lazuli, gold, precious wood s, and

especially ivory, suggests tha t the topon ym is to be

related to the region between the M akr an coast and

Gujar at , enc ompassing si tes of the In dus civilization(Heimpel 1993) .

Dilmun and the Pre-Sargonic Gulf Trade

Cuneiform references t o Dilmun occur as early as the

late fourth millennium BCE, in both lexical lists and

economic docum ents of the Archaic Texts from the

Eanna precinct in Uruk. In these texts, Dilmun is men-

tioned in association with a particular type of metal axe,

and there is a part ial text which refers to Dilmun co pper

and another which mentions a Dilmun garment (Nissen

198 6; Englund 198 3). From Pre-Sargonic Lagash, texts

from the reigns of Lugalanda and Urukagina in the

twenty-fourth century BCE indicate the receipt of

Dilmun copper from the merchant Ur-Enki, in quanti t ies

on the order of 1 00 kg. Contemporary texts show that

items such as milk, cereal products, fat, salve and possi-

bly cedar resin, in addition to the wool and silver more

commonly seen in later periods, were trad ed to Dilmun

in return for copper a nd w ood . Such successful trading

expedit ions seem to have been comm emorated by the

dedication of bronze models of Dilmun ships to the god-dess Nanshe, at her temple in Lagash (Potts 1990a:1 82).

There are also a number of references to Dilmun in the

cuneiform documen ts from Ebla in Syria, dated to the

mid-third millennium. Dilmun occurs as a toponym and

as an element in professional titles (Potts 1986:Table l ) ,

and it seems that the Dilmun shekel was used in eco

nomic transactions in Ebla (Potts 1986:Table 1; Pet

19 83 ). Significantly, there are also references to Dilm

copper an d Dilmun t in at Ebla (Pett inato 1983:77-7

As there are no kno wn copp er sources in easter

Saudi Arabia o r Bahrain, these early references to

Dilmun co pper are usually taken to indicate Dilmun

role as a transhipment center for copper produced f

ther afield. The later significance of Magan as a co

supplier, and the evidence of copper production in

later third millennium in southeastern Arabia, are o

invoked as reasons t o see the earliest Dilmun coppe

originating in the Om an Peninsula (e.g. Cleuziou a n

Mkry 2002:282). As has been described above, ther

evidence for the widespread use of copper-base obje

in southeastern Arab ia by the late fourth m illennium

BCE, but as yet local production has not been conc

sively demonstrated before the Umm al-N ar Period

below). Thus, the hypothesis that the early-third minium cuneiform references to Dilmun copper reflect

mary co pper extra ction in southeastern Arabia is y

be verified.

Gulf Trade in the Old-A kkadian to Ur 111Periods

By the Old Akkadian Period, direct connections are

established between all the polities involved in the G

trade. This fact is most clearly indicated by the claim

Sargon that , under his rule, ships from Dilmun, Ma

and M eluhha docked a t the quay of his ci ty a t Agad

(Heimpel 1987:no. 13 ). Economic texts detailing co

mercial traffic with D ilmun are relatively scarce at t

t ime (Potts 1990a:18 3), al though Dilmunites and

Dilmun boats are still mentioned. A particular type

copper traded at the time, designated as urudu-a-EN

is know n from a han dful of Old A kkadian texts, an

thought to represent copper from Dilmun. In a num

of texts this type of copper is explicitly recorded as

ing come from Dilmun, and W aetzoldt and Bachma

(1984:6) regard urudu-a-E N-da as coming from Dil

even when the source is not specifically identified.Dilmun's role in the Gulf trade in wood and copper

further documented by inscriptions of Gudea of Lag

(Potts l99O a:l84 ). Copper from Magan i tself is men

tioned in only very minor quantities at this time

(Heimpel 1987:no. 20 ), and Manishtusu's reference

Geology and Early Exploitation of Coppe r



campaign against a region across the Lower Sea, where

he traveled to the metal mines, is rather equivocal:

althoug h the crossing of the L ower Sea from Sherihum

(in Iran ) would suggest a location somew here on the

Arabian side of the G ulf, Ma gan is not m entioned by

name, a nd the mines are said to be for KU, usually tran s-

lated as silver or precious metal (Glassner 19 89 ).

Thu s, it is difficult to regard the tex t as the first historical

reference to copper production in O man (contra Potts1990a:138), al though Glassner's ( l98 9:1 86 ) claim that

the lack of silver in southeastern Arabia suggests that

Ma gan lay on the Iranian side of the Gulf is contradicted

by medieval references to silver and gold m ines in Om an

(Weisgerber l987:1 47 ).

By the Ur I11 Period , Ma gan seems to have been

more important than Dilmun in the Gulf trade, and mer-

chants from Ur traded directly with M agan. There are no

references to copper trade d fro m Dilmun a t this time,

even though there are scattered references to Dilmunitesin Southern Me sopotamia and to a continued trade with

Dilmun (Po tts 1990a:186). A number of texts from the

reign of Ibbi-Sin indicate that a M esop otam ian merchant

by the name of Lu-Enlilla received large amounts of gar-

ments and w ool (an d at other t imes, oil and leather

objects) from the storehouse of the temple of Nann a in

order to buy copper in Magan (Leemans 1960:19 ). These

economic docum ents are su pplemented by a slightly earli-

er text which indicates that the temple received from Lu-

Enlilla a tithe of goods that were ob tained o n a trip to

Magan: n ot only copper (more than 15 0 kg), but also

beads of semi-precious stones, ivory and Ma gan

onions (Oppenheim 1954:13; Leemans 1960:21).

Dilmun in Isin-Larsa and Ol d Babylonian Sources

Magan is not mentioned in cuneiform sources after the

Ur I11 period, and there is a corresponding increase in the

frequency of references to Dilmun, which is particularly

associated with the acquisition of copper (Oppenheim

195 4:15). From the Larsa Period a t Ur, specifically the

tenth-nineteenth years of the reign of Rim-Sin (ca.1813-1 804 BC on the Middle chron ology: Van de

Mieroop 1992:136-137) there exist a number of famous

texts related to the activities of Ea-nasir, an alik Tilmun

or Dilmun trader, who was involved in the copper trade

in the Gulf. Individual maritime trading expeditions to

Dilmun, probably unde rtaken by Ea-nasir himself

(Leemans 1960 :52), were financed by large num bers

investors, who each contributed a small amount of c

tal to the mission in the form of silver rings, baskets,

sesame oil, and textiles (Van de Mier oop 199 2:196 ).

Upon return fro m Dilmun, the proceeds were divide

amongst the investors, who frequently complained a

the quality of the copper that had been supplied to t

(Oppenheim 1954:lO-11). Although the archives frothe house of Ea-nasir indicate that the trad e was u nd

taken by private merchants, the Palace was involved

proceedings as sometime investor, and th roug h the c

tion of taxes upon the completion of the expedition

de Mieroop 1992:19 7; Leemans 1960:SO). Leemans

(19 60:5 4), in fact, sees the Palace as Ea-nasir's majo

client. Earlier in the second millennium, it seems tha

Ningal temple was more involved in the trade than t

Palace, insofar as tithes of goods or votive offerings

cured by Dilmun traders were deposited at the templ(Leemans 1960:19-22; Van de Miero op 19 92:19 7).

volume of the copper tra de was large: texts fro m the

early Larsa period contain references to tithes of hun

dreds of kilograms of copper from trade expeditions

Dilmun (Leemans 1960:23-36), while individual tex

from the from the house of Ea-nasir in Ur mention u

18,000 kilograms of copper (Leemans 196050).

Oppenheim 1 54: 13 ) contrasts the copper trade

undertaken by Ea-nasir with that of Lu-Enlilla from

Ur I11 Period. The goo ds traded between M esopotam

and the Gulf in the Lu-Enlilla and Ea-nasir archives

very similar, but the economic context of financing th

venture is different: in the Larsa Period, Ea-nasir acte

private merchant (even thoug h the Palace may have c

ly monitored and been a major beneficiary of the tra

whe reas in the Ur I11 Period, L u-Enlilla seems to have

been an agent of an institution, the Na nna temple

(Oppenheim 1954:14 ) .

Sometime between the fall of Larsa and the dec l

the Dynasty of Ha mm urab i, Dilmun ceased to supply

per to sou thern Mesop otamia. A lthough still mentioncuneiform sources, it was kno wn only for its local ag

tural products and sw eet water, not as a supplier of c

per (Oppenheim 1954:15-1 6). Crawford (1996,

1998:154-155) has suggested that this was probably

result of the disruption caused by the establishment o




unified Babylon under Hammurabi, and his conquest of by those of eighteenth and nineteenth Century Europ

Mari and the middle-Euphrates region. Hammurabi's

actions simultaneously decimated Mesopotamia's major

point of access to the Gulf trade, led to a widespread

depopulation of southern Mesopotamia, and opened up

routes to alternative copper sources in Anatolia and the

Mediterranean. It is perhaps no coincidence that a text

from the fifth year of the reign of Hammurabi's succes-

sor, Samsu-Iluna, bearing the first cuneiform reference to

copper from Cyprus (Alashiya), also contains the last

reference t o Dilmun copper (Potts 1990a:226; Crawford

1998:155).

As for the earlier periods of the Gulf trade, the cop-

per of the Dilmun trade in the Isin-Larsa and Old

Babylonian Periods is most commonly regarded as having

originated in southeastern Arabia. As outlined below,

however, the evidence for copper production at this peri-

od in the Oman Peninsula is extremely limited, a situation

which is surprising given the fact that the Gulf coppertrade seems to have reached its greatest extent at this

time. Any hypotheses suggesting the exclusive origin of

early second millennium Dilmun copper in Oman are

impossible to evaluate at this stage, and will require

extensive archaeometallurgical research to verify.

Arab and European Historical Sources

There is an enormous chronological gap before the next

historical references to copper production in southeastern

Arabia in the tenth century CE. These sources consist of

Arab historical and legal documents from the medieval

period and later (Weisgerber 1987: 47-148), which are

supplemented by the accounts of early European explor-

ers in the Gulf region (Potts l99Oa: 114-1 17). They pos-

sess the distinct advantage of referring directly to copper

production in Oman, rather than t o the trade through the

Gulf of copper which may or may not have originated in

southeastern Arabia.

Amongst the earliest of these sources is the Arab his-

torian and geographer Abul Hasan Ali Al-Mas'udi, who

visited Sohar in the early tenth century CE and notedthat copper was produced in the region. A later Persian

manuscript from the fourteenth century CE by Al-

Mustaufi indicates the production of gold, silver and iron

in southeastern Arabia (Weisgerber 1987:147), but does

not mention copper. These accounts were substantiated

explorers in the region such as Carsten Niebuhr, J. R

Wellsted, H. J. Carter, A. Germain and S. B. Miles (

1990a:114-116; Carter 1848). These observers refer

sistently to local copper mines in Oman and on Mas

Island, although the operational status of these mine

appears uncertain.

There are also Arabic historical texts dealing wit

mining regulations in Oman. The earliest reference is

Jami by Ibn Ja'far which dates to ca. 900 CE, while

in the vicinity of Izki and in Wadi al-Jizzi are mentio

in the twelfth century CE without specific reference t

materials extracted from them (Weisgerber 1987:147

Potts l9 9Oa:ll4) . The records indicate that mines co

be sub-let from their owners, probably merchants in

Sohar, for 10 percent of the net profit of the mine (J.

Wilkinson 1979:892). Rules existed to cover the leas

mines when the lessee had terminated work or when

was not being paid. Mining licenses could be unlimitbut could also be granted for limited time periods of

100 years, and included details of the topographical

of the claim (Weisgerber 1987:148). Additionally, pa

ships existed between owners and miners, in which p

and risks were shared (Weisgerber 1987:148).

These early legal documents and historical sourc

addition to the reports of the first European explorer

the region, provide important information which can

necessarily be supplied by archaeological evidence alo

For example, information on the administration and

control of mining in the tenth century CE adds consi

ably to our understanding of the organization of pro

tion at this time, while the limited evidence for local

duction recounted by later European explorers can a

corroborate archaeological evidence of declining prod

tion in the second millennium CE. Unfortunately, the

accuracy of some of the European material is questio

(Potts 1990a:115), while the Arabic sources focus pr

ly upon the laws of mine ownership and the division

profits (Potts 1990a:114-115; Weisgerber 1987:147-

without mentioning important operations such as orecentration, smelting, and refining. Archaeometallurgi

evidence will always be critical in supplying evidence

copper production in periods where historical data a

lacking, and for providing a material framework to

in the interpretation of historical records when they

Geology and Early Exploitation of C opper



Early Scientific A nalyses

The earliest scientific investigation of copper produc-

tion in the region was undertaken in the 1920s, as

one component of research into the sources of copper

used by the Sumerians (Peake 1928) . In this analyti-

cal program, a number of early copper objects from

Mesopotamian sites such as Ur, Kish and Tell al-

Ubeid, were analyzed for their composition. It was

hoped that such analyses, when linked with analyses

of ores and slags from western Asian mining regions,

could have provided evidence of which sources were

most likely to have provided the copper used by the

Sumerians.

The conclusions of the study were founded upon

the idea that relatively high percentages of nickel

characterized both the ore sample from Oman and

early copper objects from Mesopotamia. It followed

that, during the third millennium, at least some cop-

per used in Mesopotamia was obtained from Oman

(Peake 1928). While recent research has indeed indi-

cated that this conclusion is true, the metallurgical

bases of the arguments used in the Antiquity article

are in fact erroneous. Modern geological and archae-

ological research indicates that nickel occurs in many

copper deposits of western Asia (Cheng and

Schwitter 1957:351; Muhly 1973a:229), and therefore

high nickel levels in archaeological objects cannot be

used to suggest that early Mesopotamian copper

came from the relatively nickel-rich deposits of

Oman. Additionally, nickel does not occur with the

same frequency in all the copper deposits of Oman

and the U.A.E., meaning that copper produced in

southeastern Arabia could have very low levels of

nickel (Hastings et al. 1975 :lS ; Goettler et al.

1976:46-47; Batchelor 199 2). In general, the reliabili-

ty of using compositional data to source archaeologi-

cal objects of copper has been increasingly ques-

tioned since the 1970s (e.g. Craddock 1976;

Craddock and Giumlia-Mair l988; Pollard and

Herron 1996:302 ff.; Budd et al. 1996; Pernicka1999). Another problem with this early study was

the extremely small database employed to support

hypotheses of provenance. A total of only 20 archae-

ological objects were analyzed, along with one cop-

per slag and one ore sample from Oman.

Geological and Archaeo logical Surveys in the Early 1

The next phase of research into early metallurgy in

southeastern Arabia did not occur until the 1970s

involved the first significant archaeological and

tific study of the material remains of ancient sm

ing operations within Oman. During this period

importance of southeastern Arabia to studies of

Gulf copper trade was first clearly demonstrated

through the discovery of evidence for copper pr

tion from the third millennium BCE onwards. T

archaeological evidence came to light primarily

through research programs conducted by the geo

cal survey company Prospections Limited Oman

(Goettler et al. 197 6) , by Harvard University

(Hastings et al. 1975 ), and by the Institute for

Human Palaeontology in Rome (Tosi 1975).

Geological research in the region was under

by Prospections Limited Oman from 1973.

Interestingly, geological survey for copper depos

Oman was to a large degree inspired by Geoffre

Bibby's then recently published book, Looking fo

Dilmun (Bibby 1970; Goettler et al. 1976:43). O

of the major approaches utilized in Prospection

Limited's survey for copper deposits was the que

tioning of local inhabitants with regard to their

knowledge of old smelting places in the mounta

(Weisgerber 1991b:79). As a result, the investiga

of Prospection Limited resulted in some importa

archaeological discoveries, including the remains

at least 44 ancient production sites. These sites

recognized primarily by the presence of slag pro

duced by ancient smelting operations, estimated

ally to range from "a few tons to, in one instan

more than 100,000 tons" (Goettler et al.

1976:43-44). Examples of slag heaps associated

early copper smelting in the region are illustrate

Figures 2.3-2.4. Nineteen deposits were estimate

have at least 1 ,000 tonnes of slag. The variation

the size of slag deposits at different smelting sit

were thought to reflect the fact that smelting options at a newly discovered ore body were part

the prospecting process (Goet tler et al. 1976:44

this model, small slag heaps represented "test ru

in which the viability of an ore body had been

assessed and found to be non-economic.




Figure 2.3. Slag heaps at Samdah, Oman (from Weisgerber 1978:PI. 12b).

Evidence for the extraction of copper ores was

also recorded. Surface mining was recorded in the

form of small pits and trenches, as well as larger

"open" pits of up to 1 00 m wide, while shafts and

adits of considerable depth were found at a number of

sites. The overall impression gained by the geologists

of Prospection Limited was that "a major effortinvolving extremely hard, highly organized work was

mounted" in order to extract an d process the copper

ores (Goettler et al. 1976:45).

Consideration was also given to the technology

employed in the copper smelting and the types of

ores exploited. It was suggested that secondary c

per minerals such as malachite, azurite and turq

( C U A ~ ~ ( P O ~ ) ~ ( O H ) ~ - S H ~ ~ )ould have been the

mary ores utilized. This supposition was support

by the fact that 23 of the 44 production sites w

adjacent to workings in shear zones in basic intr

sions, in which only secondary minerals were pr(Goettler et al. 1976:46-47). It was thought that

ondary ores would have provided a high-grade f

to the smelters, and would have been easily seen

separated by early miners due to their bright col

Additionally, the major sulfidic ore found in Om




Figure 2.4. Slag fields at Tawi 'Arja, Oma n (after Weisgerber 1978: PI. 18a).

deposits, chalcopyrite, was generally found to be high-

ly intermixed with other minerals in the ore body, and

hence difficult to extract by hand sorting (Goettler et

al. 1976: 47). Native copper was regarded as occurring

so rarely as to have been insignificant for early copper

use in the region (Goettler et al. 1976:47).

Establishing the periods of use of the mines and

smelters located in the geological survey was considered

of basic interest, but conclusions were difficult to draw

and required the introduct ion of archaeological evidence.

Goettler et al. (1976:45) suggested three main periods of

exploitation: a pre-Islamic phase, a phase dating to the

nineth to tenth centuries CE, and finally a phase dating to

the fifteenth to sixteenth centuries CE. Workings of the

pre-Islamic phase were considered, partly on archaeolog-

ical evidence collected by the Harvard Archaeological

Survey, to have been worked as early as 2500 BCE, possi-

bly continuing into the second millennium BCE (Goettleret al. 1976:45-46). The later phases of extraction were

determined through the analysis of pot-sherds from vari-

ous smelting sites, and also through the radiocarbon

dating of charcoal inclusions in slag samples (Goettler

et al. 1976:46).

Evidence of third millennium BCE mining ac

ties was also recorded by the Italian expedition to

Oman (Tosi 1975) and by the Harvard Archaeolog

Survey (Hastings et al. 1975). The Harvard survey

not aimed solely at the discovery of sites related t o

per production, nevertheless third millennium BCE

with evidence of copper smelting were recorded at

Samad 5, Batin 1, and Zahir 2-3 (Hastings et al.

1975:12 and Figure 2). Fieldwork by the Italian mi

also generated discussion on ancient mining in the

region, and Tosi and Piperno suggested that "surfac

mining in the deposits or the gathering of metal-be

pebbles from the wadi beds probably prevailed ove

actual mining operations" (Tosi 1975:198). The ev

for third millennium copper smelting in the region

regarded by the Italian mission as very similar to m

third millennium material with which the authors w

already familiar, from the site of Shahr-i Sokhta inIranian Seistan (Tosi 1975:202). However, the reco

structions of smelting technology suggested by both

Italian mission and the Harvard team (Hastings et

1975:12) were speculative efforts unsupported by

tific analyses of the extant smelting remains.




Brief mention is made, in both archaeological and to scientifically determine the provenance of coppe

geological reports from the early 1970s, of the impor-

tance of these discoveries for the location of the land

of Magan. A number of compositional analyses of ore

was presented by Prospection Limited (Goettler et al.

1976:49-SO), in which the presence of nickel was

demonstrated (particularly for deposits in shear zones

in ultrabasic rocks), in support of the conclusions of

Peake (1928) discussed above. In contrast, Hastings et

al. (1975:l.S) noted that, although there was good evi-

dence for the production of copper in the region in the

third millennium BCE, at the time of their article there

was no clear evidence for the export Omani copper in

the Bronze Age. Indeed, the area was regarded by these

researchers as "a scene of quiet well being untouched

by the maelstrom of Mesopotamia or Iran" (Hastings

et al. 1975:15). Sensibly, however, they allowed that

excavation might change the reconstructions suggested

by their survey data.Thus, the archaeological and geological work car-

ried out in Oman between 1973 and 197 5 was able to

demonstrate significant evidence for ancient copper pro-

duction in the region. Theories were proposed regarding

the technologies and processes of copper smelting at var-

ious periods in the region's past, although archaeometal-

lurgical and related analyses were extremely limited.

Estimation of the periods of copper production also

proved problematic, while calculations of the volume of

copper production in the various periods of extraction

were not possible due to this chronological uncertainty,

in addition to the incomplete nature of survey and the

lack of detailed archaeometallurgical analyses.

Analyses by the Centre Natio nal de la Recherche

Scientifique CN RS ), France

In the late 1970s and early 1980s, a number of

archaeometallurgical studies were published by scholars

from the Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique

(CNRS) , he Commissariat 'Energie Atomique, and

the Laboratoire de Recherche des Musies de Francethat included analyses of material from southeastern

Arabia (Berthoud 1979; Berthoud et al. 1980, 1982;

Berthoud and Cleuziou 1983). The articles represented

an effort to characterize the evolution of alloying tech-

niques in early western Asia (Berthoud et al. 1982) , and

used in various regions bordering the Gulf in the fo

and third millennia BCE (Berthoud et al. 1980;

Berthoud and Cleuziou 1983). Surprisingly, these w

the first published analyses of copper-base objects

the Gulf since the work of Peake for the Sumerian

Copper Committee in the 1920s.

The provenance program was based on two

of compositional data: one on copper ores from

ous ancient mining regions in western and centra

Asia, the second on copper objects from Iran,

Mesopotamia and southeastern Arabia (Berthoud

Cleuziou 1983:242). Berthoud et al. (1980:88;

Berthoud and Cleuziou 1983:242-243) noted a g

similarity in the composition of copper used in t

mid-third millennium from the "Vase i a Cache

late third millennium BCE copper objects from U

and Umm al-Nar Period objects from southeaste

Arabia (Hili and Umm al-Nar Island), as well astinct differences in the composition of copper pr

duced in Iran and Oman. They concluded, amon

other things, that southern Mesopotamia and

Khuzistan obtained their copper from southeaste

Arabian sources at least by the Early Dynastic I11

period, and perhaps as early as the EDII period

(Berthoud and Cleuziou 1983:243).

The analytical approach of Berthoud (1 979)

been questioned (Seeliger et al. 1985:642-643, n

74 ) on the grounds that the analyses were of an

accuracy and precision insufficient to allow the

ed conclusions of the work, and on the limited n

ber of analyses used to characterize copper produ

in different areas (Hauptmann 1987:209; Hauptm

et al. 1988:34). The claimed ability of the analys

satisfactorily delineate between southeastern Ara

and Iranian ore sources has been particularly dis

ed. The limited nature of the ore database is par

larly clear in some instances, for example in sou

eastern Arabia where analyzed ores contained ar

levels of up to only 690 ppm, whereas objects frthe region contained up to seven percent arsenic

(Berthoud et al. 1982 :45) . Nevertheless, the Fren

analytical program was important for providing

first characterization of the chemical composition

significant numbers of copper-base objects from

Geology and Early Exploitation of Copp er



southeastern Arabia, and for focusing on material

from the northern part of the Oman Peninsula, in

the modern U.A.E. The subsequent work by the

German M ining Museum, to which we wi ll now

turn, has deal t almost exclusively wi th material from

more southerly regions, in the modern day Sul tanate

of Oman.

German Mining Museum Project in OmanThe work in O man of the German Mining Museum

began in January 1977 , as a collaboration with the

Om an D epartment of Antiquit ies and scholars from the

Universi ty of Naples (Cos ta 1978:9) . It was agreed at

that t ime that a G erman expedit ion t o the region was to

be entrusted with all studies concerning archaeometal-

lurgy (C osta 197 8:13), and impo rtant field seasons were

conducted by this expedit ion in the late 197 0s and early

1980s (Weisgerber 1978a, 1978b, 1980b, 1980c, 1981,

1 987 , l 9 8 8; Hauptmann and Weisgerber 1980;Hauptman n 1985, 1987; Hauptma nn et al . 1988).

Germ an research in the Sultanate of Om an with a

strong, though far from exclusive, emphasis upon copper

produ ction continues t o this day (e.g. Yule 1 99 6; Yule

and Weisgerber 1996 ; Prange et al. 1 99 9) .

The early survey work of the Germ an team was able

to build upon the results of the geological survey under-

taken by Prospection Limited in the early 1970s

(Weisgerber 1 978a :20), and was part icularly focused

upon the importance of Om an and sou theastern Arabia

in general as a potential location of Magan (e.g.

Weisgerber 1983, 1984, 1991b). This research focus was

inspired by Geoffrey Bibby's Looking for Dilmun

(Weisgerber 1991 :76), and remains a hallmark of more

recent archaeometallurgical w ork on Om ani material by

the Germ an team (Prange et al. 19 99 ).

The ir initial research centered u pon mining sites in

the hinterland of Sohar, at Lasail, Bayda, 'Arja a nd

Samdah, and on the third millennium BCE site of

Maysar 1 in the Wadi Samad that had been discovered

by the Ha rva rd A rchaeological Survey (Figure 2.2;Hasting s et al. 197 5; Weisgerber 19 78 a; see also

Lambe rg-Karlovsky 2001:xxxiv-vi). It wa s soon realized

that the vast majori ty of the more tha n 15 0 mining and

smelting sites that they recorded were worked in the

Islamic period (W eisgerber 1980 b:68; l98O c: 11 5) ,

althoug h it was recognized tha t evidence for earlier

ods of production at these sites could occasionally b

found (e.g. Weisgerber 1980 b:lO l; 198 l: l87 -19 0).

si tuation encoun tered by the G erman team in O man

paralleled by tha t in Cyp rus, where evidence for sig

cant Bronze Age production is often obscured or

destroyed by later Phoenician and R oman workings


Over the course of fo ur field seasons in the Sulof Oman , the German M ining Museum expedit ion

able to provide an outline of the periods of copper

duction in the region (e.g. Weisgerber l 9 8 1:Abb. 4)

characterize the development of copper mining and

extraction technology (e.g. Hau ptma nn 19 85 ), est im

the volume of cop per produced in some historic a nd

historic periods (H aup tma nn 198 5:108-1 O9), and b

to address the social and economic implications of t

industry for southeastern Arabia (e.g. Weisgerber

l98Oc:11

7-1 18 ). Additionally, as the archaeology osoutheastern Arabia was s o poorly k now n in the 19

the fieldwork of the German mission was crucial in

development of a basic chronological framework fo

cussion of the archaeology of the region (W eisgerbe

1982 :29). As such, the results of these investigation

rank as amongst the most important contributions

archaeology of southeastern Arabia by a single rese

group. The archaeometallurgical results of this rese

are summ arized below.

Periods of Production

It is est imated tha t there are ap proximately 5 0 majo

copper deposits an d more tha n 10 0 minor deposits

mountains of northern Om an (Weisgerber 1983:270

The majority of these ore-bodies show signs of expl

tion in the Islamic period, however multi-period

exploitat ion has been found to be comm onplace

(Weisgerber 198 3:27 4) and the e arliest period of co

exploitat ion in the region can be traced back t o the

millennium BCE. The G erman mission in Om an has

vided a reasonably secure chronological basis for thcussion of various periods of copper production in

southeastern Arabia based upon typological analyse

excavated m aterial (e.g. Weisgerber 1987:Figure 76

Ha up tma nn 1985:38-40) and programs of scientifi

ing, notably radiocarbon and thermoluminescence (




50 1OOmI l l , , )

Figure 2.5.The settle me nt at Maysar 1, the m in ing area M2,and the cemetery M3, in Oman ( f rom

Weisgerber 1983: Figure 2).

Geology and Early Exploitat ionof Copper



Weisgerber 1981:250-251 an d Abb. 95; Yule and duced only abo ut 1 00 tonnes of slag (Weisgerber 19

Weisgerber 19 96:1 41 ). Nevertheless, some limitations in 1981; Hauptma nn 1985:92-95). Al though only aro

the chronological a ttribu tion of smelting sites do exist,

and their effect on archaeological theories ar e discussed

in the relevant sections below.

As outlined below, evidence for local copp er pro -

duction in the H afit Period is entirely circumstantial,

and includes the presence of copper objects in Hafit

graves and in the uppe r levels of fifth-third millenn iumBCE shell-middens at Wadi Shab GAS1, Ra's al-Hamra

and Ra's al-Hadd. Copper production sites of this peri-

od ar e not reported by the G erman researchers, however

an early but undated trial and error phase of copper

production from Maysar 1 is thoug ht to represent cop-

per extrac tion prior t o the Bliitezeit of produ ction a t the

site in the late third m illennium BCE (H aup tma nn

l9 85 : l l 3) . Copper droplet-slags from this period at

Maysar 1 are extremely high in copper, suggesting an

inefficient extraction of metal which m ay have been ca r-ried out in open crucibles (H aup tma nn 1985:92 ). A sec-

ond smelting site recorded at al-Batin has been dated by

thermoluminescence to ca. 25 00 BCE, i.e. a few cen-

turies before production a t Maysar 1 (Yule 19 96 ; Yule

and W eisgerber 1 996 :141 ). Th e slag from al-Batin is

typologically distinct from that produced later in the

Urnm al-Nar Period (Yule and Weisgerber 199 6: 4 l ) ,

but little more can be said about the technology of cop-

per extraction in southeastern Arabia in the early-mid

third millennium BC.

Archaeological evidence suggests an expa nsion of

production from the later third millennium BCE. Sites of

this period are generally referred to in German reports

as Bronze Age (third to second millennium) , b ut are

clearly regarded as dating to the Urnm al-Nar Period

rather than the Wadi Suq Period (Hauptmann

1985:113-115). At least twenty sites with evidence for

copper extraction are l isted by Hau ptma nn

(1985:116-117), some of the most impo rtant being

Maysar 1, Assayab, Bilad al-M aaidin, Wadi Salh 1 and

Tawi-Ubaylah (Weisgerber l 9 81 l 7-190; Hauptmannet al. 1988:35). Up to 4,000 tonnes of slag are recorded

at individual Bronze Age smelting sites, although the

reconstructions of smelting technology depend mostly

upon material excavated from the late Urnm al-Nar

Period settlement at Maysar 1 (Figure 2.5), which p ro-

20 sites with Bronze Age slag were recorded by the

German team, they envisage that contem porary cop

extraction would have taken place a t many, perhaps

most, of the known copper deposits in the region

(Weisgerber 1984:198; Hauptman n l985:95 ). The e

dence from many sites may have been completely co

ered or destroyed by later mining activities, particulduring the e arly Islamic period. T he association of U

al-Na r Period burial cairns with num erous extractio

sites showing no signs of Bronze Age exp loitation is

regarded as suggestive of the w idespread distributio

early mining an d sm elting activities in the region

(Weisgerber 1 78a: 19-20). Howe ver, this hypothesi

unproven.

Th e combined results of archa eological survey,

vation and archaeometallurgical analysis have allow

reconstruction of the volume of copp er produced insoutheastern Arabia in the second half of the third m

lennium BCE. Based o n the am ou nt of Bronze Age

recorded at smelt ing sites in O ma n (ca. 10,00 0 tonn

and an experimentally calculated slag to copper rati

between 5: l and 10:1, Hauptmann (1985:108) was

to arrive at a minimum figure for Urnm a l-Nar Peri

copper production of between 1,000 and 2,00 0 ton

Given the likelihood that many Urnm al-Nar Period

smelting sites were destroyed by later mining activit

conservative estimate of total production of betwee

2,000 and 4,000 tonnes was suggested (Hau ptma nn

1985:108).

Extensive evidence for copp er use in the Wadi S

Period exists in the form of copper-base grave go od

(Velde 2003:109-112; Weisgerber 199 1a; Potts

1990a:252-253), and primary copper production is

thought by some scholars to have continued in this

od, perhaps at levels similar to that in the preceding

Urnm a l-N ar P eriod (e.g. Velde 20 03: 109 ; Weisgerb

19 88:2 85 ). However, it must be stressed tha t the us

copper objects is at best circumstantial evidence fortemporary primary copp er extraction (c ontra Velde

2003:109), given the fact that much of the copper u

in the Wadi Suq Period could have been obtained fr

robbing the richly-furnished Urnm al-Nar Period gr

that covered the peninsula, or th rough trade (e.g.




Weisgerber l981 2 l9 ). In contrast to the third millenni-

um or the Iron Age, very few Wadi Suq Period settle-

ments are known (Velde 2003:Table 1; Carter 1997),

and none sh ow evidence for primary copper sm elting

such as that seen in the Wadi Fizh or a t Maysar 1. The

only clear evidence for contem porary primary produ c-

tion is the presence of copper mines on Masirah Island,

which have been radiocarbon dated to approxima tely

18 00 BCE (Weisgerber 198 8:note 7; unfortunatelydetails of calibration are not given). In addition, copper

smelting in this period has been hypothesized based

upon the presence of Wadi Suq type tombs in Wadi Salh

and W adi Samad in areas adjacent to copper sm elting

refuse, al though the co ntemporaneity of the tombs an d

the sme lting practices is far fro m certain (Weisgerber

1988:285 and note 7 ). N o publ ished reports exist

regarding the volume of slag of Wadi Suq date from

these sites, and the technological basis of pro duction

remains unk now n (Yule and W eisgerber 1996: 14 4) .If it is main tained th at significant copp er produc tion

continued into the second millennium BCE in O man , the

continued non-appea rance of Wadi Suq extraction and

smelting sites must be explained through either: 1)

incomplete survey; 2 ) near-complete destruction o r

obscurement by later production, o r; 3) problems in the

recognition or dating of this material on archaeological

sites (cf. Ha up tma nn 1985 :95). With fieldwork by the

Germa n mission continuing into the 1990 s, the l ikeli-

hood of incomplete survey as an explanation for the

dea rth of W adi Suq-related sm elting sites is quickly

diminishing (cf. Weisgerber 1 98 8:2 85) . Likewise, the

discovery of B ronze Age an d Iron Age smelting remains

amongst extensive early Islamic operations at numerous

sites suggests tha t the seco nd factor is unlikely t o have

completely compromised the search for second millenni-

um smelting remains. With regard to the third possibili-

ty, Velde (200 3:10 9) has suggested that the scanty

knowledge of second millennium mate rial culture at

the t ime the German surveys were undertaken may have

affected the reco gnition of Wadi Suq Period smeltingsites. However, even the early publications of the

Germ an team (e.g. Weisgerber 1981 :219) show aware-

ness of the second millennium funerary material recov-

ered by Frifelt (1 97 5a ) in the Wadi Suq and by the

French excavations at the Hili-8 settlement (Cleuziou

1980 , 19 81 ). The non-recognition of this m aterial b

Germ an researchers, therefore, seems unlikely.

Furthermore, the continuation of the Germa n fieldw

into the late 199 0s, when 2nd millennium material

ture sequences were much more clearly known, sug

that the continued scarcity of Wadi Suq Period sme

sites is unlikely to be explained by non-recognition

diagnostic material remains.

It is the chronological range of putative BronzAge sme lting sites which may require closer scruti

Th e ceramic material fro m Bronze Age smelting site

located within settlements (e.g. Maysar 1, Wadi Fiz

shows tha t they da te exclusively to the later Umm a

Period (e.g. Weisgerber 1981:Abb. 17 ). However, m

Bronze Age smelting sites are not associated with

tlement remains and, consequently, lack ceramics. T

sites are thus dated by com parison to M aysar 1 sla

typologies rather tha n to ceramic typologies, and co

feasibly cover a greater time period than Maysar 1Specifically, such sites may hav e resulted f rom prim

copper produ ction well into the Wadi Suq Period.

Clearly, detailed archae ometallurgical investigations

required at such extraction sites, and in areas such

Ma sirah Island where som e evidence for Wadi Suq

Period copper production does exist . Unti l such wo

has been undertaken, reconstructions of the volume

periodicity of local copper production in the second

lennium BCE, such as presented by Weisgerber

(1981:Abb. 4 ) and H auptmann (1985:Abb. l ) , em

conjectural (see below).

An increase in copper production has been hyp

sized for the Iron Age in sou theastern A rabia, as a

of the first exploitation of the massive sulfide depos

the upper extrusive sequence of the Semail Ophioli

(Weisgerber l988:286 ). At least twenty a rchaeologi

sites related to Iron Age copper extraction are reco

(Hauptman n 1985:1 6-1 1 7) , including large-scale

(Weisgerber 19 87 :15 0), slag fields, and settlements

which copper processing was a n imp ortant econom

activity (e.g. Cos ta and Wilkinson 1987:99-10 3). Sof the mor e imp orta nt sites include Lasail (Weisger

1987 :150), Raki (Weisgerber 1988:286; Yule an d

Weisgerber 1996:142-144; Weisgerber and Yule

1999:109-116 and Figure 12 ) and 'Arja site 13 2

(Weisgerber 1987: 4 8) , al though analysis of archae




allurgical finds is minimal and technological details of

Iron Age smelting processes remain largely unknown

(Yule and Weisgerber 1996: 14 2) . Evidence for techno-

logical change within th e Iron Age is provided by strati-

fied slag deposits from Raki, which show two different

slag types, and w hich a re at least partially da table to ca.

1100-800 BCE by radiocarbon determinations

(Weisgerber and Yule 1999:115 ) .

Iron Age sites face, in general, the same prob lems of

preservation as Bronze Age sites. They are very prone t o

destruction by early Islamic activities, particularly as

they concentrated upon the exploitation of the same ore

bodies (massive sulfide deposits) as mined in the Islamic

period, a nd their original number w as undoubtedly

greater than that observed through modern survey and

excavation. As for the Bronze Age, Iron Age copper

extraction at a num ber of si tes has been postulated on

the basis of nearby Iro n Age burial cairns (e.g. Yule and

Weisgerber 1996:1 4 2 )Although no published estimates exist for the

amo unt of copper produc ed in the Iron Age, a consider-

able increase from preceding Bronze Age output is clear,

judging from the volume of surviving extraction waste.

Single smelting sites with as much as 45,000 tonnes of

Iron Age slag have been recorded (Hauptmann

1985 :107, 116-117; cf. Yule an d Weisgerber

1996:142-144), and a minimum production of

7,000-20,000 ton nes can be confidently suggested,

based on Hauptmann's (1985:108-109) calculations for

the massive sulfide extraction of the early Islamic peri-

od and the presence of more tha n 80 ,000 tonnes of Iron

Age copper slag at the si tes of R aki 2 an d Tawi Raki 2

a lone (Hauptmann 19 85: l l6 -11 7) . The grea t quanti ty

of copper-base objects from Iron Age tombs in south-

eastern Arabia, for example Qidfa (Im-Obersteg 1987;

Cor boud et al . 19 88 ) and IbriISelme (W eisgerber

l 9 8 1:232-233; Yule and Weisgerber 2 00 1) , provides

addit iona l circumstantial suppo rt for the large-scale

local production of copper in the Iron Age.

A significant gap seems to exist in the evidence forcopper production in southeastern Arabia between the

mid first millennium BCE and the mid first millennium

CE. Very few radioc arbon dates exist for smelt ing oper-

ations f rom the first millennium BCE (see Weisgerber

1981:Abb. 95 ), as sites were dated by the presence of

diagnostic Iron Age or Lizq Period ceramic sherd

Pottery of the later first millennium BCE and early

turies CE in Om an (the so-called Samad Period )

no t been recovered from an y smelting si tes, and the

evidence for prod uction is provided by some slag s

ples from 'Arja which yielded late pre-Islamic radio

bon age ranges of the fifth to seventh centuries CE

(Weisgerber 1980 b:Table 2; Weisgerber 1987:148-1

and Table 1 4) . At present, copper processing of thi

period is recorded only at two sites in the vicinity o

Bayda gossan, and a t Raki (Yule 1996 :176), al thou

is thoug ht tha t late Sasanian exploitat ion of other c

per mines in the region is likely (Weisgerber 1987:

Copper production in southeastern Arabia reac

its greatest extent in th e early Islamic period, a nd t

enorm ous quanti t ies of waste material generated by

these activities have obliterated most traces of earli

activity. Almost all the known copper deposits of t

Om an M ountains were worked at this time (Weisg1980 :115; Weisgerber 1980:68; Weisgerber 198 3:2

Production wa s found to have peaked in the ninth

tenth centuries CE, based upon ceramic finds and

numerous radiocarbon analyses (Weisgerber

1991b:80-81), with quanti t ies of slag of up to 100

tonnes reported from Lasail . Mo st impo rtant si tes

this period were located in the hinterland of Sohar,

which provided the trading outlet for the enormou

plus of produ ction (Wh itehouse 1979:874-875; J.C

Wilkinson 1979:892), and included Samdah (ca. 40

tonnes of slag), 'Arja an d Bayda (Hau ptm ann

1985:116-117). Inland si tes such as Raki and Wad

were also important copper sources (Hauptm ann

1985:116-117).

Because of the large quantities of available arc

logical evidence, a grea t deal is know n abo ut the te

nological aspects of copper production in this perio

and, to a lesser extent, the organization of pro duct

at the m ining si tes and the econom ic regulation of

trade in this material through Sohar (J. C. Wilkins

1979:892; Weisgerber 1987 :144). Around 600,000tonnes of early Islamic slag have been recorded in

Oman and calculations of production during this p

od, based upo n a slag to copper ra t io of between 1

and 10:1, suggest a total outp ut of between 48,000

60,000 tonnes of copper (Ha uptm ann 1985:108-10




Figure 2 6 Evidence for Umm al-Nar Period mining at Maysar2, Oman (from Weisgerber l98Ob: Abb.48).

There appears to be a hiatus between the large-

scale copp er produ ction of the early Islamic period in

southeastern Arabia and subseq uent product ion, the

first evidence for which d ates to the twelfth century CE

(Weisgerber l98Oc: 118-1 19 ; Weisgerber l 9 8 1 Table 2) .

Copper ext ract ion from the twelfth century o nwards is

represented by much less archaeological evidence,

reflecting drastically reduced levels of pro duction an d

lower levels of technological unde rstandin g in comp ari-

son to earlier smel t ing operat ions (H au ptm ann

1985:103-107). Approximately forty extraction si tes

dating from the twelfth to nineteenth centuries CE are

know n from Germ an surveys and excavation in Oman ,

some of the most impor tant being Abu Zainah a nd

Tawi 'Arja (Ha uptm ann 1985:107, 116-117). Copp er

product ion (whether cont inuous o r no t ) over theseseven centuries produced a total of approximately

25,000 tonnes of slag which, at a rat io of slag to cop-

per of between 6.7:l and 8.3:1, represents a total pro-

duct ion of 3,000-3,700 tonnes of copper (Ha up tma nn

1985:109) .

Mining

In the Umm al-Nar Period, evidence of techniques u

in the mining of copp er ores comes primarily fro m

in the vicinity of the settlement of Maysar 1 (Weisg

1983:271). The nearest mining site, Maysar 2 (Figu

2.6), is less than 10 0 m from Maysar 1 and contain

dence in the form of deep surface scratches for th

extraction of appr oxim ately 10 ,000 m3 of ore and

gangue through open cast mining (Weisgerber 1980

Weisgerber 198 0b:89 an d Abb. 28 ). Oth er mine site

this period, M aysar 1 6 and Maysar 49, exhibit evid

for similar extraction techniques, al though at M ays

deeper mining is suggested by the presence of two i

fil led shafts (Hau ptm ann 1985:91).

In the vicinity of May sar, the most frequently m

copper deposits of the third millennium BCE were tsmall, fault-controlled stock-w ork ores located in b

and ultrabasic rocks of the ophiolitic upper mantle

sequence or the lower cumulate sequence of the oph

crust (Weisgerber 198010389; Hauptmann 1985:Abb

These ores, altho ugh of a sulfide basis like all copp




ores in southeastern Arabia (Weisgerber 198 3:270 ), had

intense areas of secondary mineralization, including such

species as malachite, chrysocolla, brochantite and

antlerite ( C U ~ S O ~ ( O H ) ~ ) .he ores selected h ad low pro-

portion s of iron sulfide (pyr ite) and copper-iron sulfide

(chalcopyrite), and high copper co ntents of five to 5 6

percent (Ha up tma nn 1985:91) , both of which are impor-

tant considerations for early smelting technology.

Significantly, copper ores fro m such de posits are likely tohave different mineralogical cha racteristics to massive

sulfide ores from the extrusive sequence. In particular,

nickel (Ni) ,arsenic (A s)and cobalt (C O) evels are l ikely to

be higher in the types of deposit exploited a t Maysar, as

mineral species containing these elements are often inter-

grown w ith the local copper ores (Ha uptm ann et al .

1988:35).

As noted above, very little is know n ab ou t copp er

mining in the following Wadi Suq Period. Mines da ted to

ca. 18 00 BCE by radiocarbo n analysis have been record-ed on M asi rah Island (Weisgerber 1988:28 5), but n o fur-

ther details of mining techniques or the ores extra cted are

availab le. Similarly, alth oug h smelting rem ains of Iron

Age date are know n from abou t 20 sites in Om an, l i tt le

has been writ ten o n mining techniques of this period. The

Iron Age is said to represent the first period in which the

ophioli t ic m assive sulfide depo sits were exp loited for

their copper content (Weisgerber l 9 8 8:286), and Iron

Age mining activities are likely to ha ve been significantly

destroyed by early Islamic operations in the region (e.g.

Weisgerber 19 87:14 8). Evidence from th e si te of Lasail

suggests that a n enorm ous open cast mining area in the

deposi t gossan, up to 30 m deep, may date to the f i rst

millennium BCE (Weisgerber 1987 :1 5 0 ) .

Th e most extensive evidence for min ing activities in

southe astern Arabia comes, unsurprisingly, fro m the

early Islamic period . As noted by Weisgerber

(1980c:115), mining techniques in O man were shaped by

the geological nature of copp er deposits in the oph ioli te.

The m ost intensely mined dep osits in O ma n were those in

which significant am ou nts of copper remained in the gos-San. In som e cases, the goss an itself was nea rly com plete-

ly removed in a procedure whereby the weathered a nd

concentrated ore-body was dug in front , the ore was

taken ou t at the spot , and the w aste deposited behind

(Weisgerber l98 O c: l l 6) . Si tes such as Assayab, M ul laq

and Samdah show evidence for the removal through

ing of large am ou nts of the original gossan (W eisger

1980c:116) .

For other depo sits, und ergrou nd m ining using g

leries, shafts an d pits is evidenced. Rectan gular shaf

ca. 80 X 60 cm (Weisgerber 198013366-67 and Abb.

typical of mining ope rations of this period at si tes su

Bayda, Tawi Ubaylah, Lasail and al-Sayab, a nd incl

shafts and galleries have been found a t depths of up

87.5 m (Weisgerber 1987:150 and Figure 67 ).

Archaeological evidence indicates tha t these galleri

had roof s upp orts of acacia wo od a nd roofs of date

matting , l ighting was provided by terraco tta oil lam

and o re and gangue were removed throug h the use o

ing devices such as windlasses as well as by han d

(Weisgerber 1987 :150-15 1, Figure 68 ). For al l peri

of mining activity in southe astern A rabia, the disco

of metall ic extr actio n tools is unlikely because of th

fidic natu re of the ores, which ge nerated a n acidic eronm ent wi thin the mine deposi ts that wo uld have

dest royed an y remaining metal art i facts . As for the

Age, the mos t imp orta nt ores sou ght by the early Is

miners were mixed i ron a nd i ron-copp er sul fides

(Hau ptma nn 1985:95) , as well as t he ex tens ive low

centage copper mineral izat ion in the gossans of the

sive sulfide deposi ts ( Ha uptm ann 19 85:107-108, A

85 ). Analyses of slags produced in this period ind ic

tha t relatively li t tle gangue ma terial was included in

furnace charge, suggest ing that ei ther the massive f

of the ore made sort ing easy or that o re concentrat i

processes prior to smel t ing were more thorou gh in

early Is lamic period (Hau ptma nn 19 85:95) . The co

conten t of the concen trated sulfidic ores used for sm

ing was in the range of 15-20 percent (Ha up tma nn

1985:95) .

The mining of copper ore is not thoug ht to have

take n place to any significant extent in the later Isla

per iod in Om an (H auptm ann 1985:103) . Copper p

duction in the twelfth to n ineteen th centuries CE is

thoug ht to have relied on the reworking of earl ierIslamic and perh aps pre-Islamic slag, as evidenced b

pi ts d ug into m any slag heaps of these periods a t s i t

where later Islamic workings are know n (Weisgerb

1978 a:19; Weisgerber 198 0b:73 ; Weisgerber

1987 :160 -161 ; H aup t m an n 198 5 : 103 ) .




Figure2.7. Hammer and anvil stones from Maysar l , Oman (from Weisgerber 1978: PI. 1 1c).

Ore Concentration

In all periods of copper production in southeastern

Arabia, ore crushing and concentration was carried out

using hand held hammerstones and large stone anvils.

Numerous examples of such objects are known from

third millennium BCE levels at Maysar 1 (e.g.

Weisgerber 1978a:Pl. l l c ) as well as a t sites of the

Islamic period such as Samdah and Tawi 'Arja (e.g.

Weisgerber 1978a:Figure 9, P1 15b, 21d; Weisgerber

1987:152-153).

Anvil stones are usually identified by the presence

of multiple concavities caused by repeated hammering

(e.g. Weisgerber 1978a:Pl. 21c), and smaller cubic ham-

merstones often show evidence for use of all six faces

during ore crushing and concentration activities (e.g.

Weisgerber 1978a:Figure 10). There is little or no vari-ation through time in the typology of the hammer and

anvil stones used in southeastern Arabia, and such

items are thus chronologically non-diagnostic when

seen at smelting sites in the region. Maysar 1 examples

are illustrated in Figure 2.7.

Smelting

The evidence for copper smelting in southeastern Ar

in the third millennium BCE comes primarily from

Maysar 1 settlement site excavated by the German

The archaeological remains from this site have been

documented in a number of publications (e.g. Hasti

al. 1975; Weisgerber 1978a; 1980b; 1981), and are

icant for the presence of large amounts of material

as ore, slag, furnace fragments and bun-shaped cop

ingots which indicate the primary extraction of cop

the site. This range of material, in addition to the e

dence from the nearby extraction site of Maysar 2,

allowed a detailed reconstruction of the smelting te

nology used at Maysar 1 in the third millennium BC

(Hauptmann 1985; Hauptmann et al. 1988).

The earliest copper production at Maysar 1occin the first half of the third millennium BCE, althoug

archaeometallurgical evidence of these operations is

extremely limited. Very small smelting furnaces or cr

cibles were used, although no evidence of their actua

form remains, and secondary oxides and sulphur-be

Geology and Early Exploitation of Copp er



Figure 2.8 Fragments of the base of a smelting furnace from Maysar 1, Oman

(from Weisgerber 1983: PI. 9).

copper minerals were processed (Hauptmann 1985:92) .

Only moderate smelting temperatures were reached, the

reduction of copper ores to metal was incomplete and the

separation of copper from slag was poor, leading to slags

with very high copper contents of up to 30 percent

(Hauptmann 1985: 113) .The nature of the analyzed slags

of this period from Maysar 1 strongly suggests that these

operations represent a "trial and error" phase of copper

production at the site

Later Umm al -Nar Period smelting at Maysar 1uti-

lized a mixture of the secondary ores mined at sites such

as Maysar 2, Maysar 16 and Maysar 49, including mala-

chite and chrysocolla as well as sulfur-containing ores

such as brochantite (Hauptmann et al. 1988:36,71-72).

No roasting of the ores was undertaken prior to smelting

operations (Hauptmann et al. 1988:36, 71-72). These

ores were mixed with charcoal produced from local treeand shrub species (e.g. acacia, prosopis and zizyphus),

and iron ores such as haematite (Fe203) nd limonite

were used as fluxes (Hauptmann et al. 1988:37). The

iron-rich fluxes were necessary as the copper ores used

were intensively intergrown with siliceous country rock,

not all of which could be removed during ore conce

tion processes.

The surviving furnace fragments from Maysar 1

Figure 2.8) indicate that the smelting furnaces in use

site were made of leaned clay, and had a diameter of

40-50 cm, a height of approximately 40 cm and a vo

of between 10 and 15 liters (Weisgerber 1983:274;

Hauptmann 1985:92). Exact details of the forced air

ply to the furnaces are not known, although fragmen

tuygres have been recorded at the site and the use of

lows is regarded as likely (Hauptmann 1985:92). Th

number of furnace fragments at Maysar 1 in compar

to the quantity of slag has suggested to the German t

that smelting furnaces of the third millennium BCE a

Maysar 1 had a short lifespan, and were frequently r

(Hauptmann 1985:92).

During the one-step smelting process, both copprelatively pure matte (mostly Cu2S, with low levels o

were produced. Copper was precipitated within the f

nace by reduction of the ore in the presence of charco

and also by the principle of the "roast reaction", in w

matte is oxidized to cuprite (Cu 20),which then reac

3 Early Metallurgy of the PersianGulf



with the remaining m atte to prod uce m etallic copper, as

follows (Hau ptma nn 1985:94):

I. 2Cu2S + 3 0 2 2 C u 2 0 + 2 S 0 2 +

2. Cu2S + 2Cu2O 6Cu + SO2+

The oxide-sulfide mineral interaction central to

Hauptma nn's roast reaction is thus akin to the concep t of

CO-sm elting nvestigated by a num ber of archa eom etal-

lurgists (e.g. Lechtman and Klein 1999 ; Rostoker and

Dvo rak 1991 ; Rostoker et al. 1 98 9) , which will be dis-cussed later in this volume with regard to the prod uction

of arsenical copper alloys. Studies of the slag and furnace

fragments from Maysar indicate that temperatures in the

range 1,150-1,200 degrees C were achieved in the fur-

naces (Hauptman n et al. 198 8:3 64 0) .How ever, the vis-

cosity of the resulting slag/matte/copper m ix within the fur-

nace was relatively poor, meaning th at sep aration of these

elements was sometimes less than ideal (Hau ptma nn et al.

1988:40). Slag was tapped from the smelting furnace in a

viscous state, and thus frequently contain ed high levels ofresidual copper (see Hau ptma nn 1985:1 9-120). Examples

of the different types of slag found a t Maysar 1 are illustrat-

ed in Figure 2.9.

At the end of the smelting process, the newly-won cop-

per an d matte were separated by mechanical means

(Hauptman n 1985:1 4 ) , although high levels of sulfur an d

iron in analyzed copper sam ples from the region indicate

tha t significant am ounts of matte can remain in copper pro-

duced by this process (Hau ptm an n et al. 1988:37 ; see also

Rostoker et al. 1989:Figures 6-7). Following mechanical

separation, the small copper lumps produced by the primary

smelting oper ation were rem elted together in ceramic cru-

cibles and finally cast into planoconvex ingots in approp ri-

ately-shaped cavities dug into the sandy floor of the copper

workshop s at Maysar 1 Weisgerber and Yule 2 00 3:4 84 9)

without being further refined (Hauptmann 1985:93-94).

There is no clear evidence from M aysa r 1 o indicate that

the matte produced during primary sm elting was further

processed into metallic copper, although this is envisaged

(Hau ptma nn 1985:Abb. 74; Hau ptma nn et al. 1988:37).

Th e total prod uction of copper in the settlement atMaysar 1 s thought to hav e been relatively small, and p rob-

ably for domestic use (H auptm ann 19 85:114). In compari-

son, much larger contemporary extraction and smelting

sites such as Wad i Salh 1 and Taw i Ubaylah have been

recorded in Om an, suggesting that pro duction o n a larger

o Gasblasen

W Kupferstein

Kupfer

Figure2.9. A slag typolo gy for U mm al-Nar Period copper pr

tion a t Maysar l , showing (A) large tapslags, B) plate-like tap

with negative impressions of mixed cop per-m atte concentra

on the base,(C) thin tapslags or plate-slagsyand (D) droplet-

(from Hauptmann 1985:Abb. 16).

scale may also hav e occurred in southeastern Arabia in

Umm al-Nar Period (H auptmann 198 5:34,95 ,114). T

issue is furthe r investiga ted below. Reg ardless of the sc

prod uction activities, copper extraction a t all know n s

seems to reflect a similar technological basis to that se

the settlement metallurgy of M aysar 1 (Weisgerber

1981:210).

In con trast to the Um m al-Nar P eriod, very little i

know n regarding Wadi Suq or Iron Age smelting techn

in southeastern Arab ia. Slag or o ther extraction debris

Wadi Suq date has not been recorded by the G erman m

sion. Although m ore tha n twe nty sites with evidence f

Age smelting have been recorded (see Figure 2.1O), the

blocky black slag with fragments of brick-red lining o

outside and the silvery gray tapslags (see Figure 2.1

which are characteristic of I ron Age smelting operation

remain largely unanalyzed (Weisgerber 1987 :148 ; Yul

Weisgerber 1996:144; cf. Hau ptm ann 198 5:123 ). Iron

smelting furnaces seem to h ave been excavated in area

soft ground, and used over more than one smelting op

tion, how ever very few other technical details have beegiven (Weisgerber 1987:14 8) . During the HellenisticIS

period in southeastern Arabia, the possibility of small-

copper smelting in crucibles within settlements is sugg

by excavated material from M leiha, in the U.A.E. (P

and Orzechowski 1994:30-32).




Figure 2.10. lron Age smelting remains from Oman, including hammer stones and slag (from Costa and Wilkinson 1987: PI.51).

Figure 2.1 1 lron Age copper slag fromlArja in

Oman (after Weisgerber 1978: PI. 16a).

The next major smelting operations in the reg

are those undertaken in the early Islamic period, i

9th and tenth centuries CE. These operations have

vast quantities of archaeometallurgical remains at

extraction sites in southeastern Arabia, and as a re

are very well studied and characterized (Hauptma

1 985 ). As noted above, predom inantly massive sul

ores were exploited at this time, and a complicate

relatively advanced extraction technology was deve

to deal with the primary, unweathered ores of pyr

chalcopyrite and bornite (e.g. Hauptmann

1985:107-108, Abb. 79 ). The extraction process i

early Islamic period is best conceived of as a com

ed process involving repeated stages of alternating

roasting and smelting operations (Weisgerber 1987

see also Rostoker et al. 1989:70-72 and Figure 1Poor quality ores would require more roasting stag

than better quality ones, and historical evidence fr

sixteenth century CE Europe suggests that the tota

roasting time for the ores could have approached

month (Hauptmann 1985:96).

32 Early Metallurg y of the Persian Gulf



The ores were roasted in a series of stone- and

mortar-l ined pits, usually ab out l m in diameter, which

were dug into hill slopes at the production sites

(Weisgerber 198 0b:A bb. 7 ). Subsequently, they were

smelted in shaft furnaces du g into rocky hill slopes,

often behind and above roasting installations, in the

vicinity of the mines themselves (Weisgerber 1987:154) .

Early Islamic roasting ovens and smelting furnaces have

been excavated at a number of sites in Oman and theU.A.E., such as Lasail, Bayda an d 'Arja an d Wadi

Ma dhab , an d show a great degree of structural similari-

ty across the region.

Each smelting opera tion produ ced 20-50 kg of tap-

slag (e.g. Weisgerber 1978a:Figure 2 ) and 5-6 kg of cop-

per matte containing 50-60 percent copper, which

would have separated by density in the tapslag pit at the

front of the furnace (Ha upt ma nn 1985:114; see also

Fran klin et al. 1 97 6) . Following initial sme lting, the

refined copper m atte, separated mechanically from theiron-rich slag, would have been roasted and re-smelted a

number of times before finally being reduced to metallic

copper (Hau ptma nn 1985:Abb. 79). The smel ting fur-

naces used in south eastern A rabia in the early Islamic

period were relatively robust, as they were used for sig-

nificant periods of time an d occasionally rebuilt

(Weisgerber l987 :15 6). The location of the furnaces

seems to have been changed when too much slag buil t

up in th e direct vicinity, and s o individual slag heap s

from this period tend n ot to exceed 6,000 tonnes


Following the cen tury or so of early Islamic smelting

in southeastern Arabia, there is a gap in archaeological

evidence for copper extraction (see above) followed by

the introduction of completely new and technologically

inferior smelting techniques in the twelfth t o nineteenth

centuries CE. Indeed, slags of this period f rom such sites

as Tawi 'Arja and Abu Zaina h were initially thou ght to

represent the remains of prehistoric smelting operations

due to their low technological standar d (Weisgerber

1978b:29-30). Radiocarbon analyses of charcoal inclu-sions on th e slags soon indicated their relatively recent

age (Weisgerber l981:Table 2) .

As noted above, there seems to have been little min-

ing of co pper ores a t this time, and the basic smelter

feed consisted of recycled early Islamic slag with high

matte content an d some iron oxides and secondary

per minerals from early Islamic refuse piles (Haup

1 985: 103-1 04 ). The smelting furnaces used were b

shaped and were part ly dug into the ground

(Ha uptm ann 1985:Abb. 82 ). A small clay superstru

withou t a chimney shaft , extended above ground

(Hau ptma nn 1985:104). Slag and mat te were no t t

from these furnaces, but rather were allowed to sol

after smelting. This resulted in a large slag cake witcopper matte ingot at i ts base which was extract

destroying the furnace superstructure an d digging t

remains from the g round (Weisgerber 1987 : 15 9) . E

smelting operation therefore required the constructi

a com pletely new furnace, u sually in the vicinity of

vious examples, leading to the characteristic thin an

dispersed natu re of the bowl-slag fields of this perio

(Weisgerber 198 7: 15 9) . The slag a nd matte w ould

been separated by mechanical means. No evidence

regarding the further treatment of the copp er matteduced in twelfth to nineteenth century CE smelting

ations has been recorded at any archaeological sites

Oman, so the final stages in the production of meta

copper at this time remain u nknown (Hau ptma nn

1985:107).

Periodicity in Copper Production in Prehisto

Southeastern Arabia

As described above, archaeometallurgical research

regarding the chronology of copper produc tion in O

indicates that mining and extraction processes wen

through a number of periods of low or negligible o

An expression of this variability is given in Weisger

(1981:Abb. 4 ) summ ary of early German w ork in t

region, which suggests a significant reduction in co

production in the second millennium BCE, and a co

plete lack of production between ca. 500 BCE and

CE, and ca. 1200-180 0 CE. Although these exact r

are mo dified in more rec ent publications (cf. Weisg

l 9 88:285 on W adi Suq mining; Weisgerber 198 7:

148-149 on Sasanian workings; Hauptmann 1985:for twelfth to nineteenth century w orkings), coppe

duction in Oman still appears to exhibit a distinct

dicity. The factors contributing to such variations i

per production in the Bronze and Iron Ages are dis

in this section.




Figure2.12 Periods of copper production in southeastern Arabia. Part a) after Hauptmann (1985: Abb. 1). Part b) show-

ing average copper production (tonneslyear) or the regions based upon the calculations of Hauptmann (1985: 115)

and data in Batchelor (1992:Table 1). Data: Umm al-Nar Period production = 4,000 tonnes, duration = 400(min.)-

700(max.) years. Iron Age production = 10,000 tonnes, duration = 500(min.)-1,00O(max.) years. Early Islamic production

= 60,000 tonnes, duration = 100years.Twelfth-nineteenthcentury CE production = 3700 tonnes, duration = 700 years.

Modern production = 107,200 tonnes from 1983-1990.

The summary of periods of production given by

Hauptmann (1985:Abb. 1) s presented in Figure

2.12(a ). The diagram is adm ittedly schematic, bu t never-

theless unintentionally suggests that copper production

occurred at similar levels in the Umm al-Nar Period, the

Iron Age, the early Islamic Period, and the modern peri-

od of the O man Mining Company. Mo re problematical-

ly, the diag ram intentionally suggests th at these levels of

production w ere much higher than those of the second

millennium BCE an d the twelfth-nineteenth centuries

CE. A rough guide to the levels of copper production in

the region is provided by averaging estimations for totalproduction in each period over the duration of the peri-

od, a s is presented in Figure 2.1 2( b) . This is a gra ph of

the average copper production (tonneslyear) in each

period, based on the production volumes determined by

Hauptman n (1985:115) and data in Batchelor

(1992:Table 1). n contras t to Haup tmann's depicti

Figure 2.12(b ) suggests that copper production in th

Umm al-Nar and early Islamic periods, and the late

twentieth century were different by orders of magni

and that Umm al-Nar Period copper production wa

probably of a scale much m ore comparab le to the

twelfth-nineteenth century CE workings in the regi

than to the industrial production of the early Islami

mo dern p eriods. This realization is critical in consid

the organization of copper production in prehistori

southe astern A rabia, as discussed below. Likewise,

continuation of copper production thr ough out the ond millennium BCE suggested by Hauptmann's di

is not currently supported by any mo re archaeologi

evidence than is available for the Late Pre-Islamic P

(see abov e), which is presented as a period of zero c

per production.




In attempting to explain these variations in produc-

tion, the first question that arises is whether the pattern

is the result of incomplete or unrepresentative archaeo-

logical research. The position taken in the following dis-

cussion is that, given the extent and duration of

archaeometallurgical fieldwork in Oman, it is likely that

the observed variations in copper production are a rela-

tively accurate reflection of real phenomena, and require

archaeological explanation. The major caveat that must

be considered when evaluating this assumption is the

lack of detailed archaeological research on Masirah

Island. Given the lone radiocarbon date of ca. 1800 BCE

that has come from a copper mine on the island (see

above), this locality might contain evidence critical for

our understanding of Wadi Suq Period and Late Bronze

Age metallurgy. As noted above, there is also an element

of uncertainty regarding the absolute date of the

"Bronze Age" smelting remains recorded by the German

Mining Museum, and a continuation of copper produc-tion into the Wadi Suq Period is possible.

To begin, there are a number of factors that likely

affected production levels at all periods in the history of

copper extraction in southeastern Arabia. The first of

these is the environmental cost of large-scale copper

smelting, especially in terms of the amount of wood and

wood-charcoal required for generating the high tempera-

tures and reducing atmospheres necessary for smelting.

A calculation of the wood requirements for the roasting

and smelting of 600,000 tonnes of slag in the early

Islamic Period, for example, suggests that perhaps 25

million acacia trees were harvested over a period of

approximately 100 years to produce the required

amounts of charcoal (cf. Weisgerber 1980a:75-76;

l98Oc: ll9; Hauptman 19 8S: ll4) . It is thought that

such activities may have exhausted wood supplies, at

least within the region of the mines themselves, and led

to severe deforestation and desertification (Weisgerber

1991b:86). These figures, when applied to the

10-20,000 tonnes of slag produced in the Umm al-Nar

Period (see above), suggest that perhaps a million treeswere harvested for copper smelting in the second half of

the third millennium BCE. Likewise, the minimum

80,000 tonnes of recorded Iron Age slag might have

required the harvesting of several million trees.

Although the amount of fuel required in the prehistoric

period is much lower than for the complex Islamic

ing and smelting operations, the reduced output of

Wadi Suq Period also correlates with increasing arid

in the region (e.g. Brunswig 1989; Carter 1997), wh

may have exacerbated the effects of large-scale fuel

ering. Thus, the enormous fuel requirements of Bro

Age and Iron Age smelting operations may have ult

mately limited output, and may partially explain th

observed periodicity in Omani copper production.

The second factor to be considered for all preh

toric periods in southeastern Arabia is the prevalen

copper procurement through grave robbing. For ex

ple, although the evidence for primary copper prod

tion diminishes in the early second millennium BC

great number of copper-base objects are known fr

Wadi Suq and Late Bronze age funerary contexts,

secondary copper refining and casting are known f

Tell Abraq (Weeks 1997) and the Shimal settlemen

(Vogt and Franke-Vogt 1987) . Likewise, there is a nificant number of copper-base objects, and coppe

working areas, known from settlements and graves

the later first millennium BCE and early centuries

(e.g. Ploquin and Orzechowski 1994; Haerinck 19

yet this is a period for which no evidence of prima

production has been recorded. It is likely that in th

periods, the recycling of copper objects through to

robbing was an important practice. Objects deposi

graves represented a source of metal that required

pler technology and fewer resources to exploit, an

whose distribution was significantly wider than tha

the copper ores themselves. Indeed, recycling must

regarded as an economically-viable alternative to p

mary copper smelting for any period of Oman's m

using past, particularly from the late third millenn

BCE onwards. It is likely, however, that tomb-robb

could have supplied only local needs, not foreign

demand, especially given the practice of depositing

per-base objects in burials which continued into th

early first millennium CE.

In contrast to these factors which may have oed at all periods of local copper production, it is a

apparent that some of the variations in output bro

coincide with economic and social changes in wide

western Asia: Umm al-Nar Period production with

florescence of the Gulf t rade (e.g. Edens 1992); W




Suq recession with its collapse (e.g. Crawford 1998);

early Islamic Period "industrial" production with the

boom period of the Indian Ocean trade (e.g. Whitehouse

1979). That is, it seems clear tha t copper production in

southeastern Arabia also responded to historically con-

tingent events and processes. In the following discussion,

the socio-economic and technological factors which

interacted to affect copper production in southeastern

Arabia are discussed.

Origins and Growth of Production in the

Third Millennium BCE

As described later in this chapter, the firs t copper-base

objects appear in southeastern Arabia in the late four th

to early thi rd millennium BCE, in both settlement and

funerary contexts. Given the long history of metal use

in the neighboring regions of Baluchistan, Iran and

Mesopotamia prior to the third millennium, the origins

of metallurgy in southeastern Arabia have usually beenseen as external rather than indigenous. The origin of

the southeastern Arabian copper ext raction technology

in southeastern Iran or Baluchistan is regarded by some

scholars as particularly likely, even "obvious"

(Cleuziou and M ir y 2002:304). These areas have a

long history of primary metal extraction, and demon-

strable technological parallels with the Oman Peninsula

in other crafts, such as ceramic production. In fact, the

stylistic and technological aspects of early pottery pro-

duction in southeastern Arabia bear such close resem-

blance to contemporary industries across the Straits of

Hormuz tha t a movement of people between the

regions has been hypothesized ( Mi ry 1996:168-1 69) .

However, while the evidence for the origin of early

Omani pottery technology in Iran/Baluchistan is com-

pelling, the lack of information on the earliest copper

production in southeastern Arabia means that

hypotheses regarding the origins of smelting technolo-

gy remain conjectural. The little evidence that does

exist in Oman suggests a low level of technological

understanding characterizable as a "trial and error"phase of production (Hauptmann 1985:92), which is

inconsistent with the direct adoption of a developed

extraction technology. Difficulties in assessing such

hypotheses are further exacerbated by our limited

understanding of earlier and contemporary metal

smelting in the putative "origin" zone, at sites suc

Tepe Ghabristan, Tal-i Iblis and Shahdad on the

Iranian Plateau (Pigott 19 99a) . Well-studied extr

tion procedures, such as those known from Bron

Age site of Tepe Hissar, for example (Pigot t et a

1982; Pigott 1989 ), cannot be paralleled in Oma

The evidence might therefore best be considered

an example of "stimulus diffusion": the idea of

use may have originated elsewhere, for example

the people who brought pottery technology to so

eastern Arabia, but the smelting technology itsel

not, and was developed locally. A Mesopotamian

connection to early Omani copper extraction wa

hypothesized in a number of early archaeologica

studies, based upon the discovery of Jemdet Nas

pottery vessels and beads in local Hafit graves a

side the earliest copper-base objects (e.g. During

Caspers 1971:43; Frifelt 1980:27 8). However,

Mesopotamia was a center of metalworking andproduction of finished objects rather than of min

and smelting, and the presence of Mesopotamian

prospectors in Oman (e.g. Orchard 1995:155; Fr

198 0) seems a priori to be unlikely.

Mesopotamian influence on early copper pro

tion in southeastern Arabia is much more likely t

have been in the economic sphere rather than the

technological. For example, the expansion in scal

geographic scope of the Gulf trade from the third

lennium has been related to an increasing

Mesopotamian demand for metals, woods, and lu

goods that, with the collapse of the Uruk expansi

could no longer be obtained from lands to the no

of Mesopotamia (e.g. Crawford 1998:34; Cleuzio

and Tosi 1989:30; Potts 1990a:92). Some scholar

regard the scale of Omani copper production as

reflecting this Mesopotamian demand quite direct

C. Edens (1992:130-132), for example, hypothes

dramatic increase in the demand for copper in th

Akkadian Period, as copper moved from a luxury

good to a necessity in Mesopotamian society. Coproduction in southeastern Arabia is thought to h

escalated in response to this changing demand, p

as a result of the fact that participation in the Gu

trade had become "deeply embedded" in local so

eastern Arabian communities (Edens 1992:118).




The theorized increase in Mesopotamian demand

and Omani copper production is contemporary with a

significant expansion in the number and size of southeast-

ern Arabian settlements, and the three developments have

therefore been regarded as causally linked (e.g. Berthoud

and Cleuziou l983:243-245; Cleuziou 2002: 199-200).

Costa and Wilkinson (1987:232), for example, suggest

that copper production was "the prime stimulus" behind

the expansion of settlement in the Umm al-Nar Period,

and it is not hard to find parallels with models relating

external demand to intensification of settlement in other

copper-producing regions of Bronze Age western Asia

(e.g. Knapp 1986:12). Omani participation in the long-

distance exchange network linking Mesopotamia and

Meluhha, grounded upon copper production, also intro-

duced a great variety of foreign goods of prestige nature

into the region. As discussed fully in Chapter Eight, the

exchange of these goods probably played a significant

role in the economic integration of southeastern Arabia.The significance of this newly-emerged integration for

copper production is discussed below.

General studies of the cuneiform sources discussed

above also suggest that Magan's role in the Gulf trade

peaked in the later third millennium BCE, contemporary

with the increased Mesopotamian demand for copper

hypothesized by Edens. Unfortunately, although Umm al-

Nar Period copper production refuse can be clearly differ-

entiated from that of the Iron Age or the early Islamic

Period, there have been no systematic studies of variation

in the scale and technology of copper extraction within

the more than half a millennium span of the Umm al-Nar

Period itself. While the evidence from the site of Maysar 1

suggests a date in the last few centuries of the third mil-

lennium BCE, the date of other "Bronze Age" smelting

sites is far from certain. Thus, it is impossible from

archaeological evidence to support or deny hypotheses

like increased Omani copper production in the Akkadian

Period, much less causally link this increased production

to category shifts in Mesopotamian demand for raw

materials and the expansion of Omani settlement.Regardless of the limitations of the available archaeologi-

cal evidence, there can be little doubt that external factors

such as those outlined above played a role in the develop-

ment and scale of Umm al-Nar Period copper production

in southeastern Arabia.

Having considered southeastern Iran and

Baluchistan in terms of the origins of Omani metall

and Mesopotamia in terms of increasing foreign de

for the raw material, one could also consider the rol

other trading partners of Magan, notably Dilmun a

Meluhha, as important consumers of southeastern

Arabian copper. The evidence for copper use in bot

these areas is significant, although reliable analytica

links to the use of Omani copper are scarce. The ca

the use of Omani copper in Dilmun seems simplest,

Dilmun's role as middleman in the Bronze Age copp

trade through the Gulf is well established). Neverthe

the limited evidence that exists comes only from the

minal third and early second millennia BCE (Prang

al. 1999 ; Weeks forthcoming a) , and while strongly

indicative of the use of Omani copper, may also sup

the use of metal from other sources.

The case for the use of Omani copper in the In

region is less certain: the presence of planoconvex iat Lothal has been regarded as evidence for the use

southeastern Arabian copper, as has the trace eleme

composi tion of objects from the site and elsewhere

southern Harappan orbit (Rao 1979:233;

1985524-527). Needless t o say, these arguments ar

limited strength, as planoconvex ingots occur widel

across western Asia and are unlikely to have been a

exclusive product of southeastern Arabia (Chakrab

l998:311; Weisgerber and Yule 2003:48), and trace

ments can only rarely provide a conclusive guide to

metal provenance. Nevertheless, hypotheses suggest

the use of Omani copper in the Indus are plausible,

the archaeological evidence for exchange between t

two regions (Weisgerber 1984; Potts 1993c; Edens

1993), and the likelihood tha t a region as large as t

Indus must have been utilizing copper from multipl

sources (Kenoyer and Miller 1999:117-1 18). Certai

such theories deserve to be assessed on their archaeo

cal merit, rather than dismissed as reflecting suppos

political biases or the desire to explain South Asian

lization as non-indigenous (cf. Chakrabarti and Lah1996:199).

Having discussed the external factors affecting

per production in Bronze Age southeastern Arabia,

clear that the internal factors, including the demand

copper from a growing Omani population increasin

Geology and Early Exploitation of Cop per



rel iant on metals, must also have influenced p rodu c-

tion. The scale of local consumption is reflected in

the large number of copper-base objects deposited in

the Umm al-Nar Period collective graves found across

the peninsula (e.g. Benton 1996 ; Pot ts 20 00) . These

funerary practices must have been supported by levels

of copper production much higher than seen in the

early third millennium, where comparatively few cop-

per-base objects are known from funerary contexts(see below). A corresponding increase in metal use in

Umm al-Nar Period sett lements is also seen, with

sites such as Umm an- Na r Island (Frifel t 199 5) , Tell

Abraq (Weeks 199 7), Bat (Fri felt 1979:5 84), Ra's al -

Jinz RJ-2 (Cleuziou and Tosi 2000 57-5 9), and

G hanadha 1 (A1 Tikri t i 19 85:15) containing relat ively

large numbers of copper-base objects.

In examining the internal socio-economic factors

affect ing copper product ion in southeastern Arabia,

the n ature of local subsistence and exchange pat ternsis of particular significance. The third millennium is

usually characterized as a period of increasing cultur-

al integration in the Oman Peninsula, directly related

to the expa nsion and consol idat ion of intra-regional

t rade networks l inking the complementary subsistence

regimes of coastal and inland sett lements (Cleuziou

and Tosi 2000:26; Cleuziou and Tosi 1989:17;

Crawford 1998:120; Mkry 1997: 188 ; Charpent ier

199 6). There seems l it tle dou bt th at copper produced

in the mountainous interior would have been a signif-

icant component of this internal exchange system,

along wi th agricul tural and marine products, as

attested by the distribution of metal at Bronze Age

sites across the peninsula. For example, the abun-

dance of copper objects in debris contexts from Ra's

al-Jinz RJ-2 suggests that copper was far from a rare

resource in this coastal area distant from inland pri-

mary production centers (Cleuziou and Tosi

2000:57-59), and this finding is supporte d by discov-

eries at other third millennium coastal sites listed in

the preceding paragraph.The increasing economic integration of the region

may thus have played a role in the expansion of local

copper production. Although the power of long-dis-

tance exchange to act as an agent of economic growth

has been emphasized by a number of scholars,

Figure 2.1 3 A slag-filled planoconvex copper ingot from AI-A

Oman (Hauptmann1987:Abb. 2).

Cleuziou and Tosi (2000:71 n. 21) are no doubt

rect in stat ing that local exchange networks were

much greater importance than foreign exchange t

economic welfare of the Bronze Age inhabitants o

Oman Peninsula. Parallels can be drawn with a

thought-provoking analysis of Bronze Age metal

ext ract ion in Europe by S. Shennan (19 99 ), thatexamined the production of copper in the eastern

in cost-benefit terms, based around Ricardo's La

Com parative Advantage and the notion that ear

copper producers were rat ional economizers

(199 9:353 ). Shennan's study was i tself based u po




earlier ethnographic studies of pre-modern production

and inter-regional exchange systems in the Grassfields

region of Cameroon, undertaken by M. Rowlands and

J. Warnier (Shennan 1999:353). The model could be

reduced to the idea that "it is not worth producing

commodity X yourself if you're better off producing

commodity y and obtaining commodity X in exchange

for it, in other words, by specializing" (Shennan

1999 :353). According t o Ricardo's Law, specialization

is ultimately rooted not only in the localized distribu-

tion of necessary raw materials, but in regional vari-

ability in the costs of production caused by ecologi-

cal, technological and social determinants (Shennan

1999:354; see also Costin 2001:308).

Ricardo's Law represents an explicitly formalist

understanding of production and exchange systems,

which some scholars may regard as unjustified.

Nevertheless, the economic nature of the Gulf trade

is made eminently clear by the surviving cuneiformevidence from Mesopotamia (see above). Although

often funded by large Mesopotamian institutions, the

copper trade was undertaken as a venture in which

the economic success or otherwise of the individual

merchant was calculable. Moreover, specific details of

the trade, especially the attempts to distribute raw

materials of questionable quality for which Ea-Nasir

was so strongly criticized by his partners, clearly

resemble aspects of modern entrepreneurial behavior.

The presence of a number of planoconvex copper

ingots from Bahla with deliberately-produced cores of

slag (see Figure 2.13) tallies well with the cuneiform

evidence for complaints about low quality copper

traded by Ea-Nasir. It has been suggested that these

ingots represented a votive deposit for a dam at Al-

Aqir, and that their slag cores reflect the production

of "cheaper" offerings to an unknown deity or

deities (Weisgerber and Yule 2003:SO-51). However,

such an interpretation is far from certain, and the

ingots might also indicate that the Omani producers

of the copper sought economic gain from theiractivities, to the point of deception. Overall, the

"spirit of the gift" seems not to have influenced

exchange relationships to a significant extent, and a

formalist approach to Gulf copper production and

trade seems justified.

Similarities are immediately apparent betwee

pre-modern Grasslands and Alpine Bronze Age e

nomic systems described by Shennan, and the so

eastern Arabian Bronze Age production and exch

network. For example, there is evidence for onl

limited number of production centers for Oman

black-on-red funerary pottery in the region in t

third millennium, whose wares were distributed

regional and sub-regional scale (M6ry 1996, 20

Similarly, there is evidence for localization of sh

ring production in the Ra's al-Jinz and Ra's al-

regions (Charpentier 1994; Cleuziou and Tosi

2000:35), soft-stone vessel manufacture at Mays

and elsewhere (Weisgerber 1981; David 199 6).

each of these cases (pottery, shell rings, soft-sto

vessels), the geographical distribution of raw m

als would have allowed for production to take

at a great many more locations than it actually

was. The fact the production loci are limited innumber suggests that some form of regional spe

ization existed in third millennium southeastern

Arabia, that might be understood as reflecting

operation of Ricardo's Law. The variability and

complementarity of specialized subsistence and p

duction activities within southeastern Arabia, an

the regional exchange systems that developed in

Umm al-Nar Period, have been commented upo

numerous scholars.

Most importantly for our study, Shennan

(1999:362) noted that "one of the consequence

large scale regional exchange systems that opera

on Ricardian principles ... s that they led to eco

ic growth. That is to say, total regional produc

is higher than it would have been if individual

munities had remained self-sufficient". Ricardo's

is significant in providing an economic underpin

for the interdependence of specialization, exchan

and economic growth in so-called "commercial"

models of the development of social complexity

Brumfiel and Earle 1 98 7: l) . Such growth in thBronze Age exchange system of southeastern A

has been commented upon specifically by Cleu

and Miry (2002:307, 310), who emphasize that

exchange is "the main concept which rules any

cessful adaptation to an ecological milieu in Ara




Thus, the significance of intra-peninsular exchange

networks in the development of southeastern Arabian

copper production should not be underestimated.

When examining the apparent increase in social

complexity in the region in the later third millennium,

it is also useful to consider the nature of the exchange

systems which develop under Ricardian principles:

although all benefit from increased specialization and

economic integration, not all benefit to the same

degree (Shennan 1999:354). The inequalities inherent

in the developing regional exchange system, and the

competition between local and kinship groups that this

fostered, may have played a significant role in the

development of social complexity in southeastern

Arabia in the Umm al-Nar Period, as discussed more

fully below.

Possible Reduction in C opper Production in the

Second Millennium BCE

There is a dramatic reduction in the amount of evi-

dence for copper production in southeastern Arabia in

the early second millennium BCE. As discussed above, it

is difficult to know if this lack of evidence reflects an

actual reduction in production in the Wadi Suq Period,

or if it is merely a product of a biased archaeological

record or uncertainty in the interpretation of the evi-

dence. A number of scholars have argued, based upon

circumstantial evidence, that copper production in the

Wadi Suq period continued at levels similar to those

seen in the third millennium. However, there is little in

the way of conclusive evidence to support either posi-

tion, and it is wor th considering some of the factors that

may have contributed t o a decline in Wadi Suq Period

copper production, as hypothesized by Weisgerber

(1981) and Hauptmann ( 1985).

In particular, the apparent reduction in copper

extraction is contemporary with a decline in the number,

size, and complexity of settlements in southeastern

Arabia (Cleuziou 1981; Carter 1997; Magee 1999:51).

This change was initially regarded as a transition to anarchaeological "dark age", resulting from the domestica-

tion of the camel and a consequent move to full-time

camel nomadism (Cleuziou l 9 81).However, recent evi-

dence for the continued presence of sedentary communi-

ties throughout the second millennium has made it clear

that this period represents an evolution in the prehis

of southeastern Arabia society (Pott s 1997b:52), ra

than a revolution as initially characterized.

Nevertheless, while a transition to full-time nomad

is no longer supported by the evidence (e.g. Carter

1997; Potts 1997b:52) , an explanation of the deve

ment of the Wadi Suq Period that incorporates at l

some movement away from sedentary life remains

sible (cont ra Carter 1997:96) . The transition from

third millennium cultural milieu in which nomadic

ments and seasonal sites played a significant role (

Cleuziou and Tosi 1989, 2000; Crawford 1998:14

one in which nomadism played a greater or domin

role is not difficult to imagine. This view is compa

with the archaeological evidence, which indicates

very few large sites are occupied in the second mil

um BCE, that these few sites are all located in the

northern coastal region (Carte r 1997:Figure 2), an

tha t they witness a strong (though not complete) r

entation of their economy away from agricultura l

duction to the exploitation of marine resources (C

1997:94; Potts 1997b352).

Significantly, an hypothesized move towards

nomadism cannot be used a priori to explain a re

tion in the amount of copper produced in southea

Arabia. The ability of nomadic groups to mine an

smelt large quantities of copper has been demons

ed in other Bronze Age archaeological contexts, m

notably on the Eurasian Steppe at the site of Karg

(Chernykh 2002). Such evidence counters Carter's

(2001:196) claims that there was a lack of perma

sedentary settlement in the copper-producing regi

of inland Oman "such as would underpin an exp

trade in copper of the scale indicated by the

Mesopotamian texts". A better explanation of the

uation perhaps lies in the decay of the integrated

tem of exploitation of agricultural, marine and m

al resources that characterized the third millenniu

BCE. As discussed earlier in this chapter, the eco

integration and regional specialization of producwithin southeastern Arabia a t that time no do ubt

to a growth in the scale of the local economy. In

trast, there is evidence to suggest that the Wadi S

Period witnessed an economic disintegration char

terized by significantly reduced regional interacti




(e.g. Magee 1999:51). In particular, the limited

importance of agricultural settlements in the interior

oases (Car ter 19 97) was almost certainly of great sig-

nificance, representing the disappearance of one of

the major nodal categories of the Bronze Age regional

exchange system. The consequent reduction in eco-

nomic integration is indicated archaeologically by the

proliferation of raw-material sources exploited for

pottery and stone vessel manufacture in the second

millennium, and the lower quality of the vessels pro-

duced, which suggests the existence of non-specialized

product ion at multiple locations (David l996: 3 8-39;

MCry 2000) , in addition t o "new patterns of distribu-

tion and consumption" (Cleuziou and Miry

2002:302). Reduced intra-regional integration, if

operating within the economic model discussed by

Shennan (199 9) , may have led to lower levels of cop-

per production.

Of course, it is also possible to relate the reducedWadi Suq Period copper production t o broadly contempo-

rary external economic factors. These include, in particu-

lar, the reduction in the foreign demand for Omani copper

caused by political upheavals in Mesopotamia, the avail-

ability of Anatolian and Cypriot copper in Babylonia by

ca. 1750 BCE, and the end of the Mature Harappan

Period in the Indus region at ca. 1900 BCE.

The general importance of the Gulf trade for the

Mesopotamian political economy is indicated by a num-

ber of Mesopotamian cuneiform inscriptions in which the

rise to power of a leader is accompanied by claims allud-

ing to his newly-restored control of t rade through the

Gulf. Examples include Ur-Nanshe's claims of wood

brought from Dilmun (Potts 1990a:88), Sargon's boast of

boats from Dilmun, Magan and Meluhha docking at the

quay of Agade, and the "restoration" of the Magan trade

into Nanna's hands achieved by Ur-Nammu (Potts

1990a:144). It is interesting tha t these declarations gener-

ally come from the formative periods of new political

entities in southern Mesopotamia, indicating tha t politi-

cal instability in southern Mesopotamia could have seri-ously deleterious effects on the Gulf trade (e.g. Crawford

1996). Thus, the political and economic changes in

southern Mesopotamia in the Old Babylonian Period

(Crawford 19 96) almost certainly had a serious effect on

the demand for southeastern Arabian copper.

Looking to the east, the status of the Indus regio

consumer of Omani copper is still disputed (e.g.

Weisgerber 1984; Rao l985:.S24; Cleuziou and Tosi

1989:42; Chakrabarti and Lahiri 1996:199). As has b

discussed above, the use of Omani copper in the Indu

region remains a very plausible hypothesis due to the

graphical proximity of the two regions, the archaeolo

evidence for close exchange contacts between them, a

the likelihood that an area as large and densely occup

as the Indus was utilizing copper from a multiplicity

sources. Any reliable proof of this hypothesis, howev

will depend upon further programs of archaeometall

cal research. Even if copper was not exchanged betw

the two regions, the demise of the Harappan civilizat

may nevertheless have been important for copper pro

tion in southeastern Arabia, as a factor in the general

decline in scale and geographic scope of the Gulf trad

the early second millennium BCE.

Significantly, however, the cultural and economdevelopments in the various regions discussed abov

not perfectly synchronized. The Wadi Suq Period in

southeastern Arabia, and the dramatic changes in s

ment size, frequency, location, and subsistence that

acterize it, is generally regarded as beginning betwe

2000-1900 BCE. This is broadly CO-incidentwith t

disappearance of Magan from Mesopotamian cune

sources, and the end of the Indus civilization. Howe

cuneiform evidence indicates that the first quarter o

second millennium BCE witnessed a flourishing cop

trade between Dilmun and Mesopotamia. Thus, if t

meager evidence for primary copper production in

Wadi Suq Period is regarded as an accurate reflectio

the situation, it is possible that "Dilmun" copper w

coming from a region other than southeastern Arab

this time, a possibility already suggested by R. Cart

(2001:196). As discussed in Chapter Seven, there is

dence from archaeological lead isotope analyses wh

may tentatively support the idea that some metal fr

non-Omani sources was reaching Dilmun (Weeks, f

coming a) . However, one other factor t o consider, anoted above, is the imprecise chronology for coppe

extraction in the Oman Peninsula. "Bronze Age" sm

ing sites recorded by the German Mining Museum

Project, usually dated to the Umm al-Nar Period, co

feasibly represent the remains of copper production

Geology and Early Exploitation of Cop per



the Wadi Suq Period. Regardless, it is clear tha t explan a-

t ions for the changes in copper production in southeast-

ern Arabia in the early second millennium BCE must

allow for com plex interactions between local and

regional economic systems, environmental considera-

t ions, and the ways in which copper production was

articulated with broader subsistence practices.

Expansion and Co ntraction of Iron Age

Copper Production

Copper prod uction in southeastern Arabia again attains

significant levels in the local Iron Age. The increase in

the qu antity of smelting debris dating to the late second

or early first millennia BCE can be correlated with the

dram atic expansion of settlement in piedmont a reas of

southeastern Arabia, probably related to the introduction

of falai irrigation technology in the local Iron I1 period

(Magee 1 99 9) . Internal factors seem to have played a

major role in the development of copper production atthis time, most notably the increase in demand generated

by a greatly exp ande d popula tion. This hypothesis is

supp orted by numerous examples of large-scale local

consumption of copper-base objects (Weisgerber l988).

These include unrobbed Iron Age tombs such as the col-

lective horseshoe-shaped grave fro m Q idfa in Fujairah

which contained hundreds of leaf-shaped arrowheads,

dozens of vessels, large braceletslbangles, axes, and more

than 1 0 hilted copper daggers (Corb oud et al. 1988 ), the

purported tomb robber's hoard from IbriISelme with

more than 30 0 copper-base objects including vessels,

braceletslbangles, and hilted dag gers (Yule and

Weisgerber 20 01 ), and the graves and settlement occupa-

tion at A1 Qusais in Duba i which produced m ore than

800 copper-base arrowheads (Potts 199Oa:359-361).

Interestingly, the increase in copper production in

the Iron Age is contem porar y with an increase in

regional economic integration, very similar in na ture t o

that seen in the Umm al-N ar Period. Although the

absolute scale of sett lement and po pulation in O ma n in

the Iron Age was greater than in the third m illennium, asimilar polycentric distribution of power is hypothe-

sized (Magee 19 995 4-5 5), based upo n the control of

regionally diverse and complementary resources. Magee

and C arter (19 99:17 6) have proposed a mod el in which

coastal , desert , and inland sett lements formed a

regionally-specialized econ om y that, following th

model discussed above, is l ikely to have generated

increase in local copper production. P. Magee (per

comm unicat ion) sees greater local demand for copp

related part icularly to increasing conflict between I

Age poli ties (an d the consequen t need for weapo nr

and the role of copper implements in status display

newly-emergent elites. There is some evidence that

Age copperwo rking was practiced by attached speists , if the conc entration of cop per wo rkin g activit

within the unusual columned building at Muweilah

any guide (Davis 199 8). The role of at tach ed speci

in the generation and maintenance of social hierarc

has been widely discussed (e.g. Earle 1994:426 ff.)

indeed a similar si tuation in the Umm al-Nar P erio

might be indicated by the location of copp erw orkin

facil it ies directly ad jacent to the m ain tow er a t Hil

(Cleuziou 1989).

The dearth of archaeometallurgical research oIron Age copper smelting means that is virtually

impossible to address the technological developme

which may have underlain this increase in copper

duction in southeastern Arabia. It seems that the

Age saw the first large-scale exploitation of the m

sive sulfide copper deposits (Weisgerber 198 8 286

incorporating the smelting of both oxide ores from

gossan and unaltered sulfide ores. The massive su

deposits at sites like Lasail, Bayda and 'Arja are t

largest copper ore-bodies in southeastern Arabia,

the abil i ty to exploit them would no doubt have

allowed a significant increase in copper productio

the region. However, certain technological advance

would have been required to effectively utilize the

fidic ores, and intensive mining would have been

essary to exploit the low-grade oxide mineralizati

the gossans. The lack of detailed archaeological ev

dence for these mining and smelting technologies

cludes the formation of a sound hypothesis regard

their effect on Iron Age copper extraction.

Assessing the impact of foreign demand for Ocopper in the Iron Age is also difficult. There is a

complete lack of textual evidence regarding south

ern Arabia in the early first millennium BCE, and

not until the reign of Assurbanipal in 640 BCE th

Neo-Assyrian cuneiform sources mention a ruler o






socio-political consequences of specialized metal pro-

duction on ancient societies can be traced back to the

writings of V. Gordon Childe and his contemporaries.

However, as noted by Clark (1995 ) and Wailes

(1996b:5), much early archaeological research on spe-

cialized production proceeded without an explicit under-

standing of what was in fact meant by the term "special-

ization". One result of this lack of definitional clarity

was that anachronistic analogies based upon modern

craft specialists and specialization were commonly

employed (e.g. Clark 1995 ; Budd and Taylor 1994),

with mining, smelting and smithing in particular regard-

ed by Childe (1937:40, 134-136) as demanding full-time

specialization. Such biases limited the ability of scholars

such as Childe to accurately characterize and compre-

hend the great variability of early specialized production

systems, and to assess their interaction with other social,

political, and economic factors.

These oversights have been remedied in the modern

literature on the topic, where explicit (if sometimes com-

peting) definitions of specialization can be found (esp.

Costin 2001, 1991; Clark 1995; Clark and Parry 1990) .

Specialization can be defined in the simplest terms as the

degree to which there are fewer producers than con-

sumers of a particular object or material (Costin

2001:276), with the caveat that consumers are non-

dependents of the producer. Correspondingly, as distri-

bution is a necessary complement to specialization, it is

clear that specialized production was as widespread in

prehistory as exchange, and must have existed in one

form or another in most societies (Clark 1995:279).

Archaeological studies of specialization are abundant ,

and have focused predominantly o n identifying different

types of specialized production in past societies, and

determining the relationship between craft specialization

and social complexity (e.g. Costin 1991; Clark and

Parry 1990; Stein and Blackman 1993; Cross 1993;

Wailes 1996a; Brumfiel and Earle 1987; Peacock 1982;

Van Der Leeuw 1977).

The material correlates of particular specialized pro-duction regimes have received particular attent ion. This

is because definitions of specialization in non-Capitalist

contexts have most commonly been extracted from his-

torical sources or ethnographic studies, in which the

type or degree of specialization is recognized by such

characteristics as the amount of time spent in a parti

activity, the proportion of subsistence needs obtaine

from the activity, payments in goods or money receiv

for production, and the existence of a name for the s

cialist activity (Costin 1991:3). These characteristics

few or no readily identifiable material correlates, an

reconstruction of production systems in non-literate

ancient societies would be an impossible undertaking

such variables were all that was available for investig

tion. However, it is obvious that ancient production

processes do leave behind material remains, and Cos

(1991 :l) has suggested that production should be m

readily reconstructable from archaeological evidence

a number of other economic processes (such as exch

that have received a great deal of archaeological atte

tion. The material remains of production processes (

tools, raw materials, waste products, finished object

and their differential spatial distributions, have sign

cant potential to act as indices of both the type and

extent of specialization. They can provide a window

specific craft production systems.

From the preceding paragraph, it can be seen t

accurate reconstructions of ancient production syste

are dependent upon two main factors. These relate

our ability to:

1. Identify the material remains of specific pr

tion technologies (i.e. tools, raw materials,

waste, finished products).

2. Recognize the material correlates of special

production, which might include variations

the spatial distribution of production loci,

well as evidence for the standardization, sk

and efficiency of manufacturing techniques

Understanding of the first component derives la

from detailed technical studies of archaeological m

als, informed by laboratory analyses, modern exper

tal reconstructions of ancient technologies, and by

ethnographic and historical accounts of non-indust

production technologies. The second component is

haps more complex and frequently less certain in itcomes, requiring the development of ethnographical

historically, or otherwise empirically-informed theo

(i.e. middle-range theories) relating artifact attribute

and the differential spatial distribution of productio

indices to specific forms of specialized production.




One of the most frequently cited methodologies for

investigating specialization and production in the

archaeological record is that developed by Costin

(1991). As noted by Clark (1995:288), this is partly

because Costin's discussion of the issue, like the impor-

tant work of Evans (1978) before it, focuses very close-

ly upon the identification of the archaeological corre-

lates of production behavior. To use Costin's (1991:43)

own words, her definition of specialization "is relative-

ly straightforward to operationalize archaeologically",

and focuses upon the four production variables of con-

text, concentration, scale, and intensity (Costin

1991:8-18, Figure 1.4). Context reflects the degree of

elite sponsorship of production, varying from attached

to independent production. Concentration represents

the spatial distribution of production loci, varying from

dispersed to nucleated. Scale is a measure of the size

and constitution of individual production units or

groups, varying from small and usually kin-based unitsto larger groups of unrelated individuals. Intensity repre-

sents the amount of time spent doing the specialized task

in comparison to other activities, varying from part-time

to full-time. Based on the most common associations of

these four variables, Costin constructs a typology incor-

porating eight production types, e.g. "community spe-

cialization" and "nucleated workshops", which can be

compared to those found in earlier typologies of craft

production, including Peacock (1982 ) and Van Der

Leeuw (1977).

The clearest conclusion t o be drawn from the

archaeological literature on craft production is that

"specialized" copper production in southeastern Arabia

could have taken a number of different forms: from

small scale, independent, part-time or seasonal produc-

tion by semi-specialists to full-time production with

very high output by specialists attached to large politi-

cal institutions. Given the emphasis that has been

placed upon certain types of craft specialization in the

development of political complexity (e.g. Wailes 1996a;

Clark and Parrty 1990; Brumfiel and Earle 19 87) , theimplications of these different production types for our

understanding of Bronze Age southeastern Arabia are

clear. Utilizing the categories discussed by Costin (1991)

allows us to move beyond the a priori and un-enlight-

ening understanding of metallurgy as a specialized

discipline, to examine in detail the economic, techno

cal and socio-political factors that contoured coppe

duction in Bronze Age southeastern Arabia. The evi

for the mode(s) of copper production prevalent in

Bronze Age southeastern Arabia is addressed below.

Primary Copper Production in Bronze Age

Southeastern Arabia

The manufacture of any copper object incorporates

number of discrete stages of production, from minin

ore preparation, smelting, and refining, to object fa

tion processes such as casting and hammering.

Significantly, there is clear potential for a geographi

separation of these productive activities: it is not on

theoretically possible for these processes to have tak

place in widely separated locations, it is clear from

archaeological record of Bronze Age southeastern A

that primary extraction was generally undertaken n

copper ore sources, while newly-won (and probablyrecycled) copper was utilized for object fabrication

habitation sites distant from the loci of primary cop

extraction. Such a wide geographical focus (Omani

per was used as far away as Mesopotamia and perh

the Indus Valley) introduces many difficulties in the

interpretation of production. In the following discu

therefore, the focus is upon the organization of prim

copper extraction only, i.e. mining, smelting, and th

production of ingots. Copper in ingot form is a wid

exchanged category of material that moved both wi

and beyond the boundaries of Bronze Age southeas

Arabian society. Newly-won raw copper and semi-

processed copper ingots form a class of goods whos

production and trade can be studied, in many respec

separately from the productive processes associated

object fabrication in southeastern Arabian settlemen

sites and across western Asia.

Even a study of production limited to primary c

per extraction is not without complications. Each o

main activities of mining, ore processing, and smelt

has unique requirements in terms of technological aritual knowledge, tools, raw materials, physical stre

etc., and each may have had distinctly constructed i

ologies delineating the status of the activity, rights o

participation, access to requisite knowledge (Ottaw

2001). Thus, there is no reason to assume that min




ore processing, and smelting were organized along simi-

lar lines, or that production groups for each of these

activities were constituted in the same way (i.e. of the

same or similarly related individuals).

In the case of southeastern Arabia, evidence for

early copper extraction of the standard required to ade-

quately reconstruct production systems is meager. For

example, the archaeological evidence available for

Bronze Age mining is almost non-existent. Where esti-

mations of the scale of orelgangue extraction are avail-

able, as at Maysar 2 (10,000 cubic meters of rock

mined using open-cast methods), no data regarding the

duration of exploitation, or the scale of production (i.e.

size of production units) is available. Archaeological

evidence of ore processing activities is available from

many sites, but again the lack of chronological and

spatial control at most Bronze Age sites severely limits

attempts at explanation. Furthermore, the archaeologi-

cal evidence for houses, storage areas, and other habi-tation remains at copper extraction sites, which is cru-

cial for assessing the possible scale and intensity of pro-

duction, is extremely limited. Such information is avail-

able only from sites where primary extraction was

undertaken in sedentary habitation contexts, as at

Maysar 1 and Wadi Fizh 1, and only Maysar 1 has

been the subject of archaeological excavation

(Weisgerber 1980b, l9 81; Hauptmann 1985).

As a result, reconstructions of copper production in

the region have utilized estimates of total output as a

proxy for the organization of extractive industries.

Hauptmann's estimates of total copper production in

Bronze Age southeastern Arabia are of the order of a

few thousand tonnes (see above), a value that indeed

seems very large when considered in terms of the num-

ber of individual smelting operations that it might rep-

resent. For example, if one smelting furnace produced

approximately five kg of copper per operation (see

above), then Bronze Age production in southeastern

Arabia represents hundreds of thousands of smelting

operations. These raw numbers suggest the possibilityof highly specialized, large-scale, intensive and closely

controlled copper production in the region. Based upon

such considerations, Hauptmann (1 85: 114) regards

copper production at some sites in Bronze Age Oman

as having taken place "on an industrial scale".

However, the absolute level of output is not us

by Costin (1991) in her analyses of specialized pro

tion, and she has outlined the weakness of such an

approach (Costin 2001:291):

"The use of 'output' as an indicator of the org

zation of production warrants greater caution, part

larly in the absence of detailed knowledge of techn

gy, intensity, and an approximation of the number

sources or work groups and the time over which a

assemblage was produced and used ...There is, at be

only a weak correlation between the quantity of an

fact recovered, the output (or scale of production)

the individual production units making those objec

and the way production was organized."

Archaeological and ethnographic research has

repeatedly demonstrated that very high levels of o

can be achieved by groups operating under relative

simple production regimes (White and Pigott 1996

Shennan 1998:200-201). Thus, when the limitationthe archaeological evidence from southeastern Arab

regarding chronology, scale, and intensity are consi

ered, industrial organization becomes only one pos

explanation for high total output, and is certainly

more plausible than less intense production underta

over many generations or centuries. Given the chro

logical limitations of the evidence from Oman, larg

scale extraction (as seen in the open-cast mining op

tions at Maysar 2) cannot be linked with intensive

exploitation of the resource. Furthermore, the copp

deposits most frequently exploited in Bronze Age

are relatively small, numerous, and found across a

area, a factor that limited the ability to intensify m

activities at individual large ore deposits.

On a smaller scale, estimates of total output a

Maysar 1 (Weisgerber 1980b, 1981; Hauptmann 1

in the Wadi Samad, Oman, have also been used as

proxy for the way in which production was organi

The relatively small amount of primary smelting sl

found at Maysar 1 (approximately 100 tonnes) is

regarded as evidence that copper production was a"part-time activity, one that for most residents was

ondary to agricultural and pastoral pursuits" (Ede

and Kohl 1993:26) . It is doubtful whether it is cor

(or even useful) to classify copper production at M

1 as "secondary" to agricultural production based




total output: a term such as complementary is perhaps

more appropriate. Nevertheless, the location of metal

extraction facilities within an agricultural village does

indeed suggest that metal production was integrated

with subsistence production, with resultant implication

for the intensity of production. It seems likely that pro-

duction in such a context was seasonal, if not in terms

of the total cessation of production, at least in terms of

changes in productive intensity. This is not a surprising

conclusion, for as noted by Costin (2001:280), the evi-

dence from ethnographic studies overwhelmingly indi-

cates that "for most nonindustrial artisans production

intensity varies throughout the year".

Seasonal production of copper in southeastern

Arabia is also thought to have been indicated by other

evidence, notably the location of sites in relation to

natural resources:

"It is interesting that the third millennium copper

smelting sites found in 197 5 were all located near water

and arable land...These settlements are no t situated on

top of the ore deposits as became true later on. The dif-

ference between the third millennium smelting village in

its fertile surroundings compared with later Islamic

smelting villages in places where cultivation would be

very difficult, suggests that in early times copper produc-

tion was an integrated part of community life while later

on it became a specialized industry, possibly for export

at the behest of foreign authorities" (Hastings et al.

1975:12).

It is clear that characteristics other than "overall

output" must be studied in order to adequately under-

stand the organization of copper production, and the

investigation of the evidence from individual sites is an

obvious starting point. Examination of the distribution

of metal production refuse at Maysar 1 and other sites

in the Wadi Samad facilitates an investigation of the

context, concentration, scale and intensity of productive

activities.

At Maysar 1, pyrotechnological processes were dis-

tributed across a number of architectural units. House1 has been described as a coppersmith's workplace for

purifying smelted copper and perhaps further reworking

it (Weisgerber 1981:192). It contained the base of a

smelting furnace, near which was an irregular pit partly

covered by an ashy layer, that contained small slag

Figure 2.14The hoard of planoconvex copper ingots found

Maysar 1 in House4 (from Hauptmann 1985:Abb.61).

droplets, lots of charcoal, and small fragments of f

nace, in addition to another pit filled with charcoa

(Weisgerber 198Ob:82). House 4 contained a firepl

possible kiln (Weisgerber 198013: 8 8) , and a hoard o

plano-convex copper ingots weighing about six kg

Figure 2.14; Weisgerber l 9 81 192 ). Evidence for m

lurgical activities also came from one area of Hous

separated from the rest of the house by a small wa

The main installation was a large oval fireplace wi

broken furnace fragments and copper slag and a g

deal of ash (Weisgerber 1981:193). Copper ingot f

ments were also recorded on the surface of House

which displayed two phases of use. In the earliest

phase, a large storage vessel was dug into the grou

filled in its upper levels with charcoal. Other small

were found nearby, one of which contained a large

copper axe (Wesigerber 1980b:Abb. 78.5). The fac

these installations were related to copper smelting

only demonstrated indirectly, by material incorpora

into the walls of the second phase of the house. Th

walls contained furnace, slag, crucible and mould ments (Weisgerber 198013:8 8-89).

Based upon the above evidence, Hauptmann

(1985:114) has described copper production at Ma

1 (see Figure 2.5) as being organized along "small

workshop" lines, probably for domestic use. Some




Figure 2.1 5The third millennium BCE copper-smelting settlement of Zahra l , n the Wadi Bani 'Umar al-Gharbi, Oman. Crosses indicate

centrations of furnace fragments (after Costa and Wilkinson 1987:Figure 35).

fusion is introduced by the fact that, amongst archaeol-

ogists who have discussed the organization of produc-

tion, the term "workshop" has a number of incompati-

ble definitions. Clearly, the Maysar 1 "workshops" dis-

cussed by Hauptmann agree with the use of the term asdefined by Peacock (1982:9), but are better referred to

as simply "production loci" using Costin's (2001:296)

terminology. Regardless, surveys of third millennium

BCE sites in the Wadi Fizh and Wadi Bani 'Umar al-

Gharbi west of Sohar (see Figure 2.15) provide similar

examples of smelting installations within the bound

small sedentary agricultural villages (Costa and

Wilkinson 1987:223), although such sites unfortun

remain unexcavated.

However, reconstructions of the organization ocopper production at Maysar 1 must account not o

for the existence of specialized production loci (e.g

House l ) , but also for the agglomeration of a numb

such production loci within the one settlement (i.e.

Houses 1, 4, 6 and 31) . Weisgerber, for example, ha




contrasted the findings from Maysar 1 with those from

a small test trench at the site of Maysar 6, about one km

to the southwest. There, remains of smelting operations

or pyrotechnology were absent from surface collections

and excavated deposits, and animal bone was much

more abundant. Weisgerber (1981:205) thus regarded

Maysar 6 as a "Wohnsiedlung", in contrast to Maysar

1, which he characterized as a Wirtschaftsiedlung". He

regarded the apparent concentration of production in

one site as a clear indication of the "social differentia-

tion" of the Bronze Age population of the Maysar area

(Weisgerber l9 81 197 ). Although such conclusions

remain to be thoroughly evaluated (excavations at

Maysar 6 were very limited), the archaeological data

indicate a concentration of individual production loci in

the settlement at Maysar 1, which is suggestive of spe-

cialization at a level above the individual household or

workshop.

It is possible to summarize the situation, using thevariables proposed by Costin. Firstly, the context of cop-

per production at Maysar 1 seems to have been inde-

pendent of any elite control. There is no evidence at the

site for the existence of elites who could have controlled

the output of a group of attached specialists. Of course,

such elites could have lived in a different location, but,

as discussed more fully below, the evidence for elites

with coercive political, economic, or military powers in

third millennium southeastern Arabia is very limited.

Examining the concentration of production, it can be

seen that copper smelting refuse was concentrated with-

in a number of architectural units in both the northern

and southern areas of Maysar 1. Hauptmann has sug-

gested that each unit represented a "workshop", and it

is clear that a number of distinct production loci existed

at Maysar 1, each specifically oriented towards the

extraction of copper. Looking at a larger scale,

Weisgerber has contrasted the rich evidence for craft

production at Maysar 1 with the apparent absence of

such activities at the nearby contemporary site of

Maysar 6, as a demonstration that production wasnucleated in certain settlements. Regarding the scale of

production, it seems that the size of individual produc-

tion units was not particularly large, probably represent-

ing production by autonomous household units. It is,

therefore, highly unlikely that workgroups were com-

posed of unrelated individuals. Finally, the apparent

gration of copper extraction with subsistence activit

Maysar 1, although not conclusively demonstrated,

suggest that the intensity of production changed on

seasonal basis, indicating tha t copper extraction can

have been only a part-time specialization for the inh

tants of the site.

Using the typology developed by Costin ( l 9 91

1.1),we would describe copper extraction a t Maysa

as representing "community-based production". Th

category of specialized production is defined simply

"autonomous individual or household-based produc

units, aggregated within a single community, produc

for unrestricted regional consumption" (Costin 199

Such a reconstruction faces the problem that the int

ed market (local, regional, international) for the cop

ingots produced at Maysar 1 is unknown, but the g

al division of production into a number of individua

household units at Maysar 1 seems quite clear.Production systems similar to that which characteriz

primary copper extraction Maysar 1 have been desc

in other archaeological production typologies: for e

ple, Van Der Leeuw's (1977:Table 1)category of "v

industry".

However, an adequate understanding of copper

duction in Bronze Age southeastern Arabia is unlike

be achieved by examining only the evidence from

Maysar 1. Indeed, both ethnography and archaeolo

have highlighted instances in which the production

particular good was organized in very different way

within the one society. In the particular case of sout

eastern Arabia, field research has indicated that the

were a few Umm al-Nar Period copper extraction si

much larger than Maysar 1 or sites in the Wadi Fizh

These larger extraction sites have thousands of tonn

slag and, unlike Maysar 1 and Zahra 1, are not fou

within or directly associated with sedentary agricul

settlements. In fact, around 80 percent of the total

10,000 tonnes of Bronze Age slag recorded during

German fieldwork came from only two sites: TawiUbaylah and Wadi Salh 1, each with approximately

4,000 tonnes of slag (Hauptmann 1985:95). The qu

tion that immediately arises is whether such differen

in the amount of debris at extraction sites are indic

of differences in the organization of production. Fo




example, Hauptmann (1985:95) regards such sites as

representing Bronze Age copper production at an

"industrial" scale, in contrast to production on a smaller

scale as typified by Maysar 1 and Zahra 1.

Of course, Hauptmann's claims are only for output

at an industrial scale, not for truly industrial production.

In a strict sense, industrial production requires "industri-

alization" of the manufacturing process as occurred in

eighteenth century Britain: the development of factories

which produced full-time utilizing full-time specialists,

and relied upon power other than that provided by

humans o r animals, such as water mills and steam

engines (Peacock 1982:10).The requirement for non-

human o r animal sources of power indicates clearly tha t

industrial copper production was not undertaken in

Bronze Age Oman, and even the requirement for full-

time production is far from demonstrated in the Omani

case, as has been shown above for Maysar 1. Costin's

(2001:280) discussion of the ethnographic data on pre-modern production systems must once again be borne in

mind, particularly her conclusion that "it is well to more

seriously consider seasonality-and the ability to work

year-round-in studies that assert high intensitylfull-time

production." In assessing the evidence from Bronze Age

Oman, the realization that production without "industri-

al" organization can nevertheless lead to very high levels

of ou tput (e.g. Burton 1984 ) is an important one.

The location of two very large extract ion sites, ca.

250 km apart towards the northern and southern ends of

the copper-bearing Semail Ophioli te, is perhaps signifi-

cant. Tawi Ubaylah in the north represents the closest

copper source to the third millennium settlement agglom-

eration in the A1 AinIBuraimi oasis (Cleuziou 2003). One

obvious reconstruction of non-industrial production a t

Tawi Ubaylah might see the site as representative of sea-

sonal (or more sporadic) operat ions over several cen-

turies, undertaken by household, kin or community

groups from the nearby oasis during lulls in the agricul-

tural cycle. Parallels for such a mode of production can be

drawn with the long-term, intensive, seasonal exploita-tion of other localized resources in the Oman Peninsula,

such as the processing of marine resources a t the Bronze

Age site of Ra's al-Jinz 2 (Cleuziou and Tosi 2000) .

Looking further afield, V. Pigott's (1998)analysis of

Bronze Age copper production in Thailand has utilized

ethnographic studies of stone quarrying (Bur ton 198

suggest that production a t a very large scale could re

from repetitive exploitation (every few years) by coo

tive kin or residence-based groups within tribal socie

Moreover, Muller's (1984)study of salt production i

Colonial Nor th America indicates that a large quanti

production refuse can accumulate at a production sit

was probably exploited by non-specialist producers o

seasonal basis, but over a very long period of time.

Muller's study demonstrates the crucial distinction

between site specialization and producer specializati

tha t must be made when investigating prehistoric pro

tion systems.

Therefore, the much greater scale of productio

Tawi Ubaylah in comparison to a site like Maysar

could represent one or a combination of numerou

tors. It may reflect a different mode of production

more intensive and larger-scale production made p

ble by the greater size of the workforce from the AAinIBuraimi oasis available for mining and smeltin

has been ethnographically observed that increasing

community size not only provides the potential fo

greater output, but also allows for more diversity

the types of specialized production practiced by th

polity as a whole (Costin 2001:274). However, a s

lar agglomeration of Bronze Age population canno

currently be documented for the Wadi Salh 1 regi

Alternatively, as basic questions regarding the dur

of smelting operations at Bronze Age sites remain

unanswered, the greater scale of smelting debris a

Tawi Ubaylah and Wadi Salh 1 might simply refle

production over a longer period. These sites could

resent examples of "site specialization" as defined

Muller. Certainly, given the lack of published evid

for habitation remains in the vicinity of Tawi Uba

its status as a specialized production site, or "limi

activity" area is clear. This is interesting, as sites

as Maysar 1 and Wadi Fizh 1 have been regarded

full-activity sites, where metal extraction was in

ed with daily and seasonal subsistence activities above). In general, the fact that some extraction

are associated with permanent settlements and o

are not suggests that there was more than one m

of specialized copper production in Bronze Age


5 0 Early Metallurgyof the Persian Gulf



In discussing this issue, an accurate unders tanding Support for such a reconstruction is provided by

of the socio-political organization of the region in the

third millennium BCE is critical, as indigenous social and

political formations no doub t influenced the nature of

primary extraction (e.g. O'Brien 1998; Pigott 199 8) .Of

course, the relationship between social organization an d

production is not determinative, but "with increasing

social complexity the potential for complex procurement

systems is enhanced" (Pigott l998: 215 ).More generally,Costin (1991:2)has observed that a t rue understanding of

the organization of a production system requires an

understanding of both the na tural and social contexts in

which it operates.

It is well established that the th ird millennium in

southeastern Arabia witnessed an increase in the level of

economic articulation and integration between local farm-

ing, fishing, and herding communities (e.g. Cleuziou and

Tosi 1989).Such integration is usually regarded as having

been strongly affected by prevailing environmental condi-

tions, particularly the intense localization of productive

natural resources in the Arabian peninsula that necessitat-

ed the development of connections between groups of spe-

cialized producers and the emergence of "trade as a subsis-

tence activity" (Afanas'ev et al. 1996; see also Cleuziou

and Tosi 1989 ; Cleuziou and Mkry 2002; Piesinger

1983:709).

Regardless of its underlying causes, it is clear from the

distribution and small size of known Umm al-Nar Period

settlements (contra Orchard 1995; Orchard and Stanger

1994),and the limited adoption of administrative tools

such as stamp seals (Cleuziou and Tosi 2000:59-63), that

economic integration was not accompanied by the devel-

opment of a state-like political structure (Crawford

l998:138; Cleuziou 2002:225). In fact, the socio-political

organization of southeastern Arabia in the third millenni-

um has most commonly been compared to that of the

ethnographically-documented, kin-based, tribal groups of

that inhabited the region into modern times (e.g. Cleuziou

and Tosi 1989:17; Cleuziou 2003:140; Cleuziou

l996:162; Crawford 1998:140). Following such a recon-

struct ion, the Umm al-Nar Period villages built around one

or a small number of stone and mudbrick towers are best

seen as the manifestation of a polycentric distribution of

power between numerous, competing petty sheikhs or

rulers (cf. Edens and Kohl 1993:25-26; Edens 1992:128).

analysis of funerary evidence from southeastern Ara

and by Mesopotamian historical texts. In the cuneifo

sources, sporadic references to "kings" of Magan in

third millennium (Potts 1990a:137, 144) suggest a h

degree of social hierarchy in the southern Gulf regio

than indicated by the material record. However, thes

texts are probably best seen as resulting from either

"inflationary" tendencies of Mesopotamian royal intions (distorting the standing of their eastern counte

in order to increase the prestige of military victories

trade relationships, cf. Heimpel 1987:44; Kohl 2001

228-229), or as reflections of short-lived military co

tions formed in response to Mesopotamian aggressio

(Cleuziou 1996:161).

Regarding the funerary evidence, while the rich

goods found in Umm al-Nar Period graves such as at

Abraq (Potts 2000) are suggestive of differences in w

or status amongst members of the community, the c

tive nature of burial may reflect strong ideological

tions operating against the formation of entrenched

political hierarchies. However, as stated by (Cleuzi

2003:141):

This strong manifestation of 'equality' inside

the community should not be taken as testimo

ny of a strictly egalitarian society, but rather

as an ideological affirmation beyond diversity

and power amongst the living.

Tosi, Crawford (1998) and Cleuziou (20 02,2 00

clearly regard Umm al-Nar Period burial practices as

emphasizing a social system based around membersh

kinship groups, or "corporate lineage groups of com

descent" (Tosi 1989:155) . Leadership is conceived o

proceeding by negotiation and the manipulation of "

intricate web of matrimonial, economic and social re

tions" (Cleuziou 2003:145) rather than the possessio

significant coercive power.

The increasing complexity in Bronze Age southe

ern Arabia can thus be seen as having developed mo

strongly along heterarchical rather than hierarchicalSignificantly, a number of scholars have stressed the

importance of interregional exchange and economic

cialization in the horizontal integration of such com

polities (e.g. White and Pigott 1996: 170).Productio

exchange of commodities in the region did indeed in

Geology and Early Exploitation of Coppe r



fy in the Umm al-Nar Period (e.g. Afanas'ev et al. 1996;

Cleuziou and Tosi 2000:26), and there is evidence for

increasingly specialized production: pottery manufacture

in the Hili oasis and wider Oman (Miry 1996, 2000);

soft-stone vessel manufacture at Maysar 1 and elsewhere

(Weisgerber 1981; David 1996), and shell rings in the

Ra's al-Jinz and Ra's al-Hadd regions (Charpentier 1994;

Cleuziou and Tosi 2000:35). This aspect of regional spe-

cialization and inter-regional exchange has been

addressed above, where the discussion focused upon

Ricardo's Law of Comparative Advantage as the econom-

ic force underlying the development of specialized pro-

duction at the community and sub-regional levels.

Funerary pottery, soft-stone vessels and shell rings seem

to have been manufactured under household or commu-

nity-based modes of production. The evidence for copper

production at Maysar 1 fits comfortably within this

model of geographically-localized production for distri-

bution within southeastern Arabia, but the large sites ofTawi Ubaylah and Wadi Salh 1 raise other possibilities.

Finally, in comparing Bronze Age copper extrac

with the production of items such as pottery, shell r

and soft-stone vessels, we must remain cognizant of

major differences between the scale of demand for

Omani copper and these other commodities. Althou

some Omani pottery vessels and soft-stone vessels w

traded overseas, particularly to the central Gulf reg

(M iry 2000; David 1996), pottery, soft-stone and s

rings were produced predominantly for consumers

in southeastern Arabia. Copper, on the other hand,

although utilized locally in undoubtedly large quan

may at certain times or locations have been produc

predominantly for foreign markets. The great differ

ences in scale of Omani smelting sites might therefo

be a reflection of production for different consume

with different scales of demand. A parallel for this

tion can be drawn with archaeometallurgical recon

tions of Iron Age copper exploitation on Cyprus, w

very large copper extraction sites are also found to

contemporary with extraction on a much smaller,

Figure 2.16 An Iron Age slag heap at Raki 2, Oman (after Wesigerber and Yule 1999:PI.4).




"workshop" scale. It has been hypothesized that the

large-scale extraction on Cyprus might be for export,

while workshop production is focused towards local

consumption (Kassianidou l998:23 8) .

As can be seen from the above discussion, the

archaeological evidence for the organization of copper

extraction in Bronze Age Oman is so minimal as to

make hypothesizing over modes of production a rather

difficult undertaking. The evidence for copper produc-

tion a t sites such as Maysar 1, Zahra 1, and Wadi Fizh 1

suggests household or workshop production loci

agglomerated at an extra-household level: a village or

community-based craft. The evidence from Tawi

Ubaylah and Wadi Salh 1 is equivocal, especially given

the complete lack of evidence regarding the duration of

operations at either site, and the number of production

units that may have simultaneously operated a t each.

Nevertheless, the scale of production at Tawi Ubaylah

and Wadi Salh 1 suggests the possibility of copperextraction at the extra-community level. There is no evi-

dence from the Umm al-Nar Period for any long-lived

political hierarchy tha t may have emerged to control

such a production system, although at least one ethno-

graphic study of stone quarrying (Burton 1984) has

demonstrated that such leadership is not essential to co-

ordinate production within a large, kin-based, tribal

groups. Clearly, more fieldwork will be required to elab-

orate our understanding of the organization of copper

production in third millennium southeastern Arabia.

Organization of Production in Later Periods

The same issues can be raised again in regard to copper

production in Iron Age southeastern Arabia, although

unfortunately at this time there is even less evidence

from archaeometallurgical studies to support the archae-

ological data. In contrast to what appears to have been

the predominant integration of third millennium copper

production within villages concerned with agricultural

and pastoral subsistence activities, surveys in Wadi Fizh

suggest that a different relationship may have existed inthe Iron Age (Costa and Wilkinson 1987:225, 232) . Iron

Age settlements in the region show much less evidence

for primary copper extraction, whist the enormous size

of Iron Age slag heaps at sites such as Raki 2 (ca.

45,000 tonnes; see Figure 2.16) and Tawi Raki 2 (ca.

40,000 tonnes) indicates that production levels are

haps many times higher than in the Umm al-Nar Pe

(see above). Furthermore, Iron Age mining and sme

for the first time dealt with ores from the massive s

deposits: both the low grade secondary mineralizati

the gossans and the sulfidic ores of the unweathered

body (Weisgerber 1987, 1988; Hauptmann 1985:A

85). These deposits are much larger than those expl

in the third millennium BCE, and fewer in number.

Thus, we have a situation whereby higher levels

production were undertaken at a limited number of

er copper ore bodies, and intensive, even full-time p

duction seems much more probable. The apparent f

tional distinction of Iron Age settlements into agric

al and smelting sites, which more closely parallels t

uation of the early Islamic period, may reflect such

mode of production, although further field research

be required to adequately address this issue. Produc

is certainly on a large scale, but whether it is organiat a community or extra-community level is almost

impossible to determine given our limited informati

the scale of smelting operations at any one time, the

chronological duration within the Iron Age, and the

sibility of seasonality in production. Interestingly,

although levels of copper production are significant

higher in the Iron Age than in the third millennium,

political organization of the region seems similar: th

is no evidence for development of a clear settlement

archy, large public buildings, or a state-like level of

plexity. Despite rare references to "kings" of the reg

in cuneiform sources, the distribution of power is st

generally characterized as polycentric (e.g. Magee 1

Clearly, the high output of copper in Iron Age south

ern Arabia reflected the economic complexity of the

region rather than its political stratification.

As for most other categories of information rela

to copper extraction in southeastern Arabia, the be

dence for the organization of production comes from

early Islamic Period. Reconstructions of output at t

time indicate clearly that copper was produced on aindustrial scale, although not classifiable as "indust

following the strict definitional requirements of the

outlined above. Individual mining and extraction si

such as Lasail have up to 100,000 tonnes of slag; th

total amount of early Islamic slag reported from Om




is more than half a million tonnes; and the estimated

total copper production is 60,000 tonnes over a period

of only a century (see above). Our understanding of the

organization of this industrial-level production is

informed by a small number of historical sources, which

provide fragmentary evidence for trading, contractual

arrangements, taxes and administration

Archaeological survey and excavation have delineat-

ed the settlement structures associated with mining and

smelting sites, and indicated the physical mechanisms by

which copper production was organized and controlled

at the extraction sites themselves. Basic settlement struc-

tures with storage areas for crucial elements of produc-

tion and subsistence, such as water and charcoal, a re

known from 'Arja, Lasail, Samdah, Mullaq, Wadi as-

Safafir and other sites (Weisgerber l98O:ll8; Ibrahim

and El Mahi 199 8). Most houses seem to have been con-

centrated into residential areas or villages in the vicinity

of the mines themselves, however different arrangementswere also seen. For example, at 'Arja production seems

to have been organized into units, in which one house

seems to be related to one mine, smelting furnace and

slag heap, and there is no evidence for the existence of

an accumulation of dwellings in one area to form a "vil-

lage" (Weisgerber 1987:158) . Utilizing the evidence from

early historical sources, these mining units are interpret-

ed as the remains of a production system in which each

miner (and perhaps additional k in) exploited his own

mine, essentially independently (Weisgerber 1987: 158).

Unfortunately, no historical texts survive which discuss

the organization of smelting, as opposed to mining.

Other aspects of settlement in the early Islamic mining

regions, such as mosques, graveyards and extensive

architectural features related to agricultural water man-

agement, have also been recovered archaeologically

(Weisgerber 1980:118; Ibrahim and ElMahi 1998:132).

Additionally, the presence of large, fortified buildings in

prominent and defensible locations (such as on hills,

high terraces, or at the entrance to the mining wadis) at

many early Islamic sites has been used to suggest thepresence of people who had some role in the control or

protection of the mining district (Weisgerber 1980:117).

The function of Sohar as the outlet for the majority

of copper produced in the Wadi al-Jizzi area is also sup-

ported by historical documentation (Whitehouse

1979:874; J. C. Wilkinson 1979:892), and by archa

logical evidence from Sohar itself (Williamson 1973

and Figure 3a). A contextualization of the evidence

early Islamic copper production with other archaeo

cal and historical evidence is far from complete,

although efforts at defining the inter-relationship of

tlement and copper exploitation in the hinterland o

Sohar have been undertaken (Costa and Wilkinson

Ibrahim and El Mahi 1998). It is clear that copper

duction and agriculture were specialized activities c

out in separate areas, leading to inter-dependence

between Sohar and its mining hinterland (Costa and

Wilkinson 1987:232).

Copper-Base Objects in Bronze Age

Southeastern Arabia

Having examined the evidence for primary

extraction, we turn now to the evidence of

copper

how suc

metal was utilized locally in the production of finisobjects. This section will focus predominantly on th

types of finished objects that were produced, rather

on the technology of their production, as evidence

secondary refining and fabrication at Umm al-Nar

Period sites is slim and understudied. As summarize

Weeks (1997:17-20), the most extensive evidence c

from Umm an-Nar Island, where crucible and moul

fragments and numerous metallic refining and casti

residues at test to the melting and refining of raw co

produced further inland. Metalworking areas have

been recorded at Hili 8, in Periods IIe and IIf (ca.

2500-2000 BCE), and small quantities of refining a

casting debris are found as early as Phase Ib (ca. 29

BCE) at the site (Cleuziou 1980, 1989). At Tell Abr

there is abundant evidence for metalworking in the

ond and first millennia BCE, but Umm al-Nar Perio

metalworking debris is limited to a single amorpho

metal lump dated to the terminal third millennium

(Weeks 1997:28). The evidence from sites such as B

(Frifelt l979 :584) and Ghanadha (A1 Tikriti 1985:1

where surface finds of copper-base scrap are said tonumerous, remains unstudied.

The earliest copper-base objects in southeastern

Arabia appear in the late fourth and early third mil

nia BCE, at middens and settlements such as Wadi

GAS1, Ra's al-Hadd and Ra's a1 Hamra (Durante a




Tosi 197 7; Uerpm ann 1992:97; Cleuziou 1996:160 ; Tosi on Urnm an-Nar Island produced a similar array of

and Usai 2003:20), a t Hil i-8 Period Ib, where copper

working debris is also recorded (Cleuziou 1989:Pl. 33),

and in contem porary beehive and Hafit-type burial

cairns (Frifel t 1971 , 1975b ; Benton and Potts, 19 94 ).

Interestingly, the earliest use of copper-base objects at

Wadi Shab GAS1 and Ra's al-Hamra, although signifi-

cantly later than seen in the neighboring regions of

Mesopotamia, Iran, or Baluchistan, occurs in local mate-rial assemblages w hich a re still pre-ceramic. The objects

produced at this period are simple tools, such as small

blades, fish hooks and pinslawls, that occur in small

numbers on co astal sites with a strong orientation

towards seasonal exploitation of marine resources

(Cleuziou and Tosi 2000:26-27). The m etal objects from

Hafit tom bs include a num ber of copper-base i tems such

as blades, rivets, tweezers an d long awls or eye-pen-

cils (Frifelt 197 5b:61 -67, Figures 3, 5; Frifelt

1971:Figure 1 2; Cleuziou and Tosi 2000:26) commonlyassociated with bi-conical pottery of the Mesopotamian

Jemdet Nasr tradition. The technology of this copper

use remains uninvestigated, and it has not been demon-

strated whether these earliest metal objects were made

from local or imported copper. The considerable evi-

dence for later Urnm al-N ar Period copper produ ction in

the region makes it likely that they represent the prod-

ucts of the earliest copper extraction in southeastern

Arabia. This theory is supported by Frifelt (1975b:69),

wh o suggests tha t by the early third millennium, the

grave builders of BatIIbri and B uraimi were all engaged

in the copper trade from inner O man with Buraimi as a

market place at the crossroads and Urnm an-N ar as one

of their shipping places .

Occupation on Urnm an-Nar Island is thought to

have begun at around 2 700 BCE, and continued to as

late as 2200 BCE (Frifelt 1995:237-239). The inventory

of copper-base objects from th e collective tomb s on the

island is limited to simple tanged or riveted knives and

daggers, pinslawls and fish hooks (Frifelt 1991 98-103).

All the excavated pinslawls come fr om Grave V, regard-ed as earlier in date than material from Graves I, I1 and

V1 (Frifelt 19 91:1 25 ), althoug h v irtually identical objects

are recorded in later Urnm al-N ar Period tom bs a t A1

Sufouh (Benton 1996:Figure 19 2) and H ili No rth Tom b

A (Cleuziou and Vogt 1985:Pl. 28 ). Sett lement contexts

objects to that found in the graves, including fish ho

knivesldaggers, pinslawls, chisels, bore rs (hollow

cone-shaped p oints), and a blade axe. In addit ion, t

is evidence for metalworking in the form of copper

fragments, clay moulds, processing resides an d cruc

fragments (Frifelt 199 5:7 0, 188-191, Figures 108-1

263-280). A very similar array of copper-base objec

has been recovered from the seasonal Urnm al-NarPeriod settlement of Ra's al-Jinz ( RJ -2) in the Ja'alan

which also has evidence for the secondary working o

copper (Cleuziou and Tosi 200 054- 57, Figures 12-

Copper fish hooks, in particular, seem to be ubiquit

at coastal sites from the third millennium BCE onw

they are recorded in their hundreds at RJ-2 (Cleuzio

and Tosi 20 00 54 ) and known from sites as distant

Urnm a n-N ar Island and SWY-3, located near Suwa

the Arabian Sea (Me ry and Marq uis 1998:220-223

Figure 1 0 ). Overall, fish hook s, pinslawls, and bladtypify the copper-base objects found in third millen

settlement sites of southeastern Arabia, and indicate

basic m etalworking technology aimed at the produc

of simple and functional tools necessary for everyda

subsistence activities. Th e practice of m etalwo rking

in settlements at this time is attested by pieces of co

scrap an d wo rking debris found at si tes such as Hil

RJ-2, Bat and Tell Abraq (Cleuziou 1989; Cleuziou

Tosi 2000:54-59; Frifelt 1 97 95 84 ; Weeks 19 97 ). A

noted above, these metalworking operations are larg

unstud ied, but they likely included melting, casting,

secondary refining to remove impurit ies from raw c

per, but not primary smelting.

A more diverse array of copper-base objects, in

terms of typology, size, and perhaps metalworking t

nology, is found in graves of the later Urnm al-Na r

Period. Finger, toe, a nd earrings become a particula

comm on find category, for example a t Hili No rth T

A (Cleuziou and Vogt 1985:Pl. 28 ), Hil i Tomb N (A

Tikrit i and M ery 2000:213 and Figure 10 ), A1 Sufo

(Benton 1996:Figures 194-195), M oweihat (Haerin19 91 ) and Tell Abraq (Potts 2000 :77). A number of

examples of flat razors are also kno wn from Hili

Tomb N and Hili Nor th Tom b A (Al-Tikrit i and M e

2000:Figure 10 ; Cleuziou and Vogt 1985:Pl. 28.1 ),

Abraq (Potts 2000 :76), and Ra's al-Jinz (Cleuziou a




Tosi 2000:Figure 15 ). Th e very end of the third millenni- for more th an half of the 31 analyzed objects from U

um witnesses the introduction of the socketed spear-

head, as found in the Asimah grave alignment (Vogt

199 5) and in large numbers in the Tell Abraq to mb

(Po tts 2000:68-69). This type continues in use into the

Wadi Suq Period, as seen by its occurrence in graves a t

Shimal (Vogt and Franke-Vogt 1987:Figure 2 1) , Al-

Wasit (Al-Shanfari and W eisgerber 19895'1. 5 ) , Ghalilah

(Do naldso n 1985:Figure 28 ), Bidyah (A1 Tikriti 198913:PI. 73 ) and Gha nadh a Island (Al-Tikri ti 1985:Pl. 1 6) .

While some continuity is thus seen between the

metal assemblages of the third and second millennia

BCE in southeastern Arabia, the Wadi Suq Period and

Late Bronze Age also witness the intro duction of new

forms of weaponry. Examples include the long copper-

base swo rds fo und in collective bu rials at Al-Wasit,

Qa ttara h and Q arn Bint Saud (Cleuziou 1981:Figure 12;

Al-Shanfari and Weisgerber 1989:Pl. 5; Potts 1990a:252

and Figure 29) , and tanged arrow heads, often with

incised decoration, which appear at sites across the

peninsula from the mid-second millennium onwards

(Magee 1998a ). Additionally, copper- base vessels, which

are extremely rare in third millennium contexts in south-

eastern A rabia (e.g. Vogt 1995:Figure 55 ), appear more

frequently in tom b assemblages of the secon d millenni-

um BCE (e.g. A1 Tikriti 1989:Pl. 70-72).

A limited amount of compositional analysis of third

millennium BCE metalwork has been undertaken,

including fully-quantitative and semi-quantitative analy-

ses of objects from Umm an-N ar Island (Berthoud 197 9;Frifel t 1975, 1990; Craddock l 9 81;Hauptmann 1995;

Prange et al. 19 99 ), sites in A1 Ain (B erthou d 19 79 ) and

the Wadi Samad (H aup tma nn et al . 19 88) , and Tell

Abraq (Weeks 1997 ; Pedersen an d Buchwald 1 991 ). The

great majority of analyses have indicated that tin-bronze

was very rarely used at Umm al-Nar Period sites in

southeastern Arabia. Objects were predominantly of

copper, with the elemen ts arsenic an d nickel occurring in

quan tities of u p to four percen t o r higher, a pattern of

impurities generally consistent with contemporary ingot

and raw copper fragments from Maysar 1, Wadi Bahla,

Umm an-Nar Island and Ra's al -Hamra (H auptm ann

1987 , 1995; Hauptman n et al . 1988; Craddock 1 981) .

As has been noted previously, the Tell Abraq analyses

contrast strongly with this pattern; tin-bronze was used

al-Nar Period sett lement a nd fun erary contexts a t th

si te (Weeks 19 97 ). The only other t in-bronzes rep or

fro m this period a re isolated examples from a t omb

Hili (Berthoud 1979:Table 5 ), two objects from uns

fied sites in the region (Pran ge et al. 1999 :Figure 6 )

beads from Ra's al-Hadd (personal comm unication

Rea de). Evidence for the local working of tin-bronz

also provided by the analyses of a piece of metalwodebris from Hili-8 Period IIf, which contained ca. 0

percent tin (Cleuziou 1989:7 4).

Nevertheless, the first significant appe aranc e of

bronze in southeastern Arabia is still sometimes clai

to occur only in the second millennium BCE (e.g. Pr

et al. 19 99 ), before it becomes the dom inant alloy in

local Iron Age, as represented by the analyses of obj

from the IbriISelme hoard (Prange and H auptm ann

20 01) . However, composit ional variabili ty between

vidual assemblages seems to be a feature of south ea

Arabian metallurgy, making chronological distinctio

alloy use hard to su pport . For example, the analyses

sented in this volume clearly sup por t the findings of

Tell Abraq study regarding the use of tin-bronze in

third millennium BCE in the northern pa rt of the O

Peninsula. Such results cannot be used to push back

introdu ction or origin of tin-bron ze in the regi

however, as later assemblages such as that from the

second millennium Qattarah tomb contain no t in-br

objects (Cleuziou l9 8 :28 8). Likewise, the total dom

nance of the tin-bronze alloy in the southeastern ArIron Age suggested by analyses of the IbriISelme hoa

not evident at the Iron Age settlements of Tell Abra

Muweilah, where only one-quarter of finished objec

are of tin-bronze (Weeks, forthcoming b:Tables 3 an

1997:Table 7 ). The adop tion of t in-bronze technolo

southeastern Arabia is a complex issue which will b

cussed at length in the following chapters.

Alloys other than t in-bronze and AsINi-copper

extremely rare in southeastern Arabia before the end

the Iron Age. The exception concerns a group of tenobjects from collective graves on Umm an-Nar Islan

analyzed by both X -ray diffraction and atomic abso

tion sp ectrom etry (Frifelt 1991:lOO). Eight of the ob

contained significant amoun ts of zinc, in the two to

percent range, sometimes occurring in addit ion to o

5 6 Early Me tallurgy o f the Persian Gulf





dence for production units organized along household or

"workshop" lines, nucleated within individual agricul-

tural villages. Two larger smelting sites suggest the pos-

sibility of more intensive copper extraction, but critical

archaeological evidence regarding the duration and

intensity of production is absent, making conclusions

regarding multiple modes of Bronze Age primary copper

production impossible to verify.

Bronze Age copper production in southeastern

Arabia witnessed distinct periods of growth and decline,

which can be correlated with a number of technological,

environmental, and socio-economic factors. While there

is little evidence for the direct adoption of a developed

smelting technology from Iran or Baluchistan, the possi-

bility that the idea of copper extraction arrived via stim-

ulus diffusion from the north is plausible. Local extrac-

tion appears to have begun in the late fourth or early

third millennium BCE and there was a significant

increase in output over the course of the third millenni-

um. Increased Umm al-Nar Period production is corre-

lated with a growth of local population and settlement,

greater economic integration within southeastern

Arabia, and increasing intensity in maritime exchanges

with polities in Mesopotamia, Iran, the central Gulf and

the Indus region. In a similar manner, the apparent

decline in copper production in the early second millen-

nium BCE is correlated with a decline in the internal

economic integration of southeastern Arabia, the col-

lapse of the Gulf trade, and perhaps environmental

degradation exacerbated by excessive wood harvesting

for smelting. While most studies of copper production in

the region have stressed the importance of foreign mar-

kets in determining copper production levels in south-

eastern Arabia, it is clear that the scale and integration

of the local southeastern Arabian economy was also crit-

ical in determining levels of copper extraction and

exchange in the Bronze Age.

In contrast to the large-scale primary extraction that

characterized the Umm al-Nar Period, the object analy-

ses and descriptions presented earlier in this chapterdemonstrate little in the way of elaborate metalworking

techniques. Local metalworking industries were charac-

terized by a relatively limited array of simple tools relat-

ed to everyday subsistence activities, such as fish hooks,

pinslawls, and basic blades. Assemblages of metalwork

from contemporary funerary contexts demonstrate

wider repertoire, including non-utilitarian objects su

as rings and beads, in addition to weapons such as

spearheads. Compositional analyses have indicated

in addition t o local copper and copper alloys, foreig

metal was utilized in significant quantities at least o

site (Tell Abraq) in the northern Oman Peninsula an

perhaps in more limited quantities at other Umm al

Period sites. The potential importance of this foreig

metal for the local Omani metalworking industry, i

likely sources, and its use in southeastern Arabia ou

the settlement of Tell Abraq, will be discussed at gr

depth in the later chapters of this volume.

5 8 Early Metallur gy of t he Persian Gulf



3 Analyzed Artifacts:

Contexts and Chronology

This chap ter presents background stratigraphic, chrono -logical and contex tual inform ation on the metal samples

that are analyzed in this volume. A total of 8 3 copper-base

objects of Urnm al-Nar date were analyzed using PIXE, in

ad dition t o the analysis of one tin ring by EDS. All objects

of Urnm al-N ar Period date analyzed compositionally

come from funerary contexts. Material was obtained from

four sites, including Urnm al-Nar-type tom bs at A1 Sufouh

(Du bai Emirate) and Tell Abraq (Sharjah Emirate), and

two Urnm al -Nar tombs known as Un arl and Unar2 near

the village of S himal (Ra s al-Khaimah E mirate) .

Approxim ately 2 0 copper-base objects have been analyzed

from each of the tombs, and efforts have been made to

analyze objects of varied typology from each assemblage.

The ch ronological ranges of the sites are sho wn in Figure

3.1, a nd are discussed more fully below.

AI Sufouh

Th e archa eological site of A1 Sufouh is located abo ut one

km from the mod ern shore of the Gulf, on the southern ou t-

skirts of the city of Du bai. Th e site, discovered in 198 8, con-

sists of a num ber of distinct, low moun ds with evidence forhum an oc cupation in the form of ash, shell , bone, pottery

an d othe r artifacts (Be nton 1996:20 ). Significant areas of

the site were destroyed du ring recent constru ction activi-

t ies, however a number of occup ation areas and a roun d,

stone-b uilt, Urnm al-Nar-type tom b survived an d were the

subject of rescue excavations in mid -l 994 (Du bai Mu seum )

and a tho roug h excavation in early 1 99 5 (University of

Sydney, see B enton 19 96 ).

Excavation of one occupation area (Area B) t

north of the Urnm al-Nar tomb revealed the edge

an extensive area of cooking hearths. Material fr

excavated deposits consisted primarily of burnt m

shell and fish bones, in addit ion to a number of

ceramic sherds datable typologically to the Urnm Nar Period. The Urnm al-Nar ceramics suggest th

occupation in Area B was at least part ly contemp

with the construction and use of the tomb at A1

Sufouh, although two sherds of Barbar pottery d

ered during excavation indicate continued occupa

or re-occupation in the early second millennium

(Weeks 199 6) . It has been suggested th at the si te

resents a seasonal camping ground that must hav

been utilized over a significant period of time. A

such, the si te is comparable to other ephemeral millennium coastal sett lements on the southern G

shores, such as Ras Gh anad ha (al-Tikri t i 19 85 ).

All the analyzed copper-base samples from A

Sufouh come from the main Urnm al -Nar tomb

site (Tom b I), shown in Figure 3.2. Th e tom b is

typical example of Urnm al-Nar Period funerary

architecture: it is circular, with a diameter of 6.5

and divided into six internal chambers. Both the

wall and the internal walls are made of unworke

stone blocks, although the ring-wall is faced wit

single layer of well-masoned ashlars (Benton

1996:Figures 21 and 23). A significant amount o

human skeletal material was excavated from with

the tomb itself and from three pits that were du

the vicinity of the tom b (Tom bs 11-IV). The estim

Tell Abraq -Unar2 -Unarl

Illlllllllllllll

AI Sufouh

I I 1 I I I I I

2700 2600 2500 2400 2300 2200 2100 2000 1900 180

Years BCE

Figure 3.1 Chronology of the tombs from which the copper-b

objects analyzed in this volume were excavated.



number of individuals interred at the site is 121,

with a MNI of 13 people calculated for Tomb I

(Benton 1996:49).

Over 60 ceramic vessels have been recovered from

all burial contexts a t A1 Sufouh, including at least 20

examples of black-on-red Umm al-Nar style pottery

and three Iranian black-on-gray vessels from Tomb I

(Benton 1996:Figure 129). Further examples of Iranian

gray-wares were found in Tomb 11. Nearly 14,000

beads were recovered from burial contexts at the site,

over 90 percent of which were of serpentinite or talcose

steatite (Benton 1996:Figures 133-1 35, Table 1 0) .

However, other materials such as soft-stone, shell, rock

crystal and agate were also found, in addition to

approximately 300 carnelian beads (nine of which were

etched) and two lapis lazuli beads. Three lapis lazuli

pendants were also recovered (Benton 1996:Figure

198) . Copper-base objects such as blades, rings and

pins or awls were also recovered (Benton 1996:Figures183-195).

The excavated material from A1 Sufouh suggests

that the tomb was built and used in the middle of the

Umm al-Nar Period. In particular, the lack of se rie

re cente soft-stone vessels in the tomb assemblage sug-

gests that the tomb deposits pre-date the manufacture

of such objects in southeastern Arabia, which Benton

(1996:Table 17 ) places at ca. 2300-2000 BCE. The

black-on-red and grayware ceramics from the tomb

suggest deposition sometime shortly after the middle

of the third millennium BCE, and Benton (1996:Fi

204) has proposed a chronological range for the us

the tomb of ca. 2450-2300 BCE.

The copper-base objects from A1 Sufouh analy

in this volume are listed in Table 3.1 and some ar

illustrated in Figure 3.3. As can be seen, only sam

from Tomb I were analyzed, all of which were fo

in the western half of the tomb. Only material th

was already fragmentary was sampled, meaning t

daggers and blade fragments were analyzed but n

rings or pinslawls. The group of analyzed sample

thus a biased one in terms of object types.

Additionally, there is the possibility that the 22 a

lyzed fragments may have come from less than 2

objects. A total of 35 copper-base finished object

were recovered from the A1 Sufouh burials, includ

22 from Tomb I, as well as numerous unidentifia

metal fragments (Benton 1996: 145). Fourteen dag

blades are recorded from all burial contexts at thsite, and it must be remembered that material fo

in Tombs 11-IV could once have been interred in

Tomb I and have left fragmentary remains there

(although this view is contradictory to the chrono

cal associations proposed by Benton (1996), see

Kennet (199 8) for an alternative view). Comparis

of PIXE data (see Chapter 3 ) for the fragments in

cate groups of samples with very similar composit

but these are as likely to reflect a common metal

source (whether ingot or mine) as a common obje

Figure 3.2 AI Sufouh Tomb I after excavation, seen from the west (photo courtesy of Daniel Potts).




Unar lThe archaeological sites of Shimal lie about eight km

northeast of the modern city of Ras al-Khaimah, at

the foot of the limestone mountains which comprise

the Musandam Peninsula near the modern village of

Shimal (Vogt and Franke-Vogt 1987:Figure 2) . The

Umm al-Nar Period tomb designated Unarl was exca-

vated by the German Mission to Ras al-Khaimah in

1988 (Kastner et al. 1988), and remains largely

unpublished. A preliminary report on the discovery

and excavation of the tomb (Sahm 1988) provides

basic information on the cultural and skeletal materi-

al found, and on architectural, taphonomic and

chronological issues.

The tomb is a relatively large example of typical

Umm al-Nar type: circular (with a diameter of 11.5

m) , stone-built on a low plinth wall, and divided

internally into eight chambers by a north-south run-

ning dividing wall and three east-west cross walls(Sahm 1988:2). It is illustrated in Figure 3.4. The

tomb is badly disturbed, with architectural features

and archaeological material preserved more fully on

its eastern side. The tomb was robbed in antiquity,

and evidence exists to suggest that the robbery took

place only a short time after the construction and

use of the tomb (Sahm 1988:2), i.e. by the early sec-

ond millennium BCE.

The tomb is highly disturbed and only minor

areas of articulation are visible in the excavated

skeletal material, which is also largely burnt (Blau

and Beech, 1999:34) . Physical anthropological exami-

nation indicates that a minimum of 438 individuals

were buried in the tomb (Blau 2001:Table 1).Pottery

vessels and metal objects were found in small num-

bers inside the tomb, in addition to numerous beads

made of "steatite paste" and an etched carnelian

bead. A few examples of se rie re cente soft-stone

were recovered from immediately outside the tomb,

and it has been suggested that some of them may

post-date the third millennium BCE (Sahm 1988:3).The excavated ceramic vessels were mostly fine

wares and predominantly local black-on-red examples

but there were also three black-on-gray Iranian vessels

and one sherd of incised gray ware from Iran (Sahm

1988:Figure 10). Metal finds include one gold bead

and two silver beads, as well as a number of sma

fragments of copper-base objects such as rings an

pins or awls. Additionally, a broken socketed spe

head was excavated from the tomb deposit (Sahm

1988:Figure 11.3). The majority of the excavated

material from Unarl suggests a date in the middle

Umm al-Nar Period, ca. 2400-2200 BCE (Blau

2001:Table l ) , however the possibility of re-use

the late third or early second millennium cannot

excluded because of the presence of the socketed c

per-base spearhead.

The analyzed copper-base objects from Unarl

shown in Table 3.2 and examples are illustrated in

Figure 3.5. In addition to the rings and pinslawls m

tioned by Sahm, there are a number of thin, flat m

fragments from the tomb that may once have belon

to vessels or blades, and some curved fragments th

Table 3.1

Objects from AI Sufouh analyzed by PlXE

Reg. No. Context Object

ALSUFOOH

ALSUFOU

ASI-l

ASI-2

ASI-3

ASI-4

ASI-5

ASTOMBI a

ASTOMBI b

ASTOMBI c

ASTOM B1d

ASTOMBI e

ASTOMBI f

ASTOMBI g

ASTOMBI h

M10-15

M10-31

M 10-34

M 10-36

M 10-30

M10-41

M 10-43

Tomb I: chambers 4,6









Tomb 1:chambers 4,6












Tomb 1:chambers 4,6

blade fragmen

blade fragmen

flat fragment

thick flat fragm

thin flat fragm

blade edge fra

blade edge fra

blade fragme

blade edge fra

blade edge fra

thin flat fragm

thin flat fragm

thin flat fragm

thick flat fragm

thin flat fragm

blade edge fra

rivet

dagger-rivete

dagger-rivete

blade edge fra

dagger-tange

thin flat fragm

Copper-base artifacts from the Umm al-Nar Period tomb at A

Sufouh tha t are compositionally analyzed in this study.






may have been tubes or spouts. Although the copper-

base objects remaining a t U na rl are obviously only a

small fraction of those w hich may once have been

interred there, enough typological diversity exists to

suggest that the compositional variability of the original

deposit may also be reasonably well represented.

Unar2

The Umm al-Nar tom b Unar2 (see Figure 3.6) is locatedin the Shihu village of Shimal North, in the Emirate of

Ras al -Khaimah, about 200 m south of the Una rl to mb

described in the previous section (Blau and Beech

1999 :34). The si te was excavated over tw o seasons in

19 97 and 1998 , reveal ing a ro und, s tone-bui lt tomb

with a diameter of approximately 1 4.5 m, making

Unar2 the largest Umm al-Nar funerary structure yet

discovered in southeastern Arab ia. The interior of the

tomb was divided into 1 2 chambers forming three sepa-

rate units, possibly related to familylkinship grou ps(Velde 199 9; see Blau 2001:Figure 3; Blau and Beech

1999:Figure 2 ), al though the original architectural fea-

tures of the tomb have been disturbed by tomb-robbing.

Evidence exists to suggest tha t the tom b m ay originally

have stood t o a height of abo ut three meters an d includ-

ed an upper story (Velde 1999 ).

The tom b remains partial ly unpublished, al thoug h

notes on the ceramic assemblage ( Ca rter 20 02 ) an d skele-

tal remains (Blau 2001 ; Blau and Beech 1 99 9) have

appe ared, and a brief site summary (Velde 19 99 ) and

physical anthro polog y report (Blau 19 99 ) have been post-

ed on the National M useum of Ras al-Khaimah website.

Anthropological studies by S. Blau (2 00 1,1 99 9) indicate

that a t least 43 1 ndividuals were interred in the Un ar2

tomb . Articulated skeletons were rare, being fou nd only

in chambers D and G, and more tha n 90 percent of the

disart iculated bone was bu rnt. As for most Umm al-N ar

tom b skeletal assemblages, the bones w ere predom inantly

of adults, althoug h fetal, infant, child an d adolescent

bones were found in each chambe r (Blau 19 99 ). t is sug-

gested by Velde (1 99 9) ha t bodies may first have beeninterred on the cham ber floors unti l no space remained in

the tomb , at which point the bones were removed for cre-

mation and later deposited in the upper story of the tom b

(see also Carter 2 0 02 5 ). The period of use of the tom b is

regarded as last ing mo re than 10 0 years (Velde 199 9).

Table 3.2

Objects from Unarl analyzed by PlXE

Reg. No. Context

L1 1D-PIN Unarl Tomb

L14N-PIN Unarl Tomb

LlSRlNG Unarl Tomb

M1 0-7 Unarl Tomb

M10-12 Unarl Tomb

M1 0-13V Unarl Tomb

M1 0-1 Unarl Tomb

M1 0-17 Unarl Tomb

M10-18 Unarl Tomb

M10-19 Unarl Tomb

M 10-20V Unarl Tomb

M10-21V Unarl Tomb

M1 0-22R Unarl Tomb

M 10-35 Unarl Tomb

M 10-38 Unarl Tomb

M10-39 Unarl Tomb

M 10-44 Unarl Tomb

M 10-46 Unarl Tomb

Object

pinlawl fragme

pinlawl fragme

ring fragment

flat fragment

thin flat fragme

thin flat fragme

tubelspout frag

ring fragment

ring fragment

ring fragment

thin flat fragme

tubelvessel frag

ring fragment

thin flat fragme

tubelspout frag

thin flat fragme

pinlawl fragme

ring fragment

Copper-base artifacts from the Unarl Umm al-Nar Period tom

Shimal that are compositionally analyzed in this study.

Figure 3.5 A selection of fragments of copper-base objects fr

Unarl analyzed in this study.Top row, left t o right: LISRING, M

M10-46, M10-18. Bottom row, left to right: M10-44, L14N-PIN,

PIN, M1 0-16, M10-1 2.




Figure 3.6 The Unar2 tom b after excavation, showing cha mber designations, viewed from the nor th (ph oto courtesty of D. Kennet).

Pottery a nd stone vessels, metal objects and jewelry

remained in the tomb even after robbing, with the pot-tery indicating contacts with Mesopotamia, Bahrain,

Iran an d the Indus Valley (Ca rter 2002; Velde 19 99 ).

Typical black-on-red indigenous fu nerary vessels com-

prise more than 80 percent of the ceramic assemblage,

while imported Iranian black-on-gray an d incised gray-

ware s represent just over 1 0 percent of the excavated pot-

tery (C arte r 2002:7-10). A small num ber of sherds of so-

called Kaf tari ware from Fars province in Ira n has been

recovered, a nd Barbar, Mesopo tamian and Indu s wares

are similarly rare (Ca rter 2002:9-10). Assessment of the

ma terial from the site was initially used to suggest a date of

ca. 2300-2100 BCE (Blau and Beech 1999:34 ). However,

ceramic parallels cited by Carter (2002:12-13) suggest a

foundation d ate perhaps 50-100 years later than this, and

aban donm ent some t ime in the last century of the third

millennium BCE, i.e. a cons truction an d use span ning ca.

2200-2000 BCE. Thus, al though earlier reports had

described the Unar2 tom b deposits as late Umm an -Na r

but n ot in the terminal phase, the new ceramic studies and

particularly the presence of a numb er of anoma lous

ceramic forms led Carter ( 20 02:1 3) o suggest that use ofUnar2 m ay have continued into the terminal Umm al-Na r

Period. Carter (2002:6) also observes tha t approxim ately

six percent of the an alyzed ceramic assemblage from

Un ar2 consists of later intrusive mate rial from the second

millennium, Iron Age and m ore recent periods. T he possi-

bili ty that any analyzed metal objects from Una r2 ar

intrusive is small, but should not be forgotten.The analyzed copper-base objects from Un ar2 a

listed in Table 3.3 and illustrated in Figure 3.7, and

sist primarily of rings, pins or aw ls and th in flat fra

ments. These are, in general, the largest metal objec

that remained in the tomb after i t was plundered in

antiquity. It is likely that a much larger and more ty

logically diverse gr oup of copper-base ob jects was o

buried within the tomb .

Tell Abraq

The archaeological site of Tell Abr aq is situated o n

border of the Emirates of Sh arjah and Umm al-Qaiw

several kilometers sou th of the present sh ore of the

The site has been systematically excavated f or five s

sons, from 19 89-1993 and in the winter of 199 7-19

following test excavations a t the site by an Ira qi tea

the 197 0s (Potts 199 0b ). Material from the first fou

seasons of excavation has been published and discus

in a number of places (P ot ts 1990b, 1991, 1 993 a),

some material from the most recent excavation seas

also published (Po tts 199 8, 2000 , 2003 b).Tell Abraq is one of the largest sites on the sou

ern shores of the Gulf, and shows evidence for con

ous occup ation from ca. 2300-300 BCE (i.e. Umm

Nar Period to Iron Age), with a later re-occupation

the Ed Du r period (Potts 1993 a). The chrono logy






Figure 3.7 A selection of fragments of copper-base objects from Unar2 analyzed in this study.Top row, left to right: 1019-

4.108,1018-3.93,1019-3.104,1019-4.113,surf.56.Second row, left to right: 1014.76,1014.158,1012.52,1023-4.10,1019-5.71.

Third row, left to right: 1019-3.60,1022-2.160,1015.95,1007.42,1005.40. Bottom row, left t o right: 1023-2.1 10,101 9-3.59,

lOO7.41,lOl 5.1 44,101 9-3.1 24.




from a charcoal deposit running directly beneath the

tom b building surface sho w calibrated ranges in the last

third of the third millennium BCE (samples K-5574 and

K-5575, see Table 3.4 and Potts 1993a:Table l ) , rovid-

ing a useful terminus post qu m for the construction of

the tomb.

Due to a border dispute at the si te, the eastern

chamber of the Umm al -Nar tom b was not excavated

unti l 1997-1998, and remains largely unpublished. Asfor the western chamber, large amounts of disart iculat-

ed an d pa rt ially art iculated sk eletal material were

recovered, an d the M N I for the enti re tom b is about

330 individuals (D . T. Potts, personal communication).

The cultural material from the eastern chamber repre-

sents the kind of extremely rich assemblage that may

have characterized many Umm a l -Nar tombs prior to

robbery. In addit ion to numerous examples of local

Umm al-Nar ceramic and soft-stone vessels, pottery

from Mesopotamia, Bahrain, southwest and southeastIran was present in the tomb (Potts 1998:10, 28-29;

P o tt s 2000 : l l 6 ff.; Pot ts 20 03a). Addi t ional f inds

included: numerous copper-base objects; more than ten

ivory combs with Indus and central Asian parallels

(Potts 1998:28-29); at least four alabaster vessels

(Potts 2000:125 ); gold, lapis lazuli and carnelian beads

with parallels in the Indus Valley region; and gold and

silver animal pe ndan ts (Po tts 2000:24, 54; see also

Pot ts 200 3b).

A series of five radiocarbon dates were ru n o n woo d

charcoal from various levels of the bone deposit in the

eastern chamber, the results of which are published in

Potts and Weeks (1 99 9) , isted in Table 3.4. They con-

firm the dating of the tomb to the final stages of the

third m illennium BCE, but show no strat igraphic

dependence. In fact , the five dates fr om the eastern

chamber are statistically identical at a 95 percent confi-

dence level, and provide an average 20 calibrated range

of 2200-2040 BCE (Potts and Weeks 199 9).

The analyzed metal objects from Tell Abraq are

listed in Tables 3.4 and 3.5 and illustrated in Figures3.10-3.16. A total of 2 1 copper-base samples were

analyzed, representing 1 0 percent of the 202 co pper-

base objects recovered from the eastern tomb chamber.

Th e analyzed samples sho w significant typological

diversity, including rings, daggers, spearheads and thin

Figure3.8 The Tell Abraq tomb after excavation, looking rom

north (photo D.Potts).

Figure3.9 Two copper-base rings from the Tell Abraq tomb, asvated in position on disarticulated human phalanges (photo D

Potts).

flat fragments. The total assemblage of copper-bas

objects fro m the eastern chamb er of the tomb inclu

2 1 socketed spearheads similar to Wadi Suq types,

dagger blades of varying typology, an d more tha n 1

finger rings, toe rings an d earrings.






Figure 3.10 A selection o f fragments o f copper-base o bjects from Tell Abraq analyzed in this study.

Top row, lef t t o r ig ht:TA2094,TA2679,TA281 6,TA233g1TA2677. M idd le row, lef t t o right:TA2440 (tip),

TA291 8,TA243S1TA2678. Bo tto m row, le ft t o right:TA2733,TA2732,TAI 785,TA2135.




Figure3.1 1 Spearhead TA21 83 from the Tell Abraq Urnm al-Nar Period tomb. Length ca. 26.7 cm.

Figure3.12 Daggerlknife blade TA2268 from the Tell Abraq Urnm al-Nar Period tomb. Length ca. 27.2 cm.

Figure3.1 3 Dagger/knife blade TA2270 from the Tell Abraq Urnm al-Nar Period tomb.

Figure3.1 4 Daggerlknife blade TA231 5 from the Tell Abraq Urnm al-Nar Period tomb. Length = 23.2.cm.

Figure3.1 5 Daggerlknife blade TA2440 from the Tell Abraq Urnm al-Nar Period tomb. Length ca. 19.5 cm.

Figure3.16 Socketed spearhead TA2757 from the Tell Abraq Urnm al-Nar Period tomb. Length = 33.8 cm.






Table 4.1

Compositionaldata for AI Sufouh objects

S Fe CO Ni Cu Zn As Se Ag Sb Sn

Lab Code Object (%) (%) (%) (%) (% ) (%) (%) ( P P ~ ) ( pp 4 ( P P ~ ) (96)

ASI-l

ASI-2

ASI-3

ASI-4

ASI-5M1 0-15

M10-31

M10-34

M10-36

M10-30

M1 0-41

M10-43

ALSUFOOH

ALSUFOU

ASTOMBI a

ASTOMBI b

ASTOMBI c

ASTOMBI d

ASTOMBI e

ASTOMBI f

ASTOMBl g

ASTOMBl h

AVERAGE MDL 0.10 0.007 0.01 0.012 0.008 0.04 0.007 50 240 700 0.13

flat fragment

thick flat fragment

thin flat fragment

blade edge

blade edgeblade edge

rivet

dagger-riveted-long

dagger-riveted-tang

blade edge

dagger-tanged

thin flat fragment

blade

blade

blade fragment

blade edge

blade edge

thin flat fragment

thin flat fragment

thin flat fragment

thick flat fragment

thin flat fraqment

PIXE compositional data for copper-base objects from AI Sufouh. Note: blank cells indicate concentrations below the MDL; nm = not me

Presentation of the PIXE Data

As noted above, the normalized PIXE data is presented

in Tables 4.1-4.4. However, the discussion presented

below employs a number of statistical summaries of

the PIXE concentration data. When the data for indi-

vidual elements are discussed, they are summarized sta-

tistically (Table 4.5) by giving the median and the

tenth-ninetieth percentile range. Furthermore, the statis-

tical summaries for each site are presented in three

broad categories: a summary for all objects from the

site, a summary for the subset of tin-bronzes (i.e. sam-ples containing more than two percent tin), and a sum-

mary for the samples with less than two percent tin

(designated "copper"). Details regarding the selection

and application of these statistical analyses are given in

Appendix One (Section 1.2.2).

In addition, summaries of previous analyses are

sented for most elements (e.g.Table 4.6). These summ

allow the composition of the Umm al-Nar Period m

al analyzed in this study to be compared with th

contemporary and later objects from southeastern A

analyzed as a part of othek analytical programs.

Summaries of previous analyses are provided for the f

lowing categories: Umm al-Nar Period objects

(2700-2000 BCE); Umm al-Nar Period ingot and r

copper fragments (2700-2000 BCE); Wadi SuqILat

Bronze Age objects (2000-1300 BCE); mixed WadiSuqIIron Age tomb groups (2000-300 BCE); and Iro

Age objects 1 00-3 00 BCE). Geographic and biblio

graphic details of the previously collected data summ

rized in these tables is given in Appendix One (Sect

1.2.3) . Important information on arsenic, nickel and




Table 4.2

Compositional data for Unarl objects

S Fe CO N

Lab Code Object (%) (%) (%) ( l

M10-7

M10-1 2

M10-13V

M10-16

M10-1

M10-1 8

M10-19

M 10-2OV

M10-21V

M10-22R

M10-35

M10-38

M 10-39

M10-44

M 10-4

L1 1D-PIN

L14N-PIN

LlSRlNG

flat fragment

thin flat fragment

thin flat fragment

tube/spout

ring

ring

ring

thin flat fragment

tube/vessel

ring

thin flat fragment

tubelspout

thin flat fragment

pinlawl

ring

pinlawlpin/awl

rinq

AVERAGE MDL 0.10 0.007 0.01 0.012 0.008 0.007 50 240 700 0.13 13

PIXE compositional data for copper-base objects from Unar l. Note: blank cells indicate concentrations below the MDL.

conc entration s in Bronze Age an d Iron Age objects has

also been presented in graph ical for m by Prange et al.

(1999 ) , and semi-quanti tat ive composit ional data exist

for co pper-base objects fro m the sites of Tell Ab raq

(Weeks 1997 )and Umm an-N ar Island (C raddock 1981).

Results of these studies are referred t o in the text w here

relevant, bu t are no t presented with the statistical sum-

maries of previous analytical programs.

In most cases, statistically summarized data distri-

butions are acc ompanied by graphical presentation of

the data to aid interpretation (e.g. Figure 4.1). Data are

summarized graphically in the form of frequency his-

tograms. The histograms are presented in ei ther per-

centage terms or ppm on a logari thmic scale, with each

orde r of magnitude divided into fou r geometric inter-vals. On the histograms, the bar delineated by cross-

hatching represents the number of objects in which the

elemental concentration was below the MDL. Further

details of the construction of these histograms are pro-

vided in A ppendix One (Section 1.2.4).

Elemental Concentrations

Sulfur S)

A sum mar y of the PIXE sulfur measurements fr om t

study is given in Table 4.5 and Figures 4.1-4.2. Rang

repor ted a re tenth to ninetieth percentile values. As s

sulfur conce ntrations a re less than one percent in mos

the sam ples. Seven of the 8 3 analyzed samples contai

conc entrations of greater than one percent, with lev

reaching as high as 5.5 percent in a sp earhe ad from

Abraq (TA218 3) and 3.7 percent in a riveted dagger

A1 Sufouh ( M 10- 34) . Relatively high sulfur c once nt

t ions appear in a thin flat fragment (TA2 732,2 .4 pe

S) an d an unidentified fragment (T A1785 , 1.5 percen

from Tell Abra q. Both Table 4.5 and Figure 4.2 indi

significant difference in the sulfur content of copperobjects and tin-bronzes, the latter containing lower m

sulfur concentrations a nd a significantly smaller ten

ninetieth percentile range. Further illustrating this p

only one analyzed tin-bronze, from Unar2, contains

excess of one percent sulfur (1015.144, 1.5 percent

Results of Compositional Analyses



Table 4.3

Compositional data for Unar2 objects

S Fe CO N Cu Zn As Se Ag Sb Sn

Lab Code Object (%) (%) (%) (%) ( l W ('W (wm) (pprn) ( P P ~ ) (%l

lump 0.25

thin flat fragment 0.22

ring

ring

ring 0.45

thin flat fragment

ring


pinlawl


thin flat fragment

chisel?

ring 0.22

ring 0.53

pinlawl 0.20

thin flat fragment

thin flat fragment

pinlawl 0.09

pinlawl

pinlawl 0.37

lump

pinlawl 0.23

AVERAGE MDL 0.10

PIXE compositional data for copper-base objects from Unar2. Note: blank cells indicate concentrations below theMDL.

No consistent chronological variation in sulfur con-

centrations can be seen, although variation by site is

clear. Figure 4.1 documents objects from Unar2 that

have lower median S concentrations and ranges than

material from the other Umm al-Nar Period tomb assem-

blages. In particular, half of the analyzed objects from

Unar2 contain S concentrations of less than the minimum

detectable level (ca. 0.10 percent) of the PIXE technique.

Furthermore, only one object from Unar2, the previously

mentioned tin-bronze 1 15.144) contains more than

approximately 0.5 percent S.

Only a small number of previous analyses of S con-centrations in archaeological copper-base objects are

published, and these are summarized in Table 4.6. Fully

published analyses from the Umm and-Nar and Wadi

Suq Periods are all of copper objects, and have a much

lower median S concentration but a similar range of up to

ca. 0.8 percent. Contemporary samples analyzed in a p

ous study of the metallurgy at Tell Abraq (Weeks 199

Table 14) have median S concentrations of ca. 0.1-0.2

cent, close to the detection limit of the EDS analytical t

nique used, and a maximum value of ca. one percent S.

Analyses of Bronze Age copper ingots and raw cop

fragments by Hauptmann (1985:Table 21) show high S

centrations of up to approximately five percent, with m

an concentrations of approximately one percent S. Ana

of the same samples are given in Hauptmann et al. (19

but do not show S determinations. Similarly, high sulfu

concentrations of up t o six percent were found in the coingots from the slightly later Saar settlement on Bahrai

(Weeks, forthcoming a). The high sulfur concentration

these semi-processed objects suggest a relationship bet

S content and the degree of metal refining which will b

addressed in the following chapter.






Table 4.6 all of the copper and so there must be another an

Sulfur levels recorded in previous analytical studies and sulfate is the likely candidate . Sulfur, like ch

Archaeological No. of Median Range rine, could potentially have been derived from the

Material Analyses Concentration % ( l groun dwa ter (see e.g. Ullah 1931 a:486 ; Caley

Objects 1971: 10 6) . The sulfur concentrations recorded in th

2700-2000 CE) 20 0.04 0.01-0.81 study are, however, similar to the analyses tha t have

IngotdRaw Copper carried o ut previously on un -corro ded sam ples using

2700-2000 CE) 9 0.99 0.58-4.38 ferent analytical techniques, as described above.

Objects Furthe rmo re, the metallographic analyses from the Gsites of Tell Abr aq (Weeks 199 7) ,Saar (Weeks, forthc

2000-1 00 BCE) 10 0.23 0.09-1 l 7i ng a ) , Ibr iJSe lme (Prange and Hau ptma nn 2001 )

ObjectsMuw ei lah (Weeks, forthcoming b ) demonst rate th

2000-300BCE) 26 0.20 0.09-0.79 presence of numerous copper-sulfide inclusions inObjects per-base objects of Bronze Age and Ir on Age date

I 00-300BCE) 5 0 1 7 0.04-0.71 These inclusions no do ub t reflect the presence of

per-sulfide inclusions in the Bronze Age copper inSulfur concentrations in copper-base objects from southeastern

Arabia analyzed in previous studies. Note: details of previous used in the Gulf region (Weeks, forthco ming b) , w

analyses may be found in Appendix One, Section 1.2.3. indicates the use of copper-sulfide ores in the prod

tion of these objects. This evidence suggests that tTh e analyses of material f rom W adi Suq, Late high sulfur concentrations of the early Gulf mater

Bronze Age and Ir on Age assemblages indicates sulfur analyzed in this volume reflect the sulfur content

concentrations similar to those seen in the Umm al-Nar the objects at thei r t ime of product ion, rather th a

Period objects analyzed in this volume, although a slight contribu t ions from the process of contaminat ion.

reduction through time is indicated by the figures. Most

samples have less than approximately 0.8 percent S,

but a number of objects with sulfur concentrations in

excess of one percent are recorded at the Late Bronze

Age sett lement of Shimal Area SX (Weeks 2000a), in

a mixed Wadi Suq-Iron Age tomb assemblage at

Sharm (Weeks 200 0b) , and in I ron Age tomb and

set t lement contexts at Qidfa and Muwei lah respec-

t ively (Weeks 2000 a; Weeks forthco ming b ). In the

central Gulf, half of the analyzed objects from the

Saar settlement containe d from 1.0-2.2 percent S,

and further support for a relat ionship between sul fur

levels in finished objects and degree of metal refining

was p rovided by the analyses of m etallurgical waste

samples from the site, which showed median sulfur con-

centrations of 1.3 percent, ranging up to 12 percent S

(Weeks, forthcoming a ).The possibility that sulfur could be present in the

samples as a result of cor rosion , in the for m of sulfate

m in erals su ch as bro ch an tite ( C U ~ S O ~ ( O H ) ~ ) ,as been

Iron (Fe)

Iro n levels in the objects analyzed by PIXE can be r

tively high, reaching concentrations of greater than

percent in some objects. The collected data are sum

rized in Table 4.7 a nd Figures 4.3-4.4, where clear

ferences by site an d alloy type can be seen.

The highest iron concentrations are reported i

two amorpho us lumps from the tombs at Unar

(1005.40, 6.6 percent Fe) and Tell Abraq (TA213

percent Fe). These objects are typologically simila

pieces of metalworking debris from settlement co

at Tell Abraq, Saar, and Muw eilah (Weeks 199 7; W

forthcoming a, b), and share the high iron con cent

tions common to such material. The presence of m

working debris in a tomb deposit seems unusual, b

may reflect the occupation of one of the people intewithin. A number of finished copper objects, such

blade (ALSUFOUH, 2.5 percent Fe) and rivet (M1

2.6 pe rcent Fe) from A1 Sufouh co ntain in excess of

suggested by R. G. Thom as (persona l comm unicat ion). percent iron, as does one thin flat fragment of tin-b

He states tha t the chloride figures do not account for from Un arl (M10-39 , 2.5 percent Fe).




Figure 4.2 Sulfur concentration s in all Um m al-Nar

Period objects analyzed by PIXE, showing copper objec

(top) and tin-bronzes (middle).

Figure 4.1 Sulfur concentrations in AI Sufouh, Un arl,

Unar2 and Tell Abraq objects.

Results of Cornpositional Analyses



Table 4.7

lron in Umm al-Nar Period objects analyzed in this study

Median Median Median Range Range Range

Iron (%) (all) (copper) (tin-bronze) (all) (copper) (tin-bronze)

AI Sufouh 0.72 0.72 0.1 7-1.62 0.1 7-1.65

Unarl 1.04 1OO 1.07 0.63-1.60 0.55-1.59 0.75-1.75

Tell Abraq 0.52 0.32 0.72 0.20-1.24 0.02-5.74 0.34-1.24

All Objects 0.70 0.68 0.72 0.1 7-1.57 0.09-1.73 0.27-1.21

lron concentrations i n Umm al-Nar Period copper-base objects from AI Sufouh, Unarl,

Unar2, and Tell Abraq analyzed by PIXE. Average. MDL= 0.007 percent Fe.

Figure 4.3 demon st rates that i ron conc entrat ions

are highest in the material from U na rl , w i th the most

com mon Fe conc entrations in the 1.0-1.8 percent

range, and no objects with less than 0.4 percent Fe. The

assemblages from A1 Sufouh and U nar2 have modes in

the 0.56-1.0 percent Fe range, but exhibit num erous

objects with conce ntrations of 0.1-0.5 percent Fe orless. The lowest mod e for th e analyzed assemblages is

for material from Tell Abraq, where m ost objects con tain

appro xima tely 0.32-0.56 percent Fe, and two have con-

centration s of appr oxim ately 0.0 3 percent Fe or less.

Th e differences between co pper sam ples and tin-

bronzes ar e clearly illustrated in Figure 4.4 and sum ma-

rized in Table 4.7. While both alloy groups sh ow distinct

modes in the 0.56-1.0 percent Fe range, the range of iron

concentrations in the copper samples is much higher tha n

in the tin-bronzes. Sam ples with less than 0.1 percent Fe

are not recorded in the analyzed tin-bronzes, where as six

copp er objects conta in such low Fe conc entration s. At the

higher end of the con centration rang e, only one tin-

bronze contains more tha n 1.5 percent Fe, whereas eight

copper objects contain from approximately 1.6-32 per-

cent Fe.

The d ata generated for iron concentrations in this

analytical program are significantly higher o n average

than Fe levels measured in previous ana lytical studies,

which are summarized in Table 4.8. Mo st Umm al-Nar

Period objects analyzed in earlier studies contained lessthan 0.5 percent Fe, al though one object from Hili ana-

lyzed by Berthoud (1979:Table 5 ) contain ed four percent

Fe. Th e earlier analysis of Umm al-N ar Period m aterial

from Tell Abr aq using EDS (Weeks 1997:Table 1 4)

revealed median Fe concen trations of appro xima tely 0.32

percent, with maximu m conce ntrations in the one to

percent rang e; very similar to the values for Tell Ab

ma terial foun d in this stu dy using PIXE. Similarly h

iron values a re reported in studies of late third m ille

um BCE copper ingots and ra w copper, commonly r

ing up to one percent Fe (H auptm ann 1987; Hau ptm

et al . 1988 ).Analyzed planoconvex copper ingots fthe Saar settlement contain approx imately four to t

percent Fe (Weeks, forthco ming a ), amongs t the hig

iron co ntent of all the analyzed Gulf objects, and th

composit ional data suggest a relat ionship between i

conten t and degree of refining.

For m aterial from later periods, iron concentra

in excess of on e percent have been recorded in Wad

SuqILate Bronze Age material from Masirah site 38

(H aup tma nn et al . 19 88 ), Shimal sett lement Area S

and Shimal tomb SH1 02 (Weeks 200 0a) . High iron

els were also recorded in an object from the mixed

Suq-Iron Age tomb deposits at Shimal tomb 2

(Crad dock 19 85) , and in a num ber of samples from

Sharm tom b (Weeks 2000 b). Previously analyzed Ir

Age objects have the lowest median iron concentra

as can be seen in Table 4.8, but a small number of

objects with more than one percent Fe are recorded

the Bithnah and Q idfa tombs (C orbo ud et al. 1 996

Weeks 20 00 a), from the IbriISelme hoard (Hau ptm

al. 19 88; Prange and H auptm ann 2 001 ), and from t

Muw eilah settlement (Weeks, forthcoming b).It is likely that higher Fe concentrations in the

analyses in this study result, in part, from the intr

tion of iron with contaminating soil and rock part

incorporated during corrosion. A correlation exist

between silicon and calcium contamination levels




Figure 4.4 lron concentrations in all Umm al-Nar Period

objects analyzed by PIXE, showing copper objects (top)

and tin-bronzes (middle).

Figure 4.3 lron concentrations in AI Sufouh, Unarl,







AI Sufouh Copper ObjectsOnly

Unarl

CO h)

Tell Abraq

Figure 4.5 Cobalt concentrations n AI Sufouh, Unarl,


Tin-Bronze Objects Only

All Objects

Figure 4.6 Cobalt concentrations in all Umm al-Nar

Period objects analyzed by PIXE, showing copperobjects (top) and tin-bronzes (middle).




The sum mary of previously analyzed material present-

ed in Table 4.10 indicates tha t, while previously analyzed

samples have lower median co balt concentrations, samples

with significant COconcentrations a re found. In particu-

lar, analysis of Umm a l-Nar m aterial from Umm an -N ar

Island, Hili and Jebel Haf it by Berthoud (1979:Table 5 )

indicates three objects with greater tha n 2,00 0 pprn CO ,

with a highest concentrations of more tha n 5,000 pprn C o.

Likewise, a number of samples with greater than 2,000

pprn CO are recorded in Wadi Suq and Late Bronze age

contexts a t Masirah si te 38 (H auptm ann et al. 1 98 8) and

Shimal settlement Area SX (Weeks 2000 a), and in mixed

Wadi Suq-Iron Age tom b assemblages at Shimal tom b 2

(Craddock 19 85) and Sharm (Weeks 200 0b). In contrast ,

Table 4.1 0

Cobalt concentrations recorded in previous analytical studies

Archaeological No. of Median Range

Material Analyses Concentration (ppm) (ppm)

Objects

(2700-2000 BCE) 18 190 10-2,960

IngotsIRaw Copper

(2700-2000 BCE) 27 360 80-1,600

Objects

(2000-1 300 BCE) 18 680 240- 1,800

of more tha n 15 0 analyses of Iron Age material, only

tanged blade from the Qidfa grave contains more tha

2,000 ppm, and only two objects contain more than

1,000 pprn CO (Prange and Hau ptma nn 20 01; Week

forthcoming b, Weeks 2000 a). In a nu mber of cases

cobalt concentrations are associated with high iron l

although this correlation is not exclusive. Examples

include tw o copper ingots from Saar (Weeks, forthco

a) , and a num ber of high-iron pieces of metallurgical

debris from Saar and M uweilah (Weeks, forthcoming

Nickel (Ni)

The results of the PIXE compositional analyses for

el are summ arized in Table 4.11 a nd Figures 4.7-4.8

can be seen, there ar e significant differences by site

differences by alloy category.

Median nickel concentrations and absolute ran

are highest in the objects from A1 Sufouh and, to a

extent, Unar2. Seven copper objects from A1 Sufouand three from Un ar2 contain in excess of on e per

Ni, with the highest levels recorded in three thin f

fragments from A1 Sufouh (ASI-3, 2.8 percent Ni;

ASTomble, 3.2 percent Ni; ASTomblf, 3.4 percen

and a pinlaw1 from Unar2 (10 119-4.1 13, 2.1 perc

Ni). The differences between copper objects and ti

bronzes are illustrated by the fact that, while arou

Objects one quarter of copper objects contain more than o

(2000-300 BCE) 45 860 170-2,340percent Ni, only one tin-bronze object does: a low

bronze thin flat fragment from A1 Sufouh (A STo mbObjects 2.3 percent Ni) . While Figure 4.7 indicates that m o(1 300-300 BCE) 153 170 30-700 sites show a mod e in the 0.1-1.0 percent nickel ra

Cobalt concentrations in copper-base objects from southeastern Arabia it Can be seen that objects Unarl and

analyzed in previous studies. Note: details of previous analyses may Abraq show a mo de in the 0.03-0.06 percent Ni rbe found in Appendix One, Section 1.2.3.

Table 4.1 1

Nickel in Umm al-Nar Period objects analyzed in this study


Nickel ( %) (all) (copper) (tin-bronze) (all) (copper) (tin-bronze)

AI Sufouh 0.57 0.48 0.32-2.74 0.31 -2.79

Unarl 0.1 9 0.21 0.06 0.04-0.84 0.04-1.30 0.03-0.59

Unar2 0.25 0.50 0.25 0.02-1 .l <0.012-1.74 0.05-0.86

Tell Abraq 0.1 0 0.07 0.1 1 <0.012-0.49 <0.012-0.54 0.03-0.28

All Objects 0.25 0.38 0.22 0.03-1.54 0.02-1.84 0.03-0.78

Nickel concentrations i n Umm al-Nar Period copper-base objects from AI Sufouh,

Unarl , Unar2, and Tell Abraq analyzed b y PIXE. AverageMDL= 0.01 2 percent Ni.




Figure 4.8 Nickel conce ntrat ions i n al l Umm al-Nar

Period objects analyzed by PIXE, show ing cop per

ob jec ts ( top) and t in -bronzes (m idd le) .

Figure 4.7 Nickel concentrations in AI Sufouh, Unarl,





In particular, four rings from Unarl with tin-concentra-

tions in the 0.7-2.7 percent range (M 10 -17 , M1 0-19 ,

M10-46, LISRING) fall into this range of Ni concentra-

tions. In the later assemblages from U nar2 a nd Tell

Abraq, six objects with Ni concentrations of less tha n the

MD L of approximately 100 ppm are also recorded,

including three tanged-dagge rs from Tell Abr aq (TA226 8,

TA2270, TA2315).

A summary of the data obtained for Ni concentra-

tions in previous analytical studies is shown in Table

4.12, and indicates the presence of objects with high

nickel concentrations a t contem pora ry and later sites in

the region. Analyses by Berthou d (1979:Tab le S) , Frifelt

(1975; 1991) and H auptmann (199 5) have indicated that

objects with two t o four percent Ni are com mon o n

Umm an- Na r Island in the third millennium BCE, and

one fur ther object from the site with the extremely high

concentration of 2 1 percent Ni was recorded by

Berthoud (1979:Table 5 ). This object finds a parallel inan Um m a l-Nar Period ob ject, from an unspecified site,

which contained 12 percent Ni (Prange at al . 199 9:189 ).

Previous EDS analyses of Um m al-Na r m aterial from Tell

Abra q (W eeks 1997:Table 14 ) indicate a median nickel

concentration of 0.3 percent, with a maximum concen-

tration of approxim ately three percent and a num ber of

Table 4.1 2

Nickel levels recorded in previous a nalytical studies


Material Analyses Concentration % ( l

Objects

(2700-2000 BCE)

IngotsIRaw Copper

(2700-2000 BCE)

Objects

(2000 -1 300 BCE)

Objects

(2000-300 BCE)

Objects

(1300-300 BCE)

Nicke l concent ra t ions in copper-base ob jec ts f rom southeastern

Arab ia ana lyzed i n prev ious s tud ies . Note : deta i ls o f prev ious

analyses may be fo und in A ppen dix One, Sect ion 1.2 .3.

samples in the one to t w o percent Ni range . These v

are significantly higher than those recorded at Tell A

using PIXE, but com pare well with the PIXE analyse

from A1 Sufouh, Unarl and Unar2 presented in this

study. In contrast, the remaining Umm al-Nar Period

analyses presented in graphical form by Prange et al.

(1999:Figures 4-5) suggest the most com mon N i con

tration is in the 0.2-0.5 percent range, with only one

sample containing in excess of o ne percent Ni.

Prange et al. (1999:Figure 5 ) trace a n increase in

nickel concentrations in objects from Oman and Bah

dated to the second millennium BCE, which may be

tially reflected in the analyses of material from the S

tomb , where nickel concentrations of three to five pe

are foun d in two rivets and a vessel rim fragmen t (W

2000 b). Objects with tw o to six percent Ni were also

foun d in the L ate Bronze Age settlement at Shimal Ar

SX and in the contemporary Shimal tomb SH 102 (W

20 00 a) . Likewise, analyses of mixed Wadi Suq IIron Atomb assemblages from Shimal by Craddock (19 85 )

cate a num ber of objects containing three to five perc

Ni. Th e pattern of increased N i conce ntration in the s

ond millennium BC is not seen at the Saar settlement,

where PIXE and EDS analyses revealed concentration

one to tw o percent Ni in only one finished object and

pieces of metallurgical debris (Weeks, forthcoming a )

Only one finished object analyzed thus far fro m a n ex

sively Iron Age con text con tains in excess of one perc

Ni (Prange et al. 1999:Figure 5 ; Weeks 2000 a; Prange

Hauptma nn 2001; Hau ptmann et al. 19 88), al though

pieces of metallurgical debris from Mu weilah c ontain

nickel in the one t o tw o percent range (Weeks, forthco

ing b). The differences in nickel content by alloy categ

are clear: all finished objects with greater than one pe

Ni ar e of copper, with the exception of one fragmen t

A1 Sufouh which is a low-tin bronze (A STo mb ld, app

mately tw o percent Sn). A spearhead from Suweiq an

lyzed by Hau ptma nn et al . (1988 )conta ins 1.2 percen

in addition to 3.8 percen t Ni.

As can be seen in Table 4.12, ther e is also a clearference between Ni levels in finished Umm al-Na r Pe

objects and those in contemporaneou s copper ingots

raw copper pieces. The ingots and r aw co pper pieces

lyzed in previous studies ( Hau ptma nn 198 7; Hau ptm

et al. 19 88 ) are datable to the late third millennium o




Table 4.13

Zinc in Umm al-Nar Period objects analyzed in this study


Zinc (%) (all) (copper) (tin-bronze) (all) (copper) (tin-bronze)

AI Sufouh 0.1 1 0.1 1 0.09-0.1 1 0.09-0.1 1

Unarl nm nm nm nm nm nm

Unar2 0.1 0 0.1 0 0.1 0 0.09-0.1 2 0.09-0.1 1 0.09-0.1 2

Tell Abraq 0.1 0 0.1 0 0.1 1 0.09-0.1 3 0.09-0.1 4 0.09-0.1 2

All Objects 0.10 0.1 0 0.1 0 0.09-0.1 2 0.09-0.1 2 0.09-0.1 2

Zinc concentrations in Umm al-Nar Period copper-base objects from AI Sufouh,

Unarl, Unar2, and Tell Abraq analyzed by PIXE. Average MDL= 0.04 percent Zn. Note:

nm = not measured.

early second millennium, an d yet almos t all contain less

than 0.5 percent Ni a t a t ime when finished objects with

one to four percent Ni are commonplace. T his discrep-

ancy has been mentioned in a number of places (e.g.

Prange et al . 1999:190; Hau ptma nn et al . 19 88), and

will be discussed further below.

Zinc Zn)

Zinc concentrations measured by PIXE are summarized

in Table 4.13. Zinc levels were not recorded for al l

PIXE samples, given the problems created in X-ray-

based analyses of copper alloys by the proximity of the

copper and zinc a and P emission lines. Th e large

am oun t of copper in most samples tends to obscure the

small amoun ts of zinc that are present, leading to a lo w

sensitivity for Zn. Given the virtually inv aria nt values

reported for the m aterial analyzed in this study, and the

problems of spectral overlap mentioned above, i t seems

likely that Z n concentrations below approximately

1,500 pp m are art ifacts of sam ple matrix effects rathe r

than measures of concentration, an d are thus unreliable.

Previous an alytical studies have used a wide va riety

of analytical techniques, som e of which ar e more sensi-

tive to low zinc levels tha n PIXE. The se studies (see

Table 4.14) suggest that median Z n values of 300-500

ppm characterize pre-Iron Age finished copper objects

from the region, with tenth to ninetieth percenti le rangescommonly ex tending f rom ~ 10 0- 2 , 00 0 pm. Zinc l evels

recorded for late third o r early second millennium BCE

copper ingots and ra w copper pieces from southeastern

Arabia sh ow similarly low median values, and tenth t o

ninetieth percentile ranges of approximately 60-600

Table 4.14

Zinc levels recorded in previous analytical studies

Archaeological No. of Median R

Material Analyses Concentration (ppm) (p

Objects

(2700-2000 BCE) 28 105 20-4

Ingots/Raw Copper

(2700-2000 BCE) 28 230 60-6

Objects

(2000-1 300 BCE) 8 190 70-3

Objects

(2000-300 BCE) 23 350 100- 1

Objects

(1300-300 BCE) 134 40 20-9

Zinc concentrations in copper-base objects from southeaster

Arabia analyzed in previous studies. Note: details of previous ases may be found in Appendix One, Section 1.U.

ppm . However, analyses of daggers and fragm ents f

mid-third millennium BCE burials on Umm an-N ar

Island h ave revealed eight sam ples with Z n levels of

2.3-10.0 percent (Frifelt 19 75, 199 0) .The composi

of these objects is completely un-paralleled in south

ern Arabia before the Ed Dur period (Weeks 2000 a

will be discussed further below.

Arsenic As)

The composit ional data for arsenic is summarized b

in Table 4.15 and Figures 4.9 and 4.10, where sign

cant variation between assemblages is observable.

majority of objects from A1 Sufouh contain in exc




Table 4.15

Arsenic in Ummal-Nar Period objects analyzed in this study

Median Median Media n Range Range Range

Arsenic (%) (all) (coppe r) (tin-bronze) (all) (copper) (tin-bronze)

AI SU~OU 1.82 1.80 0.24-3.64 0.20-3.65

Unar l 0.1 3 0.1 1 0.14 0.03-1.78 0.05-2.30 0.03-0.42

Unar2 0.91 0.72 0.91 0.03-2.20 0.01 -2.64 0.20-2.1 1

Tell Abraq 0.37 0.24 0.70 0.02-1.57 0.01 -2.75 0.34-0.94

All Objects 0.70 1OO 0.44 0.03-2.97 0.03-3.46 0.1 1-1.83

Arsenic concentrations in Um m al-Nar Period copper-base objects from AI Sufouh,

Unarl, Unar2, and Tell Abraq analyzed by PIXE. Average MDL = 0.007 percen t As.

of one percent As, and seven objects contain more

than three percent As. The highest levels occur in a

thin flat fragment (ASI-3, 6.2 percent As) and a blade

edge fragment (ASTom blc, 4.2 percent As). Arsenic

levels are generally lower in material from the other

tomb assemblages, al though half of the objects from

the Unar2 tomb contain m ore than one percent As,with the highest levels recorded in a pinlawl fragment

(surf.56, 3.9 percent As) and two t in-bronze rings

(1007.42, 2.4 percent As; 1019-5.71, 2.2 percent As).

All tomb assemblages contain objects wi th m ore tha n

two percent As, even when, as a t Una rl , many objects

have relatively low arsenic conce ntrations of less than

0.1 percent.

As illustrated in Figure 4.10, distinct differences in

arsenic content ca n be seen by alloy type, with a

greater range of arsenic composi t ions in copper sam -

ples than in t in-bronzes. Half of the analyzed copper

samples contain in excess of one percent As, whereas

only about one-quarter of the t in-bronzes contain this

much arsenic. At the lower end of the arsenic concen-

t rat ion ranges, i t can be seen that aroun d on e-quarter

of copp er samp les contain very low levels of arsenic,

less than 0.1 percent. In contras t , only 1 0 percent of

t in-bronzes contain such low arsenic concentrat ions.

The t in-bronzes are, as a g roup, m ore homogeneous

than the copper samples in terms of their arsenic con-

cent rat ions. Other than for the ends of the arsenic con-centration ranges, however, t in-bronzes show similar

median As levels to copper objects in most of the

assemblages.

Previous analyses of copper-base objects from

southeastern Arabia are summarized in Table 4.16.

The overall ranges of As concentrations reported

previous studies are very similar to those measure

this study using PIXE, excepting that fewer low ar

(less than 0.1 percent As) samples were found in t

earl ier studies. Chronological variat ion is clear in

results of previous analyses, in tha t there is a dist i

reduct ion in median arsenic concentrat ions an d rain the Iron Age. Previous analyses of Umm al-Nar

Period samples have revealed the reg ular presence

objects wi th greater than one percent As. From U

an- Na r Island, seven objects are recorded wi th m o

than two percent As, wi th concentrat ions reaching

approximately seven percent in two objects analyz

by Berthoud (1979:Table 5). The objects thus app

very simi lar in comp osi t ion to the contemporary m

rial from A1 Sufouh. Such compo sit ions were beco

less freque nt in analyses of Wadi Suq an d Wadi

SuqIIron Age material , al thoug h nine objects with

1.0-2.0 percent As were recorded in contexts from

Om an and the U.A.E (Ha uptm ann et a l. 1988 ;

Craddock 1985 ; Weeks 2000 a) and tw o objec ts w

greater than tw o percent As were recorded from t

tomb at Sharm (Weeks 200 0b ). Simi lar results are

sented in graphical form by Prange et al . (1999:Fi

5) , al though the pro port ion of Wadi Suq Period a

Late Bronze Age objects with on e to tw o percent A

slightly higher th an foun d in the other studies disc

here. In contrast , of the 15 4 Iro n Age objects for wAs conc entration s have been previously recorded, t

highest arsen ic concentra tions of 1 O-1.5 perce nt w

noted in only two objects from the Qidfa tomb (W

2000 a) and one f rom the se t tl ement a t Muwei l ah

(Weeks, forthcoming b ).




Figure 4.10 Arsenic concentrations in all Umm al-NarPeriod objects analyzed by PIXE, showing copper objec

(top) and tin-bronzes (middle).

Figure 4.9 Arsenic concentrations n AI Sufouh, Unarl,

Unar2 andTell Abraq objects.




Additionally, as noted above for nickel, there is a

discrepancy between the As concentrations recorded in

previous analyses of copper ingots and raw copper

pieces and those found in finished objects. Only one

ingot fragment from Umm al-Nar Island and one raw

copper piece from Maysar contain more than one per-

cent As, while levels recorded in finished objects could

reach in excess of five percent As.

Selenium (Se)

Selenium levels recorded in this study are summarized

below in Table 4.17 and Figures 4.11-4.12. A signifi-

cant percentage of objects from the analyzed assem-

blages contain less than the minimum detectable level of

selenium for the PIXE system, of about 50 ppm.

Table 4.16

Arsenic levels recorded in previous analytical studies


Material Analyses Concentration % ( )

Objects

(2700-2000 BCE) 20 1.43 0.1 9-5.42

IngotsIRaw Copper

(2700-2000 BCE) 28 0.41 0.08-0.87

Objects

(2000-1 300 BCE) 18 0.29 0.09-0.9 1

Objects

(2000-300 BCE) 5 8 0.28 0.04-1.04

Objects

(1300-300 BCE) 15 4 0.1 4 0.02-0.38

Arsenic concentrations in copper-base objects from southeastern

Arabia analyzed in previous studies. Note: details of previous

analyses may be found in Appendix One, Section 1.2.3.

Selenium concentrations in the 50-300 pprn range

most frequently found in the remaining objects,

although samples with 500 pprn Se or more are occ

sionally found. Examples include two tin-bronze rin

from the Tell Abraq tomb (TA2677, approximately

pprn Se; TA2816, approximately 1,100 pprn Se), a

per "lump" from Tell Abraq (TA2135, approximat

550 pprn Se), and a tin-bronze ring (1023-4.10, 50

pprn Se) and pinlaw1 fragment (surf.56, 500 pprn S

from Unar2. Variation by site is clear, with objects

Unarl having generally lower levels of Se than mat

from the other tomb assemblages, especially Unar2

A1 Sufouh.

The statistical summary presented in Table 4.17

indicates very few differences in Se concentration

between alloy categories, and the general similarity

copper and tin-bronze samples is also illustrated in F

4.12. It can be seen that, although the highest Se lev

are recorded in tin-bronzes, the majority of copper atin-bronze samples have very similar Se concentratio

The selenium concentrations recorded in previo

studies of Umm al-Nar Period material by Berthoud

(1979:Table 5) are very similar to those recorded in

study, with a median concentration of 150 pprn Se, a

maximum concentration of 600 pprn Se in 11 analy

samples. Slightly higher median values of approxim

350 pprn Se are recorded in the finished objects fro

Saar settlement on Bahrain, although maximum val

are still 600 ppm. Analyses of Wadi Suq, late Bronz

and Iron Age material from the U.A.E. indicates a s

reduction in selenium levels over time, with median

ues for objects from these periods not exceeding 10

pprn Se, and maximum values not greater than app

mately 400 pprn Se.

Table 4.1 7

Selenium in Umm al-Nar Period objects analyzed n his study

Selenium Median Median Median Range Range Range

( P P ~ ) (all) (copper) (tin-bronze) (all) (copper) (tin-bronze)

AI Sufouh 125 100 40 -2 50 <50-250

Unarl <50 <50 <50 <50-100 <50-100 <50-100

Unar2 175 275 150 <50-445 <50-430 <50-375

Tell Abraq <50 280 <50 <50-550 <50-280 <50-800

All Objects 100 100 100 <50-400 <50-355 <50-450

Selenium concentrations in Umm al-Nar Period copper-base objects from AI Sufouh,

Unarl, Unar2, and Tell Abraq analyzed by PIXE. Average MDL= 50 pprn Se.




Figure4.1 2 Selenium concentrations in all Umm al-Nar

Period objects analyzed by PIXE, showing copper

objects (top) and tin-bronzes (middle).

Figure 4.1 1 Selenium concentrations in AI Sufouh,

Unarl, Unar2 and Tell Abraq objects.






Antimony (Sb)

M edi an an t i m ony concen t r a t i ons fo r t he a s sem -

b l ages ana l yzed by P IX E fa l l w e ll be l ow t he M D L

of 70 0 ppm . L i kew i se , t en t h t o n i ne t i e th pe rcen t i l e

r anges r a r e l y exceed t he M D L fo r an t i m ony , l e t

a l one t he 3M D L va l ues neces sa ry fo r a ccep t ab l e

ana l y t i ca l p rec i s i on . H ow eve r , a num b er o f s am p l e s

con t a i n h i gh leve ls o f an t i m ony w h i ch can be r e li -

ab l y m easu red by P IX E , an d som e s i t es sho w l a rge rr anges o f an t i m ony concen t r a t i ons w h i ch can a l so

been re l i ab ly charac t er i zed by th i s t echnique .

N i ne o f 22 s am p l e s f rom A1 S u fouh con t a i n

m or e t han 70 0 pp rn S b , w i t h m ax i m um va l ues of

app r ox i m a t e l y 1 , 90 0 pp rn S b i n t w o t h i n f l a t cop -

p e r f r a gm e n ts ( A S T o m b l e a n d A S T o m b l f ) . N o

o t he r s i t e ha s m ore t han t h ree ob j ec t s w i t h g rea t e r

t han 70 0 pp rn S b . O t h e r h i gh-S b sam p l e s f rom

U m m a l -N ar con t e x t s i nc lude a t h i n f la t coppe r

f r a g m e n t fr o m t h e U n a r l t o m b ( M 1 0 -2 0 V , 5 , 2 5 0pp rn S b ) and a t i n -b ronze r i ng (1 007 . 42 , 1 , 85 0 pp rn

S b) and a t h i n f l a t t in -b ronze f r agm en t (1018 -3 . 99 ,

2 , 3 0 0 p pr n S b ) fr o m t h e U n a r 2 t o m b . N o o b j e c ts

w i t h m ore t ha n t he m i n i m um de t ec t ab l e level o f

an t i m ony w ere r eco rded f rom T e ll A braq .

A summary of previous analyses using more sen-

si tive techniques i s given in Table 4.20. These stud ies

concur w i th the PIXE analyses , i n t ha t very few sam -

ples wi th grea t er t han 1 ,000 pprn an t imon y were

recorded. A copper ch i se l and a copper axe f rom

M aysa r 1 contained 1,050 and 2,200 pprn Sb respec-

t ive ly ( Ha up tma nn e t al . 19 88) , and ana lyses by

Ber thoud (1979:Table 5) revea led one sam ple f rom

Umm a n-Na r Is land wi th 1 ,2 00 pprn Sb . Copper

ingot s and f ragment s of raw copper genera l ly con-

tained levels of less than 20 0 pprn Sb, wi th th e

except ion of a raw c opper f ragment f rom Maysar 1

t ha t conta ined ap proximate ly 3 ,300 pprn Sb

( H a u p t m a n n 1 9 8 7 ) . A c o p p e r a r r o w h e a d f r om t h e

Wad i SuqIIron Age deposi t of Shimal tom b 2 con-

tained approximately 1,700 pprn Sb, whi le a copperrivet and a t in-bronze vessel fragment fr om the m ixed

Wadi SuqIIron Age tomb deposi t at Sharm were also

foun d to conta in relatively high c once ntrat ions of

more th an 1 ,500 pprn Sb (Weeks 2000 b) . Samples

with more than 1 ,000 pprn an t imony are no t recorded

Figure4.1 3 Silver concentrations in all Umm al-Nar

Period objects analyzed by PIXE, showing copper

objects (top) and tin-bronzes (middle).




in the previously analyzed Iro n Age objects from the

region (Prange and Ha uptm ann 200 1; Weeks, forthcom-

ing b; Weeks 200 0a) .

Lead (Pb)

The lead concentrations recorded in objects analyzed for

this study are summarized in Table 4.21 and Figures

4.14 and 4.15. Median lead concentrations are around

500 pp m, a nd the m ajority of samples contain less than1,000 pprn Pb, although individual sites show variation

in Pb concentrations. For example, more than 33 per-

cent of analyzed objects from U nar2 c ontains in excess

of 1,00 0 pprn Pb. Four samples contain greater than

3,000 pprn Pb, including a copper blade edge fragment

from A1 Sufouh (ASI-5, 6,600 pprn P b), a thin flat co pper

fragment from U na rl (M10-20V, 1.45 percent Pb ),

copper pinlaw1 fragment from Una r2 (surf.56, 5,25

pprn Pb) , and a t in-bronze ring from Tell Abraq

(TA2679, 1.3 percent Pb). Samples with lead conce

tions of less tha n the m inimum detectable level of

approximately 1 35 pprn Pb comprise approximatel

percent of the analyzed objects, and occur with sim

frequency in each of the four tomb assemblages.

The re does not a ppea r to be a distinct differencelead concen tration ranges be tween alloy groups, as i

trated in Figure 4.15. High lead levels (greater than

pprn Pb) occur with greater frequency in tin-bronzes

in copper samples (3 0 percent of tin-bronzes con tain

more tha n 1,0 00 pprn Pb, while only 1 8 percent of c

samples do) but whe n the analyses are examined on

Table 4.20by-site basis (see Table 4.21) it can be seen tha t in on

case (Tell Ab raq ) tin-bronzes have a gr eater range ofAntimony levels recorded in previous analyt ical studies

Archaeological No. of Median Rangeconcentrations than c opper samples, in ano ther case

(U nar 2) h e ranges are the same, and in the third casMaterial Analyses Concentration (ppm ) (ppm )( U n a r l )copp er objects have a greater range of Pb conc-

Objectstratio ns than tin-bronzes. Figure 4.15 does indicate a d

(2700-2000 BCE) 16 550 40-1 ,l 0 ent distribution pa ttern for lead concentrations in copIngots/Raw Copper objects and tin-bronzes. While both groups e xhibit a s

(2700-200 0 BCE) 26 50 20-20 0 fall off at the 1,000 pp m Pb level, tin-bronzes show a d

Objects bi-modal pattern in the 0.01-0.1 percent Pb range, wi

(2000-1 300 BCE) 15 5 0-340 strongest mode in the 560-1,000 ppm bracket, wherea

Objects distribution p attern for copper objects is invariant in t

(2000 -300 BCE) 53 150

Objects(1300 -300 BCE) 149 70

0-6600.01-0.1 percent range.

Lead levels recorded in previous analytical s

of material from southeastern Arabia are summa0-31 0

in Table 4.22. The results are, in general , simila

Antim ony concentrat ions in copper-base objects from southeastern those ob tained by PIXE. For al l periods, the maj

Arabia analyzed prev iously. Note: details o f previou s analyses in of samples conta in l ess t han approximate ly 50 0 Append ix One (1.2.3).

Table 4.21

Lead in U mm al-Nar Period objects analyzed in his study

Lead Median Median Median Range Range Range

(PPm) (all) (copper) (tin-bronze) (all) (copper) (tin-bronze)

AI Sufouh 380 350 <135-1180 <135-950

Unarl 550 600 250 < l 35-2830 200-2900 < l 35-1,600

Unar2 780 550 780 < l 35-2330 150-2280 < l 35-2,290

Tell Abraq 450 140 5 00 < l 35-1 700 < l 35-790 250-1,700

All Objects 500 400 700 <135-2130 <135-1560 <135-2,310

Lead concentrat ions in U m m al-Nar Period copper-base objects fr om AI Sufouh,

Un arl , Unar2, and Tel l Abraq analyzed by PIXE. Average MDL = 135 ppm .




Figure4.15 Lead concentrations in all Umm al-NaPeriod objects analyzed by PIXE, showing coppeobjects (top) and tin-bronzes (middle).

Figure 4.14 Lead concentrations n AI Sufouh, Unarl,Unar2 and Tell Abraq objects.




Pb, a l though objec t s wi th 1 ,000-5 ,000 ppm Pb are Ibri ISelme hoard (wi th up to 6.35 p ercent Pb; Pra

somet imes fo und at Bronze Age sites like Umm a n- and H auptm ann 20 01) and a l a te pre-Is lamic, l ea

Na r Is l and (Ber thoud 1979:Table 5) , Maysar 1, and brass r ing f rom the tomb a t Bi thnah (5 .6 percent

Masi rah S it e 38 (Hau ptma nn e t a l . 19 88) , i n mixed Corboud e t a l. 199 6) .

Bronze and Iron Age tomb assemblages, for example Very high lead concentrations, and unusual allo

a t Sharm (Weeks 200 0b ) , and in I ron Age objec ts types, were also found in three objects from Umm a

from the Ibri ISe lme hoard (Prange and H auptm ann Na r Island datable t o the m id-third millennium BCE

200 1) and the Q idfa tomb (Weeks 2000 a) . A small (Frifel t 1975 a, 1 99 0). Two daggers and one unident

number of objects wi th mor e than one percent lead fragment were found to contain from 3.7-25.0 percwere also recorded in previous studies, including Pb. One of the daggers, in addition to 25 percent Pb

leaded t in-bron ze arro wh ead s from Wadi Suq -Iron contained approximately 2.3 percent zinc. Such lead

Age burials at Shimal Tomb 1 (3.5 percent Pb; centrations are uncomm on in southeastern Arabia a

Craddock 19 85 ) and Sharm (1 .2 percent Pb; Weeks western Asia generally in this period, although they

2000b), three leaded t in-bronze bracelets from the know n (see e.g. Malfoy and Me nu 1987 ; Philip 1 99

Table 4.22

Lead levels recorded i n previous analytical studiesTin (Sn)

Archaeological No. of Median RangeTin concentrations measured for the Urnm al-Nar P

Material Analyses Concentration (ppm ) (ppm )tomb assemblages are summarized in Table 4.23 an

illustrated in Figures 4.16 and 4.17. It is clear thatObjectsper with significant levels of tin, much higher than

(2700 -2000 BCE) 29 140would have been naturally present in locally-produc

IngotsIRaw Copper Omani copper, was present already in the region in

(2700 -2000 BCE) 28

Objects

10-260 mid-third millennium BCE, as indicated by the anal

material from A1 Sufouh. Although only one object

(2000 -1 300 BCE) 18 250 40-74 0

Objects

(2000 -300 BCE) 4 1 150 30-500

Objects

(1300 -300 BCE) 152 100 0-1,820

Lead concentrat ions i n copper-base objects from s outheastern

Arabia p reviou sly analyzed. Note: details o f previous analyses may

be fo und in A ppen dix One, Sect ion 1.2.3.

this site contained more th an tw o percent t in (the d

tion of a tin-bronze for the purpo ses of this study) ,

remaining objects from the site contained between 0

and tw o percent Sn (see Figure 4.16) . Such low-tin

objects might indicate the practice of recycling impo

tin-bron ze objects in this period, involving the mixi

imported tin or tin-bronze with local copper, but th

issue will be discussed in more detail in the followin

chapters. In total, 3 3 of the 83 Urnm a l-Nar Period

Table 4.23

T in i n Urnm al-Nar Period objects analyzed in his study


Tin (%) (all) (copper) (tin-bronze) (all) (copper) (tin-bronze)

AI Su fou h 0.1 6 0.1 6 <0.13-1 .56 <0.13-1.27

Un ar l 1.03 0.20 7.7 <0.13-10.3 <0.13-1.04 2.2-1 3.9

Unar2 8.81 <0.13 21.4 <0.13-23.9 <0.13-0.47 5.1 -24.3

Tell Ab raq 3.99 <0.13 27.8 <0.13-38.8 <0.13-1.30 5.0-46.2

All Ob jec ts 1 04 <0.13 19.8 <0.13-24.6 <0.13-1.25 2.4-36.0

Tin concentrat ions i n Urnm al-Nar Period copper-base objects fro m AI Sufouh, Una rl ,

Unar2, and Tell Abraq analyzed by PIXE. Average MDL = 0.1 3 percent Sn.




Figure4 17 Tin concentrations in all Umm al-Nar Peri

obje cts a nalyzed by PIXE.

Figure 4 16 Tin concentra tions in AI Sufouh, Una rl,

Unar2 and Tell Abraq o bjects.

objects analyzed in this study contain more than tw

percent Sn, and are thus classified as tin-bronzes. T

represents ab out 4 0 percent of the assemblage, al th

distinct differences by site can be seen in tha t only

tin-bron ze is found at A1 Sufouh, roughly one -third

the Un ar l objects are of tin-bronze, while 50-60 pof objects from Unar2 and Tell Abraq are of tin-bro

Furthermore, the amo unt of t in in the t in-bronzes

increases fro m the earliest ma terial at A1 Sufouh to

latest material from Unar2 and Tell Abraq. As note

above, numerous objects from A1 Sufouh contain

appro xima tely 0.5-2.0 percent Sn. This pattern is r

ed at Un ar l , al though t in-bronzes with t in concent

tions or more than five percent begin to be seen at

t ime (see Figure 4.16). Examination of the U nar2 a

Tell Abraq material reveals a few low-tin bronzes w

tin concentrations of less than three percent, but a

matic increase in the number of tin-bronzes with m

than 1 0 percent Sn, with a distinct mode in the 18-

percent range. The overall distribution pattern for

shown in Figure 4.17, is tri-modal; most samples c

less than the MDL for t in on the PIXE system of a

imately 0.13 percent, however there is a strong mo

the one a nd tw o percent Sn range, and an even clea

peak in the 18-32 percent Sn range. The various al

practices and exchange mechanisms that may have

this patte rn will be discussed in the following chaptTin levels in the tin-bronzes are diverse, reachi

levels of greater tha n 4 0 percent Sn in two o bjects

Tell Abraq (TA2435, approximately 5 2 percent Sn;

TA2677, approximately 4 6 percent Sn). The very h

concentrations reported are almost certainly a reflec




of sample corrosion, which comm only involves the

leaching of copper (b ut no t t in) from the object

matrix, leading t o a n increase in the propor tion of t in

remaining in the corrod ed object (Scott 199 1) . The

effect of corrosion on the analyzed PIXE samples is sug-

gested by the fact that measured t in levels in objects

which were uncorro ded o r contained significant remain-

ing metal were in al l cases less than 20 percent Sn

(al though uncorroded objects wi th approximately15-20 perce nt Sn were relatively com m on ). Analyses

returnin g concentra tions of greater than 2 0 percent t in

were exclusively of corroded material.

The analyses of the objects from the Umm al-N ar

tom b assemblages presented here contrast strongly with

the results of previous studies of contem pora ry m ateri-

al . Only three t in-bronzes were recorded in the analyses

of more than 80 Umm a l -Nar Period objects publ ished

in ful l or in part from Umm a n-N ar Island an d the Hi l i

Oasis in the U.A.E and other locat ions in Om an (Frifel t1975a , 1991; Craddock 1981; Ber thoud 1979;

Hau ptma nn e t a l. 19 88; Hau ptma nn 1995 ; Prange e t

al . 1999:Figure 6) . These three objects include a dagger

wi th six percent Sn from a tom b on Umm an -Nar

Island (Berthoud 1979:Table 5) and tw o objects wi th

more than approximately five percent Sn from unspeci-

fied locations in southe astern Arab ia (Pra nge et al .

1999:Figure 6 ). The new data from PIXE analyses are,

however, in accord wi th the se mi-quant i tat ive EDS

analyses of material from se t t lement and burial con-

texts at Tel l Abraq (Weeks 19 97 ), which indicated sig-

nificant t in-bronz e use at the site already by the third

millennium BCE.

Tin-bronze cont inues to compri se a round one-

thi rd of analyzed copper-base objects from second mi l -

lennium BCE contexts and mixed Wadi Suq-Iron Age

tomb assemblages (Craddock 19 85; Hau ptma nn e t a l.

1988 ; Prange et al . 1999:Figure 6; Weeks 2000a,

20 00 b) , before becoming the domina nt al loy used in

the region in the Iron Age. Analyses of mo re than 15 0

Iron Age objects presented by Prange and Hauptmann(20 01 ) , Pedersen and Buchwald (19 91 ) , Im-Obers teg

(19 87 ) and Weeks (For thcom ing b , 200 0a) i ndica te

that t in-bronzes account for approximately 8 0 percent

of analyzed copper-base objects from this period,

al thoug h there i s s t rong variat ion by si te .

Elemental Relationships:

Rank-Correlation Analyses

In the previous sec tions of this chapter, variat ion i

composit ion of objects has been summarized using

univariate, element-by-element ap proac h. A fi rst s

towar ds the exa mina t ion of correlat ions between

ments was provided by the sepa rat ion of objects i

copper and in-bronze compo si t ional groups,

these beginnings a re taken further in the f inal parthis chapter. The invest igat ion of elemental relat i

sh ips is impo r t an t i n unders t anding aspec ts of t he

sources used to prod uce th e objects and the proce

of al loy produ ct ion and select ion tha t affected th

manufacture.

Introduction and Description of Statistical Technique

In t h i s s ec t i on , b i va r i a te r e l a t i onsh i p s be t w een

m e n t s a r e i n v e s t ig a t e d , in a n a t t e m p t t o o u t l i n

l a t e n t s t ru c t u r e i n w h a t i s a l ar g e a n d c o m p l e xse t . T h i s s ec t i on beg i ns w i t h a n exam i na t i on o

b i va r i a t e co r r e l a t i ons be t w een e l em en t s fo r an

l yzed sam p l e s f r om d i f f e r en t s i te s . S uch r e l a t i o

sh i p s have been i nves t i ga t ed in a num ber o f p r

ous ana l y t i ca l s tud i e s f rom sou t he as t e rn A rab i

F o r ex am pl e , h i gh l eve ls o f a r s en i c a r e f r equen

as soc i a t ed w i t h h i gh l eve ls o f n i cke l i n cop pe r

ob j ec t s f rom t h i rd a nd second m i l l enn ium B C E

( H a u p t m a n n e t a l . 1 9 8 8 ; H a u p t m a n n 1 9 95 1 ;

P r a n g e e t a l . 1 9 9 9 ) .

Elemental asso ciations have been investigated i

PIXE data using the stat ist ical measure of associati

know n a s the correlat ion coefficient (denoted here

"r"; Freedman et al . 19 91:11 8). Values for the corre

t ion coefficient range from -1 to + l , i th -1 indicat

perfect negative correlat ion and + l ndicating perfe

posi tive correlat ion. Values a t or a round zero indic

very l it t le or n o correlation between the tw o variabl

However, r is a measure of l inear association , an d ca

poo r descriptor for non-l inear relat ionships betwee

variables, and in si tuations where o utl iers occur(Freedman et al. 1 991 :139-40). To overcome these

lems, the PIXE composi t ional da ta in percentagesl

have been converted to rank order, and the correla

coefficient calculated on the ranke d values. Th is i s

s im i l a r t o t he Spearman 's r ank -co rre l a t ion coeff

96 Early Metal lurg y of th e Persian Gulf



described in Freund et al. (1988:499) , and provides a

"simple and theoretically sound cure" to the problems

of statistically describing non-linear elemental relation-

ships (Wright 1992:38) .

Using the rank-correlation coefficient, matrices of

elemental correlations have been constructed on a site-

by-site basis. The strongest positive correlations are

between arsenic, nickel, and cobalt, and perhaps anti-

mony. Lead is correlated with arsenic and nickel in

some assemblages, but also with silver and tin. Negative

correlations are seen at most sites, particularly between

copper and a series of alloying elements, including tin,

arsenic, and nickel, as well as iron. There is also a nega-

tive correlation observable between tin and cobalt in

some assemblages, and particularly in the analyses of

the assemblage as a whole. The correlation matrix for

all Urnm al-Nar Period objects as a group is presented

in Table 4.24.

Negative Correlations

A number of the negative correlations found in the

PIXE data can be explained as a result of the replace-

ment of one alloy constituent by another, given the

restrictions placed on concentration by the constant

sum of the normalized compositional data. For exam-

ple, copper and tin show large and statistically signifi-

cant negative r values (-0.73 on Table 4.24) for finished

objects from all sites. This strong negative correlation

can be simply explained by the fact that tin is the m

alloying component for copper-base objects in the

Bronze Age, and tin-bronzes will obviously have l

copper levels than un-alloyed objects.

Similar reasoning can be used to explain the n

tive correlations between copper and arsenic at A1

Sufouh and Tell Abraq, and in the group of Urnm

Nar objects as a whole: arsenic also replaces copp

alloys, whether these are intentionally produced o

In general, As concentrations are lower than Sn co

centrations in tin-bronzes, so the negative correlat

not as strong as for copper and tin.

The negative correlation between tin and cobal

gested by the rank-correlation analyses of the entire

Urnm al-Nar assemblage and the material from Tell

Abraq is illustrated in Figure 4.18. It can be seen th

only three tin bronzes contain in excess of 1,100 pp

CO (ASTombld, 1023-4.10, M10-22R), whereas mo

than 40 percent of copper objects contain more tha1,100 ppm Co. The result of the relationship betwe

Sn and CO is that a high positive correlation betwe

copper and cobalt is also reported by a rank-correla

analysis of the tin-bronzes.

Arsenic, Nickel, Cobalt and Antimony

Correlations significant at the 99 percent confiden

level were found between arsenic and nickel for a

Urnm al-Nar sites. In the correlation analysis of al

Table4 24Elemental relationships n U rnm al-Nar Period copper-base objects

S Fe CO N Cu As Se Ag Sb Sn Pb

S 1OO 0.20 0.1 6 -0.07 0.05 -0.06 -0.08 -0.1 1 -0.1 1 -0.19 -0.02

Fe 1.00 0.33 0.19 -0.30 0.08 0.02 -0.02 0.14 0.07 -0.05

CO 1.00 0.61 0.10 0.47 0.24 -0.09 0.44 -0.46 0.06

Ni 1 OO -0.30 0.82 0.47 0.1 7 0.57 -0.18 0.38

CU 1.00 -0.46 -0.37 -0.36 -0.09 -0.73 -0.32

AS 1OO 0.51 0.29 0.59 -0.04 0.46

Se 1OO 0.42 0.22 -0.01 0.27

Ag 1.00 0.08 0.26 0.41

Sb 1.00 -0.16 0.22

SnL 1.00 0.19

PbL 1 oo

Rank-correlation coefficients or all Urnm al-Nar Period objects analyzed in th is study. Statistically significan t values are

shown in bold.

Results of Com positio nal Analyses



Tin vs. Cobalt

l0

Figure 4.18 The negative correlation between tin and cobalt

in the Urnm al-Nar objects analyzed by PIXE.

Arsenic vs. Nickel

Figure4.19 Arsenic and nickel in Urnm al-Nar Period objectsanalyzed by PIXE.

Nickel vs. Cobalt

Figure 4.20 Nickel and cobalt in the Urnmal-Nar Period objectsanalyzed by PIXE.

1-

Urnm al-Nar samples as a group, the positive As:

correlation was clearly the strongest elemental rel

ship (Table 4.24). The correlation between As and

illustrated in Figure 4.19. It can also be seen that

arsenic and nickel are correlated in tin-bronzes as w

as in copper objects, although absolute As and Ni

centrations are lower in the tin-bronzes (Figure 4.1

The correlations between nickel and cobalt and ars

and cobalt are illustrated in Figures 4.20 and 4.21

respectively. In both cases, the correlations are mu

stronger in copper objects than in tin-bronzes. It is

ly that these correlations reflect the mineralogy of

copper deposits that were the source for the analyz

objects, and this issue will be discussed in detail in

following chapter.

Antimony and arsenic are correlated in mater

from A1 Sufouh and Unar2. However, the strength

the correlation is significantly less than that betwe

As and Ni seen in all Urnm al-Nar Period materia

investigation of the relationship is hampered by th

low sensitivity of the PIXE technique in the determ

tion of Sb concentration. A correlation between A

Sb might be expected on a mineralogical basis, giv

their common occurrence in sulfidic copper ore bo

as species of the tennantite Cu12As4S13)-tetrahed

(CuI2Sb4Sl3) eries. Nickel and antimony are also

related in the Urnm al-Nar objects as a group (see

Table 4.24). As for the correlation between As an

however, assessing the relationship between Ni an

is complicated by the low sensitivity of the PIXE

measurements.

Tin and Silver

As noted above, silver concentrations seem to be

in tin-bronzes than in copper objects from Urnm a

Period contexts. However, tin and silver show sign

cant rank-correlation coefficients (at the 99 percen

level) only in material from Tell Abraq. At the 95

cent confidence level, correlations are also seen at

Unar2 and in the assemblage as a whole. The relaship between Sn and Ag concentrations in late thi

millennium BCE material is illustrated in Figure 4

It is clear that Ag concentrations in excess of app

mately 400 ppm occur much more frequently in t

bronzes than in contemporary copper objects.

o tin-bronze


W H



Principal Components Analyses (PCA)This section presents the results of principal com pone nts

analyses (PCA) of the collected PIXE da ta, which were

conducted in order t o further investigate elemental cor-

relat ions, and to c haracterize the composi t ional variabil -

i ty within an d between m etal objects from individual

tom b assemblages. PCA is a widely used mu ltivariate

tool useful in reducing large, multi-dimensional da ta sets

to l imi ted numbers of compo nents (usual ly six or less) ,which describe significant amo un ts of the latent struc-

ture in the da ta an d can be easily conceived of and repre-

sented graphically (W right 1992:34-63; Mage e et al .

199 8:239 ). The technique i s conceptual ly simple

because, as noted by Wright (1992:60 ), i t is nothing

more th an the extension, into hyperspace, of the simple

conc ept of lines of best fi t thro ugh a system of points .

Thu s, PCA is a l inear technique, and w orks best when

the relat ionships between variables and between the

compon ents an d the variables are l inear also. In orde r toavoid the possibili ty of overlo oking non-linea r correla-

t ions wi thin the col lected PIXE da ta, the concentrat ions

in percentage and ppm form have been converted to

rank-order, as suggested by Wright (1992 :38). This

tran sfo rm ation provides the equivalent of a PCA of the

rank-correlat ion coefficient (Wright l99 2:3 8).

The PCAs presented in this section were carried o ut

using the progra m MV-Nutshell (R.V.S. Wright 19 94 ). A

standa rd correlation PCA was used, as it is widely consid-

ered to be the most a ppro priate m ultivariate descriptive

technique for quan ti tat ive com posit ional data (e.g.

Magee et al . 1998:239).

Correlations Between Elements

Correlat ions between di fferent element concen trat ions

in analyzed metal samples can be investigated using

PCA, as above using the rank -corre lat ion coefficient.

The resul ts of the PCA of the ranked composi t ional

data are best i l lustrated graphical ly in one, or a series

of, bivariate scat tergrams. In the fol lowing scat ter-

grams, the proximity of elements reflects the correla-t ion between them. E lements th at plot very closely

together o n a PCA scat tergram are posit ively correlat -

ed , whereas e l ement s t ha t p lo t wide ly apa r t a re nega-

t ively correlated. Th e resul ts are discussed below, an d

thei r impl icat ions are addressed in Ch apte r Five.

Arsenic vs. Cobalt

10 I

W copper

tin-bronze

Figure 4.21 Arsenic and cobalt in the Umm al-Nar Period

objects analyzed by PIXE.

Tin vs. Silver

10000

0.1 1 10 Sn ( )

Figure4.22Tin and silver in the Umm al-Nar Period

objects analyzed by PIXE. One high-silver outlier i s no

shown.

As il lustrated in Figure 4.23, the elemental c

lat ions found by the PCA of the composi t ional d

and the ranked da ta sho w s imil ar pa t t e rns to tho

presented in the previous sect ion. The relative pr

imi ty of arsenic, nickel, coba l t and an t imon y on

scat tergrams in Figure 4.23 indicates a st rong co

tion between these elements. This correlat ion is l

to reflect mineralogical issues related to the ores

to pro duce the copp er in the objects , an i ssue tha

will be discussed in detail in the following chapte

The st rong negat ive correlat ions between copper,and nickellarsenic a re indicated by the large dista

between these elements o n the PCA scat tergrams

Figure 4.23. These elements form the points of a

angle on the PCA plots , represent ing the three m

common al loy types found wi thin the assemblage

Results of Com positional Analyses





Tell Abraq objects (see above, Tables 4.5-4.23). An

exception t o this difference is TA2135, a high As/Ni/Fe

"lump" which plots with the A1 Sufouh objects in Figure

4.25B. It is possible that the chronological separation of

the two assemblages may explain their compositional

divergence: A1 Sufouh is the earliest tomb assemblage

analyzed, while Tell Abraq is the latest.

While the objects from A1 Sufouh and Tell Abraq

appear to have quite different compositions, the material

from the Una rl and Unar2 tomb assemblages is much

more difficult to separate compositionally, and also shares

compositional similarities with Tell Abraq and A1 Sufouh

objects (see Figure 4.25C) . It is notable, however, that a

high proportion of objects from Unar2 fall into the bot-

tom right quadrant of the PCA plots in Figure 4.25, along

with five objects from Tell Abraq and only one each from

Unar l and A1 Sufouh. These objects are generally tin-

bronzes, characterized by relatively high lead and arsenic

concentrations, and occasionally high silver levels. As thePCA plots suggest, this kind of bronze is found with par-

ticular frequency at Unar2.

Separate PCAs performed on the subsets of copper

objects and tin-bronze objects were also undertaken. As

can be seen in Figure 4.26, very few consistent composi-

tional differences can be seen between copper objects

from each of the four tomb assemblages, although as

noted above, Tell Abraq and A1 Sufouh objects show rela-

tively distinct minor and trace element patterns. In con-

trast, it appears that tin-bronzes from Unar l, Unar2, and

Tell Abraq are made from compositionally distinct mate-

rial. As illustrated in Figure 4.27, Unarl tin-bronzes are

quite distinct from those of Tell Abraq, and examination

of the element loadings for this PCA would suggest that

sulfur, iron and cobalt are present in higher concentra-

tions in the Unarl tin-bronzes, whereas tin and silver are

found in higher quantities in the Tell Abraq tin-bronzes.

These conclusions are verified by the compositional sum-

maries presented in Tables 4.5-4.23 above. While some of

the tin-bronzes from Unar2 have compositions similar to

those from Tell Abraq or Unar l, most have a different

Figure 4.25 PCA scattergrams of ranked PlXE data for all

Umm al-Nar Period objects, showing element and object

loadings (A), and objects loadings by site (B, C). Note the

different scales of plots A B and C.

distribution in multi-dimensional space which correlates

with relatively high levels of nickel, arsenic and lead in

these tin-bronzes. Again, these conclusions are supported

by the previously presented compositional data summaries

(Tables 4.5-4.23).

Results o f Comp osit ional Analyses



Summary

Figure 4 26PCA scattergrams of Umm al-Nar

Period copper objects only, showing element and

object loadings (top) and object loadings by site(bottom).Note the different scales of the upper

and lower plots.

Figure 4 27PCA scattergrams of Umm al-Nar

Period tin-bronzes only, showing element and

object loadings (top) and object loadings by site

(bottom).

An overview of the analyses of the A1 Sufouh, Un ar

Unar2 and Tell Abraq assemblages highlights a num

of chronological andlor site-specific variations in m

lurgical technology and alloy use. As illustrated in

Figure 4.28, objects of unalloyed copper, occasiona

containing significant amounts of iron and sulfur a

impurities, are used throughout the archaeological

sequence covered, approximately 2450-2000 BCE.The dominant alloys utilized include copper with o

to six percent arsenic andlor one to 3.5 percent nic

(AsINi-copper), and copper with more th an two pe

cent tin (tin-bronze). AsINi-copper is particularly

prominent in the earlier Umm al-Nar objects f rom

Sufouh, but appears in all four tomb assemblages

studied. Of the 26 AsINi-copper objects recorded

ing analysis (3 1 percent of the tota l assemblage), 1

contained both arsenic and nickel in quantities of

greater than one percent, 15 contained copper wit

only arsenic in excess of one percent, and one obj

contained only nickel in excess of one percent.

Statistical analyses of bivariate and multivariate el

mental associations indicate that arsenic and nicke

are highly correlated in the analyzed objects, sugg

ing a mineralogical association which will be dis-

cussed further in the following chapter. Additional

mineralogical factors probably underlie the relatio

ships between arseniclnickel and the trace element

cobalt and antimony, which were clearly observed

the statistical analyses.

Tin-bronze objects were also found in all tomb

assemblages, although in contrast to AsINi-copper, ti

bronze appears gradually over the course of the later

third millennium BCE (see Figure 4.28) . A few tin-

bronzes with low tin concentrations are recorded at A

Sufouh and Una rl , whereas very high frequencies of

bronze use (50-60 percent of objects) are observed in

latest Umm al-Nar assemblages from Unar2 and Tell

Abraq. The increase in the frequency of tin-bronze u

in the tomb assemblages was accompanied by anincrease in the concentration of tin in the bronzes th

selves. The tin-bronzes are also characterized by high

levels of silver than contemporary copper and AsINi-

copper samples, and by higher lead concentrations in

the case of Unar2 tin-bronzes.




A number of objects, particularly from the Unar2 to southeastern Arabia, an area totally devoid of tin

tomb, are ternary alloys with significant concentrations deposits. In addition, alloy use in different object ca

of both tin and arsenic. Interestingly, given the high cor- gories is investigated, as a guide to the metallic prop

relation between arsenic and nickel in the analyzed ties which were most crucial to the adopt ion of new

objects, a nickel concentration of more than one percent alloys, especially tin-bronze, in later third millenniu

was reported in only one tin-bronze object, from the A1 BCE southeastern Arabia.

Sufouh tomb. Other complex alloys are rare, but include

two objects with one to two percent lead (a thin arseni-

cal copper fragment and a tin-bronze ring) and a tin-

bronze ring from Unar2 with 2.4 percent arsenic and 2.3

percent silver.

Principal components analyses of the collected PIXE

compositional data indicate that the strongest composi-

tional differences between individual tomb assemblages

are between material from A1 Sufouh (very few tin-

bronzes and relatively high concentrations of arsenic,

nickel, cobalt and ant imony) and Tell Abraq (numerous

tin-bronzes, relatively high silver concentrations, and

low concentrations of As, Ni, CO and Sb). Given thatthese are, respectively, the earliest and latest Umm al-

Nar tomb assemblages analyzed, a chronological factor

might explain the observed compositional diversity.

Material from the chronologically intermediate tomb

assemblages of Una rl and Unar2 has characteristics sim-

ilar to material from both A1 Sufouh and Tell Abraq,

although compositional idiosyncrasies in the objects

from each site are also observable.

PCA of the copper objects and tin-bronzes as sepa-

rate groups indicates that the copper objects from each

of the tomb assemblages were relatively similar in terms

of their minor and trace element compositions. In con-

trast, the tin-bronzes from Unarl, Unar2 and Tell Abraq

were relatively distinct in terms of their overall composi-

tion, with Unarl tin-bronzes higher in sulfur and iron,

Unar2 tin-bronzes higher in arsenic and lead, and Tell

Abraq tin-bronzes distinguished by higher levels of silver

and low cobalt concentrations.

In the following chapter, the various metallurgical

practices and exchange patterns that have shaped the

compositional data presented here are discussed.Attention is paid particularly t o the mining, smelting

and alloying processes which may have facilitated the

production of the AsINi-copper so prominent in the

early Umm al-Nar Period objects from A1 Sufouh, and t o

the exchange systems which brought tin and tin-bronze




A1 Sufouh Unar l

Unar2 Tell Abraq

Figure4.28 Alloy use in the four Umm al-Nar Period tomb assemblages.




5 Discussion of Compositional

Results

Introduction

This chapter addresses the PIXE compositional data

summarized in Chapter Four. Mineralogical and techno-

logical perspectives are examined to determine the nature

of the ore sources that may have been exploited, and to

review processes of alloy selection and manufacture.

Discussion of alloying practices in the metal assemblages

is relevant to elements such as tin, arsenic, and nickel

that are present in amounts greater than one to two per-

cent, although these same elements are commonly pres-

ent in quantities of less than one percent and the bound-

ary between "alloying element" and "impurity" is in

some cases unclear (cf. Wertirne 1973:8 82). A detailed

discussion of different approaches to the question of

"intentionality" in alloy production is presented.

Furthermore, compositional analyses of copper-base

artifacts have frequently been used as the basis for dis-

cussions of provenance and reconstructions of trade pat-

terns (e.g. Berthoud et al. 1980; Malfoy and Menu 1987).

The feasibility of using "diagnostic" trace element con-

centrations alone to outline ore sources has been serious-ly questioned over the last twenty years and more (e.g.

Craddock 1976:94; Gale and Stos-Gale 1982: 11; Budd

et al. 1992:678; Craddock and Giumlia-Mair 1988),

although elements which are more likely to be represen-

tative of provenanceasopposed to ext rac tion or alloying

processes have been delineated by Pernicka (1999).

However, as has been noted by Moorey (1982:82), "once

industries had developed to the point.. .when a variety of

ores were being used under different conditions, wit

without fluxes, alloys were commonplace, and the re

cling of copperwork was normal practice, provenien

studies depending on elemental analysis are as likely

confuse as they are to clarify the relationships of sou

areas and distant production centres". When the mu

factors potentially contributing to the final composi

of a metal object are considered, the difficulties invo

in determining provenance based purely upon comp

tional analysis are clear.

However, compositional studies can play an imp

tant role in discussions of trade, if interpreted within

framework that allows for the complexity involved in

metal extraction and object fabrication and the comp

tional heterogeneity of many ore sources (e.g. Budd e

1996) . For example, basic geological considerations the areas in which tin deposits are likely to occur

(McGeehan-Liritzis and Taylor 198 7) the geology of

southeastern Arabia precludes the formation of such

deposits, and the use of t in in copper-base objects fro

this region is therefore important information for del

ing the movement of tin or tin-bronze into this area.

In the sections below, a number of different asp

of the PIXE data are discussed. Firstly, the significan

the iron and sulfur levels found in the samples is

addressed. Subsequently, the compositional data for

two major alloy categories (arseniclnickel-copper an

bronze) are investigated, with particular emphasis o

sible techniques of production, aspects of alloy selec

and the trade in metals.

Ironand Sulfur

Iron and sulfur are addressed here together because

frequently appear combined in non-metallic inclusio

copper objects as a result of the exploitation of Cu-F

sulfides (Hauptmann et al. 1988:37; Weeks, forthcom

and are both impurities that are generally removed dthe refining process to improve the quality of the fin

object. As outlined in Chapter Four, iron concentrat

in the Umm al-Nar Period objects were commonly o

order of 0.2-2.0 percent, with a mode in the 0.56-1.

percent Fe range. Objects generally contained less th

one percent sulfur, with one mode in the 0.18-0.32

cent S range and another for samples with S concen

tions less than the MDL of approximately 0.1 percen





However, the refining and purification of raw copper

seems generally to have been the responsibility of the

metalworker who received the material at its destina-

tion, rather than the producer of the metal at its

source (Moorey 1994:243, 249; Moorey et al. 1988:47;

Craddock and Giumlia-Mair l988:318). Although the

tendency to trade copper of highly variable quality

was no doubt a problem for merchants in the late

third and early second millennia in southern

Mesopotamia (Oppenheim 1954; Leemans 1960:19-54),

and may even have led to an occasional attempt at

deception (Hauptmann 1987:Abb. 2; Weisgerber and

Yule 2003), it was probably undertaken to avoid the

further use of fuel in source areas with limited wood

supplies, and facili tated by the ease of purification of

the metal at its destination. Iron concentrations could

easily be reduced to approximately 0.5 percent by the

refining of the raw copper in a crucible (Craddock

and Meeks 1987:192). With the addition of sand orcrushed quartz to the molten metal, an iron-rich cru-

cible slag would form and float to the surface of the

metal, where it could be removed by skimming

(Tylecote and Boydell 1978).

Iron concentrations in copper ingots and raw cop-

per pieces analyzed in previous studies of Gulf metal-

lurgy are occasionally very high; in the one to four

percent Fe range in Umm al-Nar Period ingots from

Oman (Haup tmann 1987 ) and up t o 10 percent Fe in

ingots from the early second millennium BCE settle-

ment of Saar on Bahrain (Weeks, forthcoming a) . Such

high iron levels match those of raw copper produced

by extraction processes involving slag production at

other sites in western Asia such as Timna (see

Craddock and Giumlia-Mair l988:Figure 182), and

would have had a strongly deleterious effect on the

working properties of the metal. In southeastern

Arabia, a number of forms of evidence suggest that

such raw copper was regularly refined prior to object

fabrication. Firstly, the widespread presence of metal-

lurgical refining debris on settlements in southeasternArabia and on Bahrain suggests that copper refining

away from areas of primary production was common-

place. For example, at the Bronze Age sites of Ra's al-

Jinz (Cleuziou and Tosi 2000:57), Tell Abraq (Weeks

1997), Qala'at al-Bahrain (e.g. Harjlund and Andersen

1994:378) and Saar (Weeks, forthcoming a), and

Iron Age settlement of Muweilah (Weeks, forthcom

b), many hundreds of fragments of metallurgical r

ing waste have been recovered. The compositiona

for metallurgical waste samples from these sites (W

1997; Weeks, forthcoming a, b) indicate that refin

was carried out primarily to remove impurities of

and sulfur from the raw copper (see Figure 5.1).

Secondly, the relatively low iron concentrations of

most finished objects analyzed in this volume in c

parison to data for raw copper ingots are suggesti

a refining stage between smelting and object fabri

tion. However, the presence of relatively high iron

centrations (in excess of approximately one percen

in more than one-quarter of the analyzed objects

cates that refining may not have been rigorously p

ticed in the production of objects at settlements in


The experimental smelting studies of Tylecote(1977) indicated that iron levels in raw copper pr

duced from roasted sulfidic ores are much lower

in copper objects produced by direct reduction fro

oxide ores. The commonly posited beginning of th

exploitation of massive sulfide deposits in southeas

Arabia in the Iron Age (Weisgerber 1987:145;

Weisgerber 198 8:286), which probably required the

introduction of the roasting techniques necessary t

exclusively exploit such ores, may be reflected in th

lower Fe concentrations in Iron Age samples analy

in previous studies.

Figure 5.1 Iron and sulfur levels in finished objects from AI Su

Unarl, Unar2, and Tell Abraq, in comparison to secondary refin

waste from the later settlements of Saar (Bahrain) and Muwei

(U.A.E.).

Discussion of Compositional Results



Sulfur

As for iron, sulfur can be introduced to the furnace

charge as a component of the copper ore, or through the

slagging and fluxing components (Rapp 198 9: 107; cf.

Tylecote 1977:Table 5).A study by Rapp (1989) has sug-

gested that the sulfur concentrations of finished objects

may be a good discriminator of smelted copper as

opposed to native copper, as well as potentially indicate

the type of ore that was used. Rapp's research indicates

that S concentrations in native copper are generally very

low (on average <400 ppm), with slightly higher values

recorded in oxidized copper ores like malachite and azu-

rite (on average <1,000 ppm S), while copper smelted

from sulfur-bearing ores is likely to have significantly

higher S concentrations. However, other studies have sug-

gested that the discrimination of ore type based on sulfur

and other trace elements is not possible (Ericson et al.

1982). For example, Tylecote's (1977:Table 5) study of

the sulfur concentrations of oxide and roasted sulfideores show no significant differences between the two ore

types, and a study of the compositional groupings observ-

able in Early Bronze Age metal objects in the British Isles

ignores sulfur and iron concentrations as "not significant

for classification purposes" (Northover l977:69). In

other instances, the use of sulfidic ores is thought to have

been demonstrated by the presence of copper sulfide

(matte ) nclusions in copper objects, although the reliabil-

ity of such a conclusion has been brought into question

by the observation of matte inclusions in copper objects

produced from relatively pure oxidized copper ores (Gale

et al. 1985: 91-92; Charles 1980:164) .

Thus, the issue of determining ore types utilized in

antiquity by examining the sulfur composition of contem-

porary finished objects is a complex one. In addition to

the requirement for distinct differences in the sulfur con-

centrations of oxide and sulfide ores, correct attributions

to ore types must also account for the effects of the:

1. Possible roasting of sulfidic ores prior to smelt-

ing to remove sulfur.

2. Sulfur content of the fluxes used during smelting.3. Refining processes undertaken after the initial

smelting.

4. Contribution of sulfur by alloying and recycling

additions.

5 . Possible presence of sulfur as a contaminant.

Obviously, roasting processes which are designe

either to concentrate copper-sulfides and oxidize iro

sulfides (part ial roasting), or to convert copper-sulfi

to oxides (dead-roasting) will affect the amount of s

in the final metal. Significant contributions of sulfur

fluxing agents have been noted in the smelting and t

element partitioning studies undertaken by Tylecote

(1977:Table 5; Tylecote et al. 1977), while almost a

newly-smelted copper produced from a slagging pro

is likely to have required refining to reduce its iron

tent (see above). These refining operations will also

significantly reduced the sulfur concentration of the

ished metal object (Tylecote et al. 1977:330). When

added to the further unknown sulfur contribution o

alloying components (e.g. Charles 1980:164) and th

possible inclusion of recycled material of uncertain

position, attempts to determine ore type based on su

levels can be seen to face the same problems which

confounded metal provenance studies based only oncompositional data.

In a southeastern Arabian context, determining

whether the sulfur concentrations in the analyzed P

samples represent the use of oxide or sulfide ores is

issue of little concern. The high sulfur levels (from

approximately 0.2-1.2 percent) in copper ingots fro

Maysar 1 result from the presence of matte inclusio

(consisting of nearly pure Cu2S) in the objects, whic

demonstrated to have resulted from the use of sulfu

bearing ores as well as oxide ores in the smelting ch

(i.e. CO-smelting) lready by the third millennium BC

(Hauptmann et al. 1988:36-37). The composition o

matte in the Maysar 1 ingots probably indicates tha

fur-bearing ores with a low iron concentration (chie

brochantite) were selected for use (however, see

Lechtman and Klein 1999, for smelting experiments

high-Fe charges that produced copper with no iron-

ing matte inclusions). Very large matte inclusions of

tively pure copper sulfide have also been observed i

copper ingots from the Early Dilmun settlement of

(Weeks, forthcoming a:Figure 3). The occasional ocrence of copper ingots with high levels of iron and

is thought to reflect instances where ores with highe

iron contents have been smelted, with both the iron

sulfur present in the metal as matte inclusions

(Haup tmann et al. 1988:36-37).




Matte inclusions have been observed in finished

objects from the region, particularly at Tell Abraq

(Pedersen and Buchwald 1991 7; Weeks 1997:Figures

34-36), and a re likely to accoun t for the majority of the

sulfur and at least part of the iron present in the finished

objects analyzed by PIXE. The high sulfur con tent of the

Umm al-Na r Period objects thus results fro m the smelt-

ing of mixed oxide and sulfur-bearing copper ores, and

the incomplete sep aration of metall ic copper from thematte which was also produced during the one-step

smelting process employed in southeastern Arabia in the

Bronze Age (H aup tma nn 198 5). A comparison of Fe and

S concentrations in finished objects and secondary refin-

ing was te is illustrated in Figure 5.1, an d suggests raw

copper produc ed in sou theastern Arabia w as refined

prior to object fabrication principally t o remove such

iron a nd su lfur impurities. The high levels of iro n seen in

many of the analyzed samples cannot be accou nted for

purely by the presence of iron-rich matte inclusions (as

proposed by Hauptm ann et al. 19 88:37 ). As described

above, iron-bearing fluxes can contribute a significant

amo unt of metallic iron to the raw cop per produced

during a smelt.

Arsenic, Nickel and Cobalt

As noted in the previous chapter, nickel and arsenic

occur frequently in the copper-base objects analyzed in

this volume at concentrations of approximately one to

five percent, and occasionally higher. C obalt levels in

finished objects are commonly in the range of 0-0.3 per-

cent, with a few objects containing more than 0.5 per-

cent Co. The results of the PIXE analyses concur with

previous analyses of material from southeastern Arabia,

and more generally with analyses of early metal objects

from both the Old an d New W orlds. Enormous numbers

of analyses of copper-base objects have clearly indicated

that in m any areas of Europe, Asia an d the Americas

copper objects with significant levels of arsenic and

other elements such as antimony and nickel were a fea-

ture of early me tallurgy (as even a curso ry glance a t theliterature will reveal, e.g. Cheng and Schwitter 1957;

Charles 19 67, 19 80; Junghans et al. 1968 ; Branigan

1974:71-76; Eaton an d McKerrell 1976:Figure 9; Eaton

1977; Heskel and Lamberg-Karlovsky 1980; Moorey

1982:87, 1994:250-251; Agrawal 1984; Cowell 19 87;

Malfoy and M enu 1987; Hosler 1988 , 1995; Lecht

1988, 19 96; Lechtman and Klein 199 9; Chernykh 1

Riederer 199 4; Lahiri 1995:Figure 2; Tadmor et al .

1995; Hauptm ann 1995; Montero Fenoll6s 1997:1

In the following sections, the data for As, Ni a

CO conc entration s in the objects analyzed in this vo

are discussed in relat ion to data from sou theastern

Arabia and elsewhere. The possible mineralogical a

technological reasons for the production and use ofhigh-AsINi objects are investigated, in addition to e

nations fo r the chronological variat ion in As, Ni an

concentrations.

Mineralogy: Associations of Arsenic, Nickel,

Cobalt and Copper in Ore Deposits

In both the Old World.. .and the Americas, copper

arsenic al loys were produced over a vast area, from

Russia to Great Britain and from Chile to Mexico. T

production was made possible by the relatively larg

number of metallic mineral species that contain arse

by their geological CO-o ccurrencewith ores of coppe

and by the widespread association of these ores in t

earth's crust (Lechtman 1996 :477).

As the passage above suggests, the widespread

duction and use of copper with As concentrations o

greater than approximately one percent is at least p

related to the mineralogy of the copper deposits wh

were exp loited in antiquity. A similar explan ation is

ly to be an important factor in the appearance of hi

levels of elements such as antimony , nickel and c oba

some early copper-base objects. Ores containing ars

antimony, nickel and cobalt can be found associated

with copper in the oxidized, enriched and prima ry o

zones of many weathered ore deposits (Charles 198

Pigott 1999 a, 19 99 b). For example, arsenopyrite (F

is virtually ubiquitous in the primary unweathered z

of many copper deposits (Rutley 1988:250), includi

those in Peru used by the early metal producers of t

Andean culture area (Lechtman 1988:356; 1996:47

Antimony an d arsenic are often concentrated in theondary enriched zone of copper deposits as copper s

farsenides, where they form a mineralogical series f

tennanti te (Cul2As4S I3) o tetrahedrite (Cu12Sb4S1

(Dan a 1958:454; Tadmor et al . 1995 ; Shalev et al .

Lechtman 1 988, 1 996 ), as found in a number of co




mines in eastern Turkey and Iran (e.g. Zwicker

1977:106; 19 89) . Such ores are l ikely to w eather to

malachite and azurite and other com plex oxides of cop-

per, arsenic and antimony th at ar e present in the u pper

oxidized zone of many copper deposits (Lechtman

1996:477; Rapp 1988:25; Budd et al. 1992 :680; Charles

1985:25).

To give a relevant exam ple of the m ineralogical

association of copper with elemen ts such as As, Sb, Niand CO , the Talmessi mine in the Ana rak region of Ir an

has been described as follows:

An extraordinary assemblage of primary and

secondary m inerals has been identified at the

Talmessi mine, including primary copper,

nickel and coba lt arsenides (algonodite,

domeykite, nickeline, rammelsbergite, saf-

flonite, skutterud ite), native copper, chal-

cocite, and concretionary pitchblende. In

more or less intimate assoc iation ar e the lessabu nd ant sulfides (pyrite, galena, sphaleri te,

bornite, covell ite, chalcopyrite) and cuprite

(Bariand et al . 1993:464).

In addition to this collection of minerals, native copper,

nickel an d cob alt have been recorded a t Talmessi, and

the nearby M eskani mine has similar mineralization

(Bariand et al . 1993:464; see also Heskel and Lamberg-

Karlovsky 1980 ; Pigot t 199 9a, 199 9b).

Studies of early metallurgy have attempted to out-

line which kinds of ores were th e mos t likely to have

been exploited t o produc e copper w ith significant quan-

tities of As, Sb, Ni o r othe r elements. For o bjects from

the Chalcolithic Na hal M ishmar h oard, for example,

high As and Sb concentrations, correlations between As,

Sb, Ag and Bi conc entration s, and the presence of Cu-

Sb-As-sulfide inclusions in the objects ar e clear evidence

for the use of sulfidic ores of the fahlerz type in their

produ ction ( Tadm or et al. 1995:131-132 ; Shalev et al.

199 2:69). Oth er scholars have stressed the technological

complexity of extracting copper from sulfidic ores, and

proposed that arsenates from the oxidized zone of or edeposits are m ore likely to have been the basis of early

arsenical coppers. Rapp (1988:25) l' sts numerous arsenates

which occur with copper in Europe, Russia, western Asia

a nd e lsew he re , in clu din g e ry th rite ( C O ~ ( A S O ~ ) ~ . ~ H ~ O )

and annabergi te (N i3(As 04)2 .8H2 0). ccording to

Rapp, these last two m inerals could account for the o

sional high N i or C O conc entrations of arsenical copp

Moreover, Budd et al. (1992 :680; also Budd 19 93:36

note the visual similarity of cop per arse nates (includ

nickel-bearing species) and more comm on co pper mi

als such as malachite, and suggest that such m inerals

likely to have been inadvertently incorp orated into th

smelting charge (see also Charles 1 980 :168-1 69) .

Thus, an understanding of the mineralogy of thcopper deposits of southeastern Arabia is of crucial

importance in determining the metal products that m

be extracted from them. Predictably, most modern g

logical research has focused upon the geochemistry

mineralogy of the massive sulfide copp er deposits in

Sultanate of Om an. In contra st , archaeometallurgica

research has highlighted the importance of copper

deposits from lower in the oph ioli tic sequence and t

mineralogical differences between these ores and th e

massive sulfide dep osits.Although there is significant mineralogical vari

between each of the major massive sulfide copper

deposits in sou theastern A rabia (i.e. Lasail, Bayda,

an d Ra ki), the levels of As, Sb and Ni in these depo

are generally very low. Th e 'Arja depo sit has higher

tive As concentrations than either Lasail or Bayda (

et al . 1984 :B122), and contains minor concentratio

tennantite with compositions very close to the tenna

end-mem ber of the tenna ntite-tetrahed rite series (Ix

al. 198 6:42). While Ni an d As levels are lowe r a t L

and Bayda ( c2 50 ppm ), these deposits have higher C

concentrations of up to approximately 55 0 ppm (Ix

al. 1984:B118; cf. Goettler et al. 1976:49 for simila

terns; Batchelor 1992 :B11 6). At Lasail, CO , Ni an d

occur within the minor qu anti t ies of carroli te that a

found in the chalcopyrite and within zoned pyrite (

et al. l9 8 4: B ll 8) . Arsenopyrite and enargite (Cu3A

are present in trace qu anti t ies at Raki, b ut n ot at La

Bayda and 'Arja (Lescuyer et al. 1988:499 and Tabl

The use of rich fahlerz ores for copper production i

southeastern Arabia is extremely unlikely, as zones secondary enrichment are not reported fro m any of

major massive sulfide deposits (H aup tma nn 1985:2

Nickel is present in minor amounts in all iron- and

per-bearing phases in all the massive sulfide deposit

(Ixer et al. 198 6:43).




In contrast, the oxidized copper deposits of the

lower crustal and mantle sequences of the Semail ophio-

l ite, which a re exceptionally ab unda nt in com parison to

other ophiol ites (Lorand l9 88:68), sho w much higher

concentrations of Ni, As and Co. As noted by

H aup t m ann et al. ( l 9 88:3 5), nickel is clearly conc en-

trated with cobalt and arsenic in veins situated in peri-

doti t ic rocks (N i up t o 0.6 percent, CO up t o 0.12 per-

cent, As up t o 0.2 percen t) . The m uch higher nickelconcentration of copper deposits in mantle-level rocks is

indicated by the studies of Goettler et al . (1 9 7 65 0 ) and

Hau ptma nn (1985:32 and Table 2), who notes that in

mantle-hosted deposits, chalcopyrite is intergrown with

small amounts of cobaltite (CoAsS), oellingite (FeAs2),

an d oth er Fe-CO-Ni-As minerals a nd nickel silicates

(Hau ptma nn et al . 1988:35; Hau ptma nn 1985:32;

Prange et al. 1 999:1 88).

Ha uptm ann (1995:246-248) further notes that nick-

eline ( or kupfernickel NiAs) is one of the mo st freque ntnickel ores associated with copper ores in basic and

ultrabasic plutonic rocks such as those found in south-

eastern Arabia, a nd suggests that m etal produced from

such deposits is likely to contain As and Ni as natural

impurit ies (Hau ptm an n 1995:246-248). Furthermore,

Hauptmann and Weisgerber (1980:135-1 37 ) note the

presence of one piece of arsenic speiss at the Bronze Age

site of M aysar, the com position of which suggested the

exploitation of arsenic minerals such as domeykite

(Cu3 As), as yet u ndiscovered, w hich are nevertheless

likely to have occurred in the region. This position is

supported by the CO-smeltingstudies of Rostoker an d

Dvorak (19 91 ), which indicate th at the direct dissolution

in molten c oppe r of soluble minerals such as nickeline

a n d d o m e ~ k i t es a feasible process for the pro duction of

nickel and arsenic alloys (cf. Heskel and Lamberg-

Karlovsky 198 0).

This archaeometallurgical research is supported by

general geological studies, and by specific

geological/mineralogical studies of ophiolite-hosted ores

in southeastern Arabia and Cyprus. General studies indi-cate the occurrence of Ni-C O-C u sulfides in ophiolitic

serpentinites (Jank ovic 1986:26) and, as noted by R. G.

Tho mas (personal comm unication 19 99 ) associations

of As, CO, Cu a nd N i are exactly wh at one w ould expect

from ultramafic deposits. . .There are numerou s Co-As-

sulfides and Ni-As-sulfides t ha t oxidize to a solid so

tion series from erythrite to annabergite . Geologic

research in the Sultanate of Oman has recorded the

ence of Fe-Ni-Cu sulfides in upper man tle tectonite

dotites in the Semail Ophiolite, while both primary

secondary Cu-Fe-Ni-S mineral assemblages have bee

found in Semail upper mantle rocks affected by serp

t inization (Lorand l9 8 8:62). These secondary Cu-F

minerals occur only within intergranular sulfides intact with serpentine veinlets, and include awaruite

(Ni3Fe),native copper, native iron and traces of mil

(NiS) and heazlewoodite (Ni3S) (Lorand l988:62 ).

Ni a nd As-rich peridotite-hosted deposits of the Sem

Ophiolite are very similar to those recorded in the

Limassol Forest Plutonic Complex of the Troodos

Ophioli te on Cyprus, which were probably exploite

early as the Classical or R oma n periods. T he C u-Ni

Fe sulfide mineralization of the Limassol Forest is in

form of lenses, veins and disseminations of sulfides mino r (n ickel) arsenides in highly deform ed a nd ser

t inized peridotites or dunites (Panayiotou 19 80: 10 2

Overall, it is clear tha t the significant quan titie

As, Ni, and CO in the objects from Umm al-Na r Pe

tomb assemblages, and in particular the correlation

between these elements, are com patible with the ge

cal milieu of copper deposits in southeastern Arabia

However, as noted above, the potential of the PIXE

analyses to confidently suggest a local provenance f

the objects is limited by both archaeological an d ge

cal factors. Processes of refining, alloying, recycling

corrosion have no dou bt affected the composit ion o

copper-base objects since the initial extraction of th

metal. Moreover, copper ores with significant As, N

CO concentrations a re also to be found in geologica

contexts outside southeastern Arabia, most significa

in some of the copper deposits of the Iranian Platea

The discussion of provenance will be resumed in C

Seven, where the evidence from lead isotope analyse

will be introduced alongside the compositional data

Metallurgy: Properties of Copper A lloys

with Arsenic and Nickel

The discussion above serves to indicate that copper

relatively high levels of As, Ni a nd CO could have b

produced (inadvertently or o therwise) from copper




available locally in southeastern Arabia, or f rom more

distant sources. In discussing the alloying practices of

the region, it is important to understand the properties

that such copper alloys would have possessed. A signifi-

cant amount of information on the properties of arseni-

cal copper has appeared in archaeometallurgical litera-

ture over the last twenty years, and the understanding of

the mechanical properties of this alloy is well advanced.

The effects of other alloying elements occasionally pres-

ent in quantities of approximately one to 10 percent,

such as antimony and nickel, have been less thoroughly

investigated. As has been noted by Lechtman (1998:84),

the lack of modern industrial uses for the copper-

arsenic-nickel alloy has meant that metallurgists have

not characterized the physical properties of this ternary

alloy. The discussion of the properties of AsINi-copper

is, as a result of this lacuna in research, somewhat spec-

ulative in nature.

The addition of arsenic to copper in quantities of up

to seven or eight weight percent allows for large

improvements in ductility, and produces and alloy which

can be both hot and cold worked to a significant degree

without breakage (Charles 1967:24, 1985; Coghlan

1972; Northover 1989:112 ). Furthermore, Charles

(1967:24) notes that the improvements in workability

offered by arsenical copper are most apparent in sam-

ples with high oxygen levels, similar to those which

might be produced by primitive casting processes.

Arsenic in concentrations of greater than one percent is

also likely to improve the casting properties of the

metal, by lowering the melting point of the alloy and

acting as a deoxidant (Craddock 1995:291).

The majority of studies examining the mechanical

properties of arsenical copper have been interested in

assessing the performance of the alloy against that of

tin-bronze. Charles (1967:24) has stated that alloys with

up to 8 percent As "can give strength and hardness

equivalent to tin bronze", a conclusion supported by a

number of subsequent studies (Ravich and Ryndina

1995:6; Lechtman 19 9650 6) . Within this range,Northover (1989:113) argues that arsenic concentrations

of approximately two percent or less offer very little

improvement over pure copper, and only alloys contain-

ing approximately four percent As or more have the sig-

nificantly improved strength, toughness and casting

properties typical of medium tin-bronzes. It is gener

acknowledged that while tin-bronze can be work ha

ened to a greater extent that arsenical copper (Lech

1996:506), arsenical copper has greater ductility an

be worked hot or cold, whereas tin-bronze is hot-sh

However, determining the exact properties of a

arsenical copper alloy based upon compositional an

is potentially complicated by a number of factors. B

chemical analysis cannot always be directly related

mechanical properties because the amount of arseni

solid solution (and thus able to affect the properties

the metal) is indeterminate: up to 25 percent of the

an object might be isolated as arsenious oxide (As2

(Northover 1989:111-1 12). Additionally, mechanic

and other properties of the metal, such as its physic

appearance, can also be difficult determine due to th

process of inverse segregation which is seen in many

copper-arsenic alloys. As described by Eaton 1 77:

"A high arsenic content imports to copper a bri

silver colour, a 'silver' which indeed tarnished less r

ly than silver per se. On casting even a relatively low

arsenic content in the copper exhibits the phenomen

of inverse segregation. In this phenomenon, a small

quantity of high arsenic content copper (approxima

15-20 percent As) is forced to the surface to form a

plete outer 'skin' of silvery metal".

For example, analyses of surface and core samp

arsenical copper objects from the Bronze Age Levan

revealed arsenic concentrations of approximately 28

cent at the surface of objects with core levels of onl

6 percent As (Shalev 1988:Table 2). Due to the non

librium conditions in which most pre-Industrial me

working operations were undertaken, segregation

begins to be a feature of cast alloys with as little

two percent As, with the resulting silver surface ta

nishing to a golden colour (Northover l989:llS).

Numerous Old World examples of silvered surface

produced by manipulating the arsenic content of

objects and its tendency to segregate have been lis

by Eaton and McKerrell (1976:175-177; see also S1973; Craddock 1995:290-292), and comparable

ples from the New World are not difficult to come

(e.g. Hosler 1995:lOO-101). In a number of cases,

archaeometallurgists regard the use of silver-colore

arsenical coppers as evidence for traditions in whi

11 2 Early Metallurgyof the Persian Gulf



maximum mechanical efficiency is not the only aim of

alloy production (e.g. Philip 1991:lOl) . The primary

archaeological examples of the effects of arsenic (and

antimony) on the appearance of copper alloys are the

objects from the Chalcolithic Nahal Mishmar hoard

(Tadmor et al. 1995) and a number of figurines from

Bronze Age Anatolian sites such as Horoztepe (Smith

1973). The effect of significant arsenic concentrations

on the colour of copper is also demonstrated by a

piece of metallurgical debris, perhaps a casting spill,

from the Saar settlement on Bahrain, which contained

approximately 20 percent As and had a very bright sil-

ver-white appearance (Weeks, forthcoming a).

Nickel is likely to produce some effects in copper

alloys similar to those produced by quantities of As in

the one to five percent range (cf. Lechtman 1998:84),

and the common association of elevated nickel levels

with elevated As concentrations is highlighted by

Riederer (1994:89). Cheng and Schwitter (1957:351)state that the effect of nickel as an alloying element

becomes noticeable at concentrations in excess of one

percent, and suggest that a copper-nickel alloy would

have "proved more effective for implements and

weapons than ordinary copper or bronze". From such

a statement, it can be concluded that Ni could improve

the strength and hardness of copper. Additionally, the

common designat ion of Chinese and western nickel-

copper alloys with approximately five to 1 5 percent Ni

as "white copper" or "white metal" (Cheng and

Schwitter 1957:354-358) suggests that nickel could

change the appearance of copper metal, to the light or

silvery colour described above for some arsenical cop-

per samples. Modern metallographic studies of copper

nickel alloys containing from two to 30 percent Ni

report segregation between the alloying elements, and

complete homogenization is not achievable even

through repeated mechanical and thermal treatments

(Copper Development Association 200 3). One Umm al-

Nar Period object from southeastern Arabia analyzed

by Prange et al. (1999:189) contained 1 2 percent nick-el, and was said to possess a distinctive "pale golden

colour", and Lechtman (1998:84) reports that

"depending upon the relative amounts of arsenic and

nickel present, the alloy colour can range from pale yel-

low to silver".

Thus, copper-base objects from the U.A.E and t

Sultanate of Oman which contain in excess of appro

mately one to two percent of arsenic andlor nickel a

likely to have had physical properties distinctly diff

to those of pure copper. These properties are hard t

quantify, but it is clear that As-Ni-copper would hav

provided a significantly better material for casting t

pure copper, particularly as concentrations reached

percent AsNi or higher. Numerous studies have atte

to the great ductility and workability of arsenical co

and increases in alloy hardness are likely to be signi

cant in the three to seven percent AsNi range. A fin

factor that must be considered is the appearance of

alloys. In a number of ancient production centers, a

of copper with arsenic and nickel are known to hav

been used because of the changes in surface appeara

that they display. The property of inverse segregatio

possessed by arsenical copper alloys means that obje

with bulk compositions of as low as two to three peAs can have arsenic-enriched surfaces with a bright,

very appearance. The similar manipulation of alloy

colour through the addition of nickel has also been

umented, although concentrations are generally in t

five to 15 percent Ni range. I t is likely that copper-b

objects from southeastern Arabia with arsenic and n

concentrations in excess of three to four percent we

significantly different appearance to other copper

objects. Fifteen of the 50 copper objects from Umm

Nar tomb contexts analyzed in this study contain m

than 3 percent of combined As and Ni, with nine of

these from A1 Sufouh. The special and advantageou

physical properties of these objects are likely to hav

tinguished them from contemporary copper-base ob

Technology: Production of As-Ni-copper Alloys

Two basic mechanisms for producing arsenical copp

can be envisaged: the addition of arsenic or arsenic-

ing minerals to molten copper at a relatively late sta

the production process, or the smelting of a mixed f

nace charge bearing both copper and arsenic minera(o r combined copper-arsenic ores such as enargite a

tennantite). The first practice would suggest the inte

tional production of a copper-arsenic alloy, whereas

smelting of mixed copper and arsenic minerals could

sibly have resulted from either the accidental or inte




t ional mixture of such ores (see Rostoker a nd D vorak

1 9 91 S, for a discussion of potential processes).

Lechtman (1996 :481) has stated tha t the production

of arsenical copp er in Sou th America was inescapable,

once arsenic-bearing ores were included in the furnace

or crucible charge, as they often were . However, the

types of ores exploited t o produce such alloys in many

prehistoric metallurgical systems remain a m atter of

deba te (Budd et al. 1992:679-680). As noted above ,

arsenic ores are associated with cop per in both the oxi-

dized and primary unweathered zones of many base

metal deposits, and secondary enriched ores of the

fahlerz type include mineral species such as enargite an d

tennanti te which con tain both copper and arsenic.

Th e most basic recon struction is given by Budd et

al. (19 92 ), wh o propo se the utilization of oxidized

arsenic-bearing copper ores (cop per arsenates) as the

basis of the prod uction of arsenical copp er in Early

Bronze Age Britain, in which objects never conta inedmore th an approximately five percent As. They argu e

that smelt ing operations must have been conducted a t

relatively low temperatures (approximately 900 degrees

C ) in order to avoid the occasional prod uction of high-

As alloys. At low temperatures, As u ptake is controlled

by kinetic considerations rather than Cu:As ratios in the

furnace charge, meaning that alloys with approximately

one to five percent As will be produc ed (Budd et al.

1992:680). They state that suites of arsenic and anti-

mony-bea ring oxide zon e copp er (11) minerals ca n be

simply smelted, with or w ithout com mon secondary

copper ores such as azurite and malachite a nd at tem-

peratures obtainable in the m ost basic furnace structures

(o r with no structures at al l), to f orm co pper al loys of

the compositions reported for Cop per and early Bronze

Age metalw ork from the British Isles (Budd et al.

199 2:683 ). A similar process is thought to explain the

incorporation of N i into copper, al though the tempera-

tures required are slightly higher (approximately 1000

degrees C ) (Budd 1993:36-37). The studies by Budd et

al. (1992, 1993b; see also Budd 1993:34) challenge evo-lutionary models of the development of metal technolo-

gy and alloying practices (e.g. Wertime 19 73 ), by explic-

itly claiming that early coppe r alloys such as arsenical

copper and nickel-copper were the prod uct of smelt ing

methods to o primitive to produc e pur e copper.

Of course, scholars working on the Early Bronz

Age metallurgy of the British Isles have a pa rticular

archaeological problem t o add ress in their reconstru

tions: until recently archaeological research had fail

recover any copper sm elting furnaces o r slag dating

this period (Crad dock and Meek s 198 7; Budd et al.

l993b:l .S5; Crad dock 1995:141-142; North over

1999:211; O'Brien 199 9a) . This si tuation necessitat

reconstructions of early metal production based on

use of very pure oxide ores of copper, which would

produced l it tle waste material during cop per extract

(Craddock and Meeks 1987: 193; Craddock l989:20

However, the recent discovery of third m illennium B

mining and ex traction o perations at Ross Island, so

western Ireland, suggest that the earliest arsenical c

in Britain may have resulted from the use of exclusi

sulfidic ores, although the technology of ore extract

and the possible production of slag and m atte has n

been investigated (O'Brien 1999a, 1999b).In co ntrast to Bronze Age Britain, even the earl

copper produ ction in the th ird millennium BCE in s

eastern Arabia produced slag (Hau ptma nn 1985: 11

The well documented slagging technology used at th

time, and the mixtures of oxide, sulfur-containing a

part ly sulfidic ores that a re know n t o have been exp

ed (Ha uptm ann 1985 : l l3-114; Hauptman n et a1

198 8:36), allow alternative explanations for the gen

tion of arsenical-nickel copp er alloys to be proposed

The exploitation of copper and arsenic-bearing

fide ores (copper sulfarsenides) is generally thought

have required either:

1. The roasting of the ores, in order to con ver

majo rity of sulfides to oxides, followed by

reduction sm elting, or

2. Th e direct smelting of the sulfide ores to m

followed by further roasting, before a final

reduc tion sm elting.

Both of these approaches would have led to a signi

reduction in the a mo unt of volatile elements (such

arsenic) which rem ained in the final metal product(Tylecote 19 775 -7; Tylecote et al. l977:33O). Th u

many scholars argue tha t arsenical copper is unlike

have been produced by any smelting oper ation base

upon sulfidic ores, as the processes of m atte prod uc

and roasting wo uld have removed mo st of the arse




the ore p rior t o smelt ing (Tylecote et al . 19 77; Budd et

a1 1993b:1 55). Oth er archaeom etallurgists have pointed

out th at slow, careful roasting of copp er sulfide ores

can leave up to half of the original arsenic con tent

(Eaton 1977 :164), and Lechtman and Klein

(1999:498-499) report the production of an arsenical

copper al loy with seven percent As throug h the smelting

of a rich ena rgite ore which had been dead roasted. A

further consideration w ith the direct smelting of sulfidicores to m atte is that alm ost al l nickel present is lost to

components which are slagged, producing a raw metal

prod uct w ith very low nickel concentrations (Tylecote et

al . 1977).

However, a num ber of archaeom etallurgists (e.g.

Lechtman and Klein 1999:499) regard the roastinglmat-

t ing process as a relatively mo dern technique for copp er

extraction th at is unlikely to have been used in prehis-

toric contexts (cf. Tylecote 197 75- 7; Craddock a nd

Gale 1988:181). They state tha t there is no archaeo-

logical evidence to sup port the suggestion that early

metalworkers prod uced arsenic bronze by roasting sul-

pharsenide ores, then direct smelt ing the oxide pr oduc ts

of the roast (199 9:499 ). Certainly, there was no roast-

ing of the mixed oxide and sulfur-bearing ores utilized

for Bronze Age copper e xtraction in southeastern

Arabia (see Chapter 2 ) .

As an alternative, Lechtman an d Klein (1 99 9) have

investigated the possibility of producing copper-arsenic

alloys by CO-smelting, .e. smelting mixtures of copp er

oxide ores (including also the carbo nate, sulfate and

chloride ores of c oppe r) and arsenic-bearing sulfide ores

(sulfarsenides) of iron (e.g. arsenopyrite) an d co pper

(e.g. enargite) (cf. Rostoker an d Dvorak 1991 ; Rostoker

et al . 19 89 ). A mixture of oxide and sulfide ores al lows

sulfur, rather than carbon monoxide, to act as the

reducing agent. Additionally, eliminating the roasting

step dramatically reduces the oppo rtunity fo r the loss of

arsenic as As2O3 (Lechtman an d Klein 199 9:499 ). Their

experiments produced metallic arsenical-copper ingots

over a wide range of oxide-sulfarsenide ratios withoutthe use of add ed fluxes or the prior roasting of the sul-

fide ores. Lechtman an d Klein (1 999 :497) conclude that

the copper-arsenic alloys found in ancient artifacts

could have been made easily, deliberately or accidental-

ly, by CO-smelting rocedures .

Lechtman a nd Klein stress that the required mi

of oxide an d sulfide ores need no t have been delibe

As miners appr oac h the primary ore body, they fre

quently enco unter ore tha t is part ly weathered, cont

ing mixtures of primary sulfides and oxide alteratio

products. Such ore consti tutes a natura l CO-smeltin

charge and would yield metall ic copper or a copper

arsenic alloy upon sm elting (Lech tman an d Klein

1999:499-500 ). Indeed, unless miners deliberately dcarded the darker-colored sulfides, such a mixture w

have been n atural (Lechtman and Klein 19 99 52 2; s

also Charles 1 98 0; Taylor 19 99:25 ). This factor is a

emphasized by Rostoker et al . (1 989:8 5), wh o rega

smelting as a critical step in the transition from the

exploitation of oxide ores to sulfide ores.

However, Lechtman an d Klein d o not only stat

tha t CO -smelting s possible; they a lso suggest tha t t

length of time over which arsenical copper was pro

duced in the Old W orld indicates that CO-smelting

rally mixed charges must have accounted for a sign

cant amount of total product ion (1999522).

Furthermore, they regard their reconstruction of m

lurgical practice as more feasible, archaeologically,

the use of the roasting and lor matt ing appro ach. T

study is said to demonstrate tha t CO-smelting s a

straightfo rward a nd simple technology, relying on

of procedures that departs only slightly, if at all, fr

those metalworkers had developed for the direct re

t ion smelt ing of oxide ores (1 99 95 22 ). As these c

clusions deal almost exclusively with the productio

arsenical copper (a nd to a lesser extent antimony-c

per ), the observations of Cheng and Schwitter

(195 7:361 ) regarding high-nickel copper must be a

in the second millennium CE, Chinese metalworker

appa rently experienced no great difficulty in smel

nickel-copper sulfide ore to obtain a reasona bly ref

malleable, natu ral alloy of nickel an d copper. Th e

process was envisioned as one of roasting followed

reduction-smelting, but there is no specific evidence

support such an assumpt ion. Rostoker and Dvorak(199 1:6) note a historical example of the successfu

smelting of mixed copp er an d nickel oxides and the

suggest, based o n theoretical considerations, that c

smelting of nickel-bearing oxide and sulfide ores to

duce a natural Cu-Ni alloy is also feasible.




However, the possibility mus t also be considered used thro ugh ou t the occu pation sequence at Tepe

tha t arsenic, nickel or A sINi-bearing minerals or alloys

were added t o copper a t a late stage of the production

process intentionally to produce As-Ni-copper alloys.

Native arsenic and nickel are very rare, and objects of

metallic nickel or arsenic are not k nown from any pre-

historic archaeological context (Mu hly 1993a:119-120).

Furthermore, there a re no w ords for arsenic or nickel in

Bronze Age written sources from western Asia, suggest-ing that i t was unknow n to the metalworkers of this

period (Mu hly 1993:119-120; cf. Mo ntero Fenoll6s

1997:14 wh o suggests that the Sum erian term SU.GAN

might refer to ars enic). Thu s, the addition of metallic

arsenic or nickel to molten copper, in the manner of the

production of tin-bronze from metallic copper and tin, is

extremely unlikely (Rapp l988: X ) . Char les 1 85:25)

states that arsenical copper could have been produced

by the addition of arsenic minerals to molten copper

under charcoal, in a manner similar to the production oftin-bronze by the addition of cassiterite or stannite to

molten copper (see also Charles 1 97 8) , and a similar

app roa ch using nickel minerals is feasible. Arsenic- an d

antimony-bearing minerals have occasionally been found

on archaeological sites in the Old World, for example

loellingite (FeAs2)has been recorded at an Indus Valley

site (Ullah 1931 ; this mineral often con tains significant

amo unts of nickel an d co balt) and As/Sb-rich copper

ores have been recorded at Norsun Tepe in eastern

Anatolia (Zwicker 19 77) . Intentional production of

arsenical copper from metallic copper and arsenic-rich

minerals is hypothesized for the third millennium BCE

sites of Ikiztepe on the A natolian Black Sea coas t (Ged ik

et al. 2002 ) and Poros on Crete (D oona n et al. 2002 ),

amongst others.

In Iran, the earliest arsenical copp er objects have

been linked with the use of two copper arsenides,

alg ono dite ( C U ~ - ~ A S )nd domeykite (Cu3As), which

occur in copper-bearing gossans in the Talmessi and

Meskani mines in the Anarak district (Pigott

l99 9a : l l2 ) . Heskel and Lamberg-Karlovsky(1980:258-259) have argued that simple melting togeth-

er of native copper and these copper arsenides in a cru-

cible would have led to the production of arsenical

copper, and they suggest that this is indeed the process

that was used to produce the arsenical copper objects

Yahya, and perhaps at Neolithic and Chalcolithic s

across the Iranian Plateau generally (see also Pigott

l9 99 a: 112-1 13 ). Alternatively, it has been suggeste

that a form of CO-smelting, s described above, ma

have been important for the production of arsenica

copper at Bronze Age Iranian sites such as Shahda

Shahr-i Sokhta and Tepe Hissar, where significant

amo unts of slag are recorded (Pigott 199 9a:1 1 4 - 11199913384-86; Ha uptm ann et al. 198 8:4 6).

A different mechanism is proposed by Eaton a

McKerrell (1976:178; cf. Eaton 1977 :164), wh o su

that i t would have been t iresome and unnecessary

produce a batch of arsenical copper whenever requ

Rather, they posit the a lloying (melting togethe r) o

copper a nd high-arsenic metal (u p to 1 5 percent A

under charcoal. In supp ort of this theory, they note

appearance high As/Sb beads an d ingots from the

Caucasus and Europe which could have been used this purpose, and enter a debate o n the translation

three terms fro m ancient texts: the Sum erian AN.N

(Akkadian: anna kum , generally translated as t in

metal ); the Egyptian d( m m though t to denote a

cious metal , perhaps e lectrum); and the Greek term

ichalkos (w hich undoubtedly m eans brass in Roma

contexts) (Ea ton and M cKerrell 19 76: 17 9-18 8) . In

of these cases, Eaton and McKerrell regard the ter

signifying, instead, a high-arsenic copper alloy of s

appearance.

These interpretations have been criticized on a

number of points (e.g. Craddock 1978 ; Muhly 197

1985:279-280; Waetzoldt l9 8 :378; Van Lerbergh

Maes 19 84 ). Chiefly, however, the theory fails due

the lack of archaeological evidence for the postulat

high-As master alloys suggested by Eaton and

McKerrell. They are able to list fewer examples of

As/Sb objects than even the known Bronze Age oc

rences of metallic tin, and the example of the mate

from the Nahal Mishmar hoard which can no w be

added fails to support their case. The high As/Sb mrial found at this site was clearly worked and used

arately from objects of pure local copper (Tadmo r

19 95 ). Furthermore, different cuneiform terms hav

been suggested t o refer to non-tin-bronze c opper a

(Zaccagnini 198 8) .




Clearly, copper rich in arsenic andlor nickel could

have been produced using a wide variety of As- and

Ni-bearing ores under a range of smelting conditions.

Once arsenic or nickel were included in a furnace

charge, it seems likely that AsINi-copper would have

been produced at some stage. One point which must

be remembered is that the technology involved in

producing such alloys was often unknown to the very

metalworkers who were utilizing the material in con-

temporary metalworking centers away from areas of

primary production (e.g. Healy 1978 ). Furthermore,

the production process at the primary smelting site

may also have been poorly understood (a t least from

a modern mineralogical perspective) and regulated by

its practitioners.

Intentionality? As-Ni-Copper in Southeastern Arabia

Earlier in this chapter, it was shown that ores of cop-

per, arsenic, nickel (and cobalt) are associated in min-eral deposits from many parts of the world. In south-

eastern Arabia, ores containing arsenic and nickel

seem to be particularly concentrated in the high-grade

copper deposits associated with ultrabasic rocks in the

mantle sequence of the Semail Ophiolite, whereas the

larger massive sulfide copper deposits situated in the

upper extrusive sequence of the ophiolite contain

much lower concentrations of these elements.

Furthermore, it was established that arsenic and nickel

in concentrations of greater than approximately two

percent in copper alloys would have caused significant

improvements in the casting and working characteris-

tics of copper, and that the colour of the metal would

have changed from the reddish appearance of copper

to a paler, silvery or golden colour as combined As

and Ni concentrations reached three to four percent

or higher. Various studies of early copper extraction

procedures from both the Old and New Worlds have

also demonstrated that arsenical copper, and very

probably nickel and antimony-rich copper, could have

been produced by smelting oxide ores, by smeltingcarefully roasted sulfidic ores, or by CO-smeltingmix-

tures of oxide and sulfide ores. It remains now to

determine the importance of each of these factors for

the development of metallurgy and alloying practices

in southeastern Arabia.

From the beginning of archaeological investiga

of early copper metallurgy, the question has been ra

as to whether the alloys uncovered, such as arsenica

copper or tin-bronze, were intentionally produced. A

phrased by Northover (1989:111):

There are several routes by which such compo

sitions might have been reached, some deliber-

ate, some more or less accidental and a conse-

quence of the ores being used. The questions

we should be asking are: were the producers

and users of these coppers sufficiently aware

of the properties of their metals to select par-

ticular compositions for particular tasks?

Furthermore, did their metallurgical capabili-

ties extend to the deliberate manufacture or

control of those compositions?

Archaeologists and scholars of ancient metallur

have gradually discovered that alloy composition c

have been determined at a number of stages in the duction of an object, as outlined above. Determinin

intentional production of an alloy has become a co

cated issue in which the definition of "intentional"

crucial to the answer as any properties of the objec

being studied. The mixing of two metallic compone

to form an alloy is an example of an unambiguous

intentional alloying process analogous to modern p

tice, providing a technique against which other pro

posed procedures can be assessed. Mixing molten m

with other ores under charcoal also seems a clear e

ple of intentional alloying, but how should the mix

of ores in a smelting furnace (e.g. Lechtman 1996:

be regarded? What about the mining and collection

specific ores (e.g. Rapp 1988) , or the manipulation

smelting conditions (e.g. Budd et al. 1992:680)?

Additionally, metal of particular composition could

have been selected after its production by examinin

appearance or comparing its working properties w

other alloys (Northover 1989:115) . Approaches wh

seek to understand prehistoric alloying processes m

therefore, account for the geological milieu from wthe metals were formed, the mechanical treatment

was given to objects of particular composition, and

functional uses to which metal of that composition

put (Craddock 1995:287) in order t o arrive at a se

conclusion on the "intentionality" issue.

Discussion of Compositional Resultshttp://www.nd-warez.info/



As an example, the occasional appearance of high-

nickel and h igh-arsenic objects in the Bronze Age

Aegean has been convincingly linked by G ale et al.

(1985:89-92) to the ores that were being exploited at

the time. Evidence from the analysis of co pper inclusions

in slag samples pointed to th e accidental sm elting of

objects with up t o five percent of Ni a nd As. Although

probably an unintentional result of ore selection

processes, Gale et al . (198 5:90) al lowed that the proper-ties of this accidentally-produced metal no dou bt

resulted in their being selected as an especially good sor t

of copper for casting an d cold-working to produce a

tougher metal . Analyses of Bronze Age daggers from

Palestine indicate the intentional manipulation of the

prop erties of inverse segregation exhibited by arsen ical

copper alloys, in order to produce objects with distinc-

t ive appearan ces (Phil ip 19 91).Similarly, the Na hal

Mishma r hoar d show ed the use of unusu al high-

arseniclantimony alloys for the production of particularobject categories alongside the use of more com mo n

pure copper for othe r object types (Tadmo r et al. 1 99 5) .

In these cases, however, it remains u nclear as to whe ther

alloy selection was based up on in tentional con trol of

ores and smelting techniques, or upon the appearan ce

and w orking characteristics of the metal once it had

been produced.

The summary of the mineralogy of southeastern

Arabian copper deposits presented above suggests the

possibility of arsenical-nickel copper objects being a nat-

ural pr odu ct of the smelting of local ores. Th e PIXE

analyses of objects from the U.A.E, w hen co mpa red to

the geological data on southeastern Arabia, suggest an

extraction of the AslNi-copper from Bronze Age con-

texts fro m copp er deposits in mantle-level or lower-

crustal rocks of the Semail Ophiolite rather than from

the large copper deposits located at the top of the ophi-

olitic sequence. Furthermore, the common association of

As, N i an d C O ores in mantle-hosted copp er deposits is

mirrored in the correlations between these elements seen

in the analyzed finished ob jects described in Cha pterFour.

This conclusion is completely in accord with th e

suggestions of H aup tma nn et al . (1988:35 ), al thoug h i t

must be noted that some of the early data from Oman

showed significantly higher As and Ni concentrations in

finished objects than in cop per ingots, suggesting s

form of intentional al loying (e.g. Hauptmann 1995

Abb. 1).These differences have been largely expla

as result ing from either a n enrichment of arsenic d

later stages of object production, the lack of a dat

of ore a nd object analyses large enou gh t o reflect

true variability of the ancient metal products of th

region (H aup tma nn et al . 1988: 42-46), or prefere

separation of high-AsINi copper from the slag durismelting (Prange et al . 19 99:19 0). Other possible

explan ations for the appearance of high As levels

southeastern Arabian copper objects, such as the u

fahlerz ores of the tennantite-tetrahedrite series, ca

ruled out by the lack of such ores in southeastern

Arabia, and by the very low Sb, Ag and Bi levels i

majo rity of samples (eve n those w ith high As level

Of course, there are a large number of objects

from the Bronze Age, in addit ion to the great majo

of Iron Age objects (Weeks 2000a; Prange andHau ptma nn 2 001) , which contain less than one pe

of both As and Ni. The question must be asked as

whether these were produced from copper ores loc

in massive sulfide deposits (either primary sulfidic

or oxidized ores from the gossan) or from copper

deposits of the lower-crustal or mantle sequence w

did not have high concentrations of nickel and ars

It seems likely that, in Bronze Age smelting operat

the use of ores with variable quantities of arsenic,

el and cobalt could explain the appearance of cop

objects containing any concentration between appr

mately 0.1-5.0 perce nt As or Ni. Th e As and N i c

centrations in the Umm al-Nar Period objects anal

in this study seem to show a relat ively consistent d

bution across the one percent boundary (see Chap

Figures 4.8 and 4.10). In contrast , i t is tempting t

relate the low Fe, S, As, Ni a nd CO concentrations

in the Iron Age with the first exploitat ion of the p

mary ores fro m the massive sulfide deposits.

This chronology for the ex ploitat ion of the cop

deposits of the region has already been suggested bwor k of the Germ an Mining M useum in the Sultan

Om an (Weisgerber 1987:145; Weisgerber 1988 :286

and is strongly supp orted by the surviving evidence

Iron Age extraction si tes which a re frequently foun

the vicinity of massive sulfide depo sits (see also




Hauptmann 1985:116-1 17 ). However, new techniques Taking these factors into consideration, an exam

of metal extraction which included one o r more roasting

stages could also have led to significant reduction in the

arsenic con tent of finished objects (Tylecote et al. 197 7;

Budd et al. 1 99 3b ) withou t the uti l ization of new o re

sources. This picture of prehistoric mining in southeast-

ern Arabia has also been challenged by new analyses of

finished objects from the region un dertak en by Prange

et al . (19 99 ). These analyses indicate that arsenic and

nickel concentrations were actually higher in Wadi Suq

Period objects than in Umm al-N ar Period objects, and

it is suggested that mining may have con centrated o n

massive sulfide ores in the third millennium BCE a nd

then moved t o smaller stock-work mineralizations lower

in the O phiolitic series in the first half of the secon d

millennium BCE (Prange et al. 1 999 :190). However, the

significant number of third millennium As/Ni-copper

objects recorded in previous analytical studies from

southeastern A rabia (see Cha pter 4 ) indicate that suc h areconstruction is not accurate.

In considering this issue, it may be useful to exam-

ine the C O N at ios of the copper-base objects as

determined by PIXE. Ha uptm ann (1985:30) has noted

that CoINi rat ios vary widely between the different

types of copper deposits in southeastern Arabia while

remaining relat ively constant in both the primary and

secondary minerals of a single deposit (see also Wagner

e t al . 1989:303) . I t is c lear tha t C O N a t ios a re much

higher in massive sulfide deposits such as Lasail and

'Arja (generally greater than 10 0) than in mineralized

fracture zones in banded gabbros and peridoti tes (gen-

erally less than 1) (Hauptmann 1985:Table2) .

Exam ination of the CoINi rat ios of finished copper

objects can, theoretically, allow us to determine the

types of local ore-bodies from which they may have

been produced. The Co/N i rat io has been used by a

num ber of investigators to exam ine composit ional

groups, as CO and Ni are siderophile elements that are

similarly partitioned in copper extraction (Seeliger et al.

1986; Hauptm ann et al. 198 8; Wagner et al . 1989;Pernicka 19 99 ). However, direct comparison between

ar ti fac t and ore may not be possibl e, as C O N a t ios

appe ar to chan ge during the processes of al loying an d

corrosion (H aup tma nn et al . 19 88; Tylecote et al .

19 77) , al thoug h no t necessarily during smelting.

t ion of the C O I N atios of the analyzed copper obje

still produces some interesting patterns. The data ar

presented graphically in Weeks (2003:Figure 6) , and

indicate tha t Bronze Age coppe r objects exhibit a fa

curve, with very few objects show ing Co/N i ratios o

greater than one. In con trast , most copper objects f

the Iron Age show much higher C o/Ni rat ios, with

modes in the three to five percent range and very fe

samples with rat ios of less than two. T he PIXE data

tainly suggest com positiona l differences between co

objects from Bronze Age and Iron Age contexts, wh

might reflect a change in the ore bodies which were

exploited in the region in th e Iro n Age. Previous ana

of Umm al-Nar Period m aterial (Berthoud 1979 ;

Hau ptma nn et al . 1988; Hauptma nn 199 5) indicate

simi lar concentrat ion of copper objects wi th C O N

ratios of less than one, which supports the hypothes

However, i t must also be n oted th at copper objects Iron Age contexts, such as those from the T-shaped

at Bithnah (Cor boud et al . 1 99 6), have Co/N i rat ios

less than one.

Thus, the conclusions to be dra wn from a study

Co/Ni ratios in finished objects from southeastern

Arabia are so mewh at equivocal with regard to the t

of ore sources tha t were being exploited in the Bron

and Iron Ages. It is also clear from the detailed anal

of metal extraction at M aysar 1 that copper from d

ent types of deposits could have been collected a nd

smelted together. For exam ple, oxide ores, sulfur-be

ores an d sulfidic ores w ere available from mantle-le

deposits near M aysar, in addit ion to co pper from st

work zones in rocks of the upper gabbroic sequence

the ophiolite which would have been mineralogicall

quite dist inct (H aup tma nn 1985:Abb. 6 ). In other a

with evidence for Bronze Age copper extraction, suc

a t R ak i (H aup t m ann 1985: 1 6) , oxidized copper or

were available fro m the gossans of m assive sulfide

deposits. Hauptm ann and o ther scholars have stated

their belief that, during the Bronze Age, most of thecopper deposits in southeastern Arabia were being

exploited ( Ha uptm ann 1985:95; Weisgerber 198 4: 1

This means th at cop per with widely varying compo

t ions (an d C O N at ios) should have been produced

such is the case, the few Bronze Age coppe r objects

Discussion of Com positional Results





the metal. Alternatively, all tin-bronze used in the region

may have been obtained in its alloyed form. The trace

and minor element patterns in the analyzed tin-bronzes

are crucial in the investigation of this question, and they

are discussed in the following section.

Tin-bronze

For the purposes of this volume, a tin-bronze has been

defined as a copper alloy containing more than two per-

cent tin. Following this definition, 40 percent of objects

from Umm al -Nar Period contexts analyzed in this vol-

ume are tin-bronze. Tin deposits are not known and are

unlikely to occur in the basic and ultrabasic rocks which

comprise the majority of the northern Oman mountains,

where geological studies report tin concentrations in

local rocks of the order of approximately 10 ppm or less

(Hauptmann et al. l 9 88:3S; Cleuziou and Berthoud

1982:18). Thus, objects from southeastern Arabia with

more than approximately 0.5 percent tin almost certain-

ly include foreign metal, and the high frequency of tin-

bronze in the Bronze Age metal assemblages from this

region represents a considerable usage of a non-local

resource. In the Umm al-Nar Period material, a further

18 percent of objects contain between 0.5-2.0 percent

Sn, and must therefore have included some foreign mate-

rial, perhaps as part of recycling processes. Overall, per-

haps 60 percent of the third millennium BCE objects

analyzed in this study are likely, based on their tin con-

centrations, to include some foreign metal. However, the

changes in object composition introduced by corrosion

(see Chapter Four) make any statements regarding origi-

nal tin levels in the objects uncertain. While the presence

of tin-bronzes can be clearly established, and alloying

practices can be tentatively reconstructed, determining

the incorporation of foreign metal into locally made

objects based upon the measurement of very low tin

concentrations in corroded samples is not possible in

this study.

Archaeometallurgists and archaeologists are interest-

ed in answering a number of questions regarding the useof tin-bronze in southeastern Arabia. From a metallurgi-

cal point of view, it would be useful to know how this

tin-bronze was being manufactured: whether it was a

product of an alloying process using metallic copper and

tin, or whether it was the product of smelting a mixed

furnace charge of copper and tin ores, or whether tin ore

was added t o molten copper to produce the alloy. F

the perspective of archaeological trade studies, it wo

be interesting to know how tin was reaching southe

ern Arabia: as metallic tin (t o be alloyed with local

per), or as pre-alloyed bronze objects or ingots, and

what the original source of the tin may have been.

Furthermore, the reasons for the adoption of tin-bro

in the region and the factors, which governed its sel

tion, and use for particular object categories are im

tant to comprehend. These issues are discussed belo

light of evidence from the compositional analyses pr

sented in Chapter Four.

Evidence for Alloy Production Techniques:

Tin Concentrations in Copper and Tin-bronze

The tin concentrations of copper objects and tin-bro

show very different patterns in Bronze Age and Iron

objects from southeastern Arabia. As illustrated in

Figure 5.3, the Umm al-Nar Period objects analyzedPIXE show a broad range of t in concentrations, wit

modes at approximately one percent Sn and approx

mately 20 percent Sn (see also Chapter 4, Figure 4.1

Umm al-Nar PeriodObects (PIXE)

lronAge Objects

Figure 5.3 Tin concentrations n Umm al-NarPeriod objects analyzed by PIXE (top), and previ-ously-analyzed ron Age objects from southeast-

ern Arabia (bottom). Only objects containing

more than 0.1 percent tin are shown.




In contrast, the Iron Age analyses reveal a very distinct

mode at around 10 percent Sn, and a strong distinction

between tin levels in copper objects and tin-bronzes (only

six Iron Age objects contain tin in the 0.5-2.0 percent

range). The technological significance of this clear differ-

ence is uncertain, but it likely reflects processes of alloy

production.

The control of alloy composition suggested by the

Iron Age data may have been intended to impart specific

physical properties to the metal, or following certain tech-

nological or cultural traditions (e.g. Lechtman 1988:346).

The Iron Age compositional data further suggest that con-

centrations of alloying elements could be controlled, and

that tin or tin ore was probably added separately to cop-

per objects in these periods in a process of deliberate

alloying. When linked with the data on the discontinuity

of tin concentrations between copper and tin-bronze

objects illustrated in Figure 5.3, it would seem clear that

the great majority of tin-bronzes found in the northernOman Peninsula in Iron Age contexts were intentional

alloys. Furthermore, the low tin content of the Iron Age

copper objects and the high tin content of contemporary

tin-bronzes suggest that tin-bronze could be clearly distin-

guished from unalloyed copper or As/Ni-copper, and that

the different types of metal were rarely mixed. Tin-bronze

could have been distinguished from unalloyed copper by its

working characteristics or by its appearance, which would

have been more golden than raw copper, which is reddish

(Swiny 1982:75; Moorey 1994:252-253; Hosler 1995). It is

also likely that tin-bronze could have been distinguished

from As/Ni-copper by appearance, as As/Ni-copper is likely

to have been a silvery color.

In contrast, the wide range of tin concentrations

found in Umm al-Nar Period objects suggests less control

over object composition. The common presence of tin at

trace levels, at low alloying concentrations, and a t very

high concentrations, can be explained in a number of

ways: through the smelting of mixed furnace charges with

varying amounts of copper and tin minerals, through

indiscriminate mixing and recycling of copper objects andtin-bronzes (attested in contemporary Mesopotamia: see

Zettler 1990:Table l ) , r as the result of a period of exper-

iment with the properties of tin-bronzes of varying tin con-

centration. Discrimination between these possibilities is

not possible based purely on the evidence presented thus far.

The pattern of increasing differentiation in alloy

compositions through time is visible on a smaller sc

within the Umm al-Nar Period objects themselves (s

Chapter Four, Figure 4.16). Only one object from A1

Sufouh can be classed as tin-bronze, however rough

one third of the objects contain 0.5-2.0 percent Sn,

cating the admixture or use of foreign tin or tin-bea

metal at some point. The A1 Sufouh data suggest the

availability in the region of tin-bronzes, a theory tha

supported by analyses of material from the partly co

temporary site of Unar l. At this site, seven objects

analyzed are classified as tin-bronzes, however tin c

centrations in tin-bronzes are relatively low (five of

seven bronzes contain less than 10 percent Sn), and

further five "copper" samples contain 0.5-2.0 perce

Sn. At the latest Umm al-Nar Period sites of Unar2

Tell Abraq, tin-bronze is more common than at A1

Sufouh or Unarl, tin concentrations in samples are

higher, and there is a greater distinction between the

content of copper and tin-bronze objects (although

distinction is not as great as in the Iron Age). Such

tern might indicate that changes occurred in the wa

and tin-bronze was reaching southeastern Arabia w

the Umm al-Nar Period, an issue that is addressed m

fully in Chapter Seven.

Minor and Trace Element Patterns:

Guides to Alloy Production Techniques

For the Iron Age, Weisgerber (1988:292) has claime

that minorltrace element patterns, specifically of nic

and arsenic, indicate that tin-bronze was being prod

in southeastern Arabia by the alloying of local copp

with imported tin. This is because compositional di

ences between Iron Age copper objects and tin-bron

are minimal, suggesting that local copper was alloy

with relatively pure imported tin (Prange and

Hauptmann 2001; Corboud et al. 1996; Weeks 200

As further evidence for the local production of t

bronzes in southeastern Arabia, a close link between

composition of tin-bronze and copper objects can bestablished by examining the chronological changes

composition in the two groups. A distinct decrease i

arsenic and nickel concentrations through time is se

copper-base objects (see Chapter Four, Tables 4.12

4.16), which has been explained above as probably






compositional differences could also have resulted from

the use of t in-bronze imported into southeastern Arabia

in pre-alloyed form. Such pre-alloyed b ronze c ould

have arrived a s finished objects or t in-bronze ingots.

One example of such an ingot comes from a mid-third

mil lennium context in Meso potamia, probably from

Tell al-Ubaid, and contains approximately nine percent

Sn (M oorey 19 94:25 2), whi le another t in-bronze ingot

is said to come from Chanhu-Daro in the Indus Valley,although this composit ional at tribution is based upon

surface appearance rather than laboratory analysis

(Mackay 1943:187).

If tin-bronze reached southeastern Arabia in the

form of finished objects, it may be possible to trace the

use of imported tin-bronze objects using typological

studies. However, many of the tin-bronze objects ana-

lyzed in this volume a re ei ther small fragments co n-

taining no typological information or fragm ents of

typologically non-diagnostic objects such as simple

rings (see Cha pter Th ree). Furthermore, foreign t in-

bronzes can be easily melted down to produce t in-

bronzes of distinctively local form, making typological

studies redundant.

In fact, it is likely that trade in both pre-alloyed

bronze (objects or ingots) and in metal lic t in w as

occurring. There is archaeological evidence from the

very end of the third millennium BCE that metallic tin

was reaching southeastern Arabia, as the t in r ing from

Tell Abraq testifies. However, the quantity of this

material available to local metalworkers is unknown.The scarcity of metall ic t in finds from the region is no

indicator, as t in finds are scarce in al l areas of west-

ern Asia in the Bronze a nd Iro n Ages (M add in et al .

1977:44-45; Charles 1978:25-26; Muhly 1985a ;

Moorey 1994:301; Lerberghe 1988:254-255), even in

regions with documented imports of many tonnes of

the material . A number of Mesopotamian textual

sources from the third and early second millennia BCE

indicate the movement of t in through the Gulf, and

ment ion t in from Meluhha, Magan, and Di lmun (seeCha pter Eigh t). Furthermore, there are textu al refer-

ences to the tra de of finished t in-bronze i tems from

Magan (Limet l972:14-17). These references suggest

tha t the t in trade involved the trade of both metallic

tin itself and finished tin-bronze objects.

Alloy Use in Different O bjec t CategoriesA number of studies have demonstrated th at , in pa

lar metalworking traditions, certain types of alloys

used for specific object categories. For example, stu

of alloy use in ancient west Mexico have determine

tha t uti l itarian objects such a s axes, needles a nd aw

were made of copper containing t in and arsenic in

centrations of between two and five percent, which

would have significantly increased the strength andcastability of the resulting alloy (Hosler 1995:101)

the same time, high-arsenic and high-tin copper all

(containing five to 2 3 percent Sn or As) were used

the production of bells (Hosler 19 88, 19 95 ). The a

ses indicated that the pro perties of colour and soun

were more important in alloy selection for bells th

mechanical properties such as hardness, as the con

trations of alloying elements were much higher tha

required purely to optimise mechanical properties

(Hosler 1995:lOl). Similar findings with regard to

use of arsenical copper objects with silver surfaces

to inverse segregation are discussed above, and em

size the many factors which can be involved in allo

production and selection (see also Wheeler and Ma

1980:99-100; Swiny 1982:75).

In a number of work s discussing the developm

of metallurgy, the change from the use of arsenical

per to tin-bronze has usually been seen as resulting

from either:

The superior mechanical properties of tin-

bronzes in comparison to arsenical coppe(Lechtman 1996).

Attempts to recreate the advantageous me

ical properties of arsenical copper once th

bodies which had led to the inadvertent p

duction of such alloys had been worked o

(Muhly 1988; Charles 1980:176).

The ability to closely control alloying pro

tions in t in-bronzes as opposed to the rat

haphazard control envisaged for the manu

ture of arsenical copper (Charles 1980:176-177; Lechtman 1996:478).

The poisonous nature of arsenic fumes that

be generated by the production and use of

arsenical copper alloys (Charles 1967, 198 0

1985 ) .




Most of these explanations focus upon the mechanical As can be seen in Figure 5.4, patterns of alloy

properties of arsenical copper as opposed to tin-bronze, vary greatly in the different object categories analy

such as strength and toughness. However the preceding

examples from west Mexico should indicate that other

physical properties of metals can be important in deter-

mining the introduction and use of specific alloys.

Furthermore, the use of particular types of metal can be

related t o economic or ideological issues as closely as to

the physical properties of the metal. For example, metalproduction, trade, and use have been linked by a number

of scholars to the display of wealth in societies with nas-

cent stratification (e.g. Stech and Pigott 1986:41) , and

the widespread use of tin-bronze in the Late Horizon

Inka settlements of the Andes has been associated with

political processes which saw tin-bronze adopted as "the

imperial alloy par excellence" (Lechtman 1996:478).

The uses to which most early tin-bronze alloys were

put have suggested tha t improved mechanical proper-

ties or ease of alloying and casting were not necessarily

the most important factors in the introduction and

early use of tin-bronze in western Asia (Moorey

1994:252-253; Mont ero Fenoll6s 1997:17). The exam-

ination of alloy use in different object categories, and

metallographic evidence regarding the mechanical

treatment of different kinds of alloys, are important in

arriving at such conclusions regarding early alloy selec-

tion and use. In order t o address similar questions in a

southeastern Arabian context, where relatively pure

copper, AsINi-copper and tin-bronze a re used simulta-

neously, the data on the copper alloys used for different

object categories are presented below.

For the Umm al-Nar objects, alloy use in the object

categories of "blades" (2 1 objects), "pinslawls" (nine

objects), "flat fragments" (24 objects), "rings" (20

objects), and "other objects" (nine objects) are given.

The category of blades includes fragments of knives, dag-

gers and spearheads such as those found at A1 Sufouh

(Benton 1996:Figures 173-186) and Tell Abraq (Chapter

Three) . Flat fragments could belong to knife or dagger

blades, as well as to vessels or other object types. Thecategory of "other objects" includes a number of uniden-

tified fragments or amorphous copper-base lumps, in

addition to one possible chisel from Unar2, a rivet from

A1 Sufouh, and three fragments from Unarl designated

as "tubes" or the like.

For the categories of blades and pinslawls, approxi

mately 30 percent of objects are made of relatively

copper, with a further 50-60 percent of AsINi-copp

Between 10 and 2 0 percent of blades and pinslawls

tain significant amounts (more than two percent) o

Previous analyses of contemporary blades and blad

fragments from Umm an-Nar Island, Hili, Jebel Ha

and Qarn Bint Saud show a similar prominence of

AsINi-copper, and only one blade with more than t

percent tin (Berthoud 1979; Frifelt 1975a, 1991;

Hauptmann 1995) . The presence of significant con

trations of zinc and lead must also be noted in som

the Umm an-Nar Island blades (Frifelt 1991 100). T

three previously analyzed "needles" from Maysar a

Ras al-Harnra (Hauptmann et al. 1988) are of relat

pure copper, showing a lack of tin use similar to th

analyses of pinslawls undertaken in this study.

In contrast, much more consistent use of tin-br

is seen in the object categories of rings and flat fra

ments. Rings, in particular, are most frequently of

bronze, sometimes containing significant levels of

arsenic, lead or silver. Furthermore, four of the six

categorized as "copper" in fact contain one to two

cent tin, and may perhaps be regarded as low-tin

bronzes. Tin levels in excess of one percent are thu

recorded in 90 percent of analyzed rings. Interestin

no rings are made of AslNi-copper, while about ha

the tin-bronze rings contain arsenic. Previous semi-

titative analyses of rings from third millennium BC

contexts at Tell Abraq (Weeks 1997) indicated that

of the 14 objects contained significant amounts of

(two containing As andlor Ni), while six were of r

tively pure copper (none containing in excess of on

percent As or Ni).

Some of these apparent alloy choices are seen t

continue into later periods. For example, tin-bronze

tinues to be consistently utilized to produce rings a

flat fragments in the second millennium; 10 of the 1analyzed Wadi Suq PeriodILate Bronze Age rings fr

Tell Abraq, Shimal settlement area SX, and Shimal

SH102 are composed of tin-bronze, as are 12 of 15

lyzed flat fragments from contemporary contexts at

Abraq and SH102 (Weeks 1997; Weeks 2000a) .




Figure5.4. Alloy use in different object categories.

Furthermore, as t in-bronze was rarely uti lized to pr o-

duce pinslawls in the third millennium BCE, so the pat-

tern continues in the second millennium: of the 12

pinslawls from Wadi SuqILate Bronze Age contexts at

Tell Abraq, Shimal settlement area SX, and Masirah Site

38, only two contain significant amounts of tin (Weeks1997 ,2000 a; Hauptmann e t al. 198 8) .

In the Iron Age, with tin-bronze use increasing to

incorporate ap proximately three-quarters of analyzed

copper-base o bjects, these distinctions by artifact type

are consequently diminished. Blades, arrowheads and

heavy braceletslbangles from the IbriISelme hoard

(Prange and Hau ptma nn 200 1) and the Qidfa tom

Obersteg 1 987; Weeks 2000 a) are made almo st ex

sively of tin-b ronze . Differences at this time seem m

related to the individual site: IbriISelme and Qidfa

it the predominant use of tin-bronze in all object cgories, whereas settlements such as Mu weilah and

Abraq (Weeks forthcoming b; Weeks 19 97 ) and th

lective tomb assemblage from Bithnah (Corboud et

1996:Figure 5 9) show m uch lower frequencies of t

bronze use.




Thus, the analyses of objects from A1 Sufouh,

Unarl, Unar2, and Tell Abraq suggest that tin-bronze

may have been selectively used for particular object cat-

egories, reinforcing the results of previous studies of

material from Tell Abraq (Weeks 1997). Furthermore,

the objects most commonly of tin-bronze are rings,

which have a decorative rather than utilitarian function.

This may suggest that factors other than the mechanical

advantages of the tin-bronze alloy were important in its

selection. One such property is the surface appearance

of tin-bronze, which is more golden than pure copper

or As/Ni-copper. In general, the use of precious or dec-

orative metals such as silver and tin in the manufacture

of rings and bracelets in Bronze Age southeastern

Arabia (Weeks 1997; Weeks 2000a), is further evidence

of the association of these object categories with metals

of attractive or unusual physical appearance. Additional

evidence for the importance of the appearance of the tin-

bronze alloy is provided by the use of tin-bronze in theproduction of beads at the third millennium BCE site of

Ra's al-Hadd in Oman (J. E. Reade, personal communi-

cation). Copper beads are not known from southeastern

Arabia in the Urnm al-Nar Period, but beads of gold and

silver are. Alternatively, as jewelry can act as a means of

both displaying and storing wealth, the economic value

of tin-bronze in comparison to copper, resulting from

its scarcity and the distances over which it was

obtained, may have been important in its selection for

use in rings and bracelets rather than more utilitarian

objects (cf. Montero Fenoll6s 1997:17).

Summary

The discussion presented in this chapter focused on the

impurities of iron and sulfur found in the Urnm al-Nar

Period objects, and the concentrations of the potential

alloying elements arsenic, nickel, and tin. The presence

of sulfur and iron in the Urnm al-Nar Period objects

reflects the ores that were used to produce them, the

smelting technology employed, and the degree of sec-

ondary refining that the raw copper received prior toobject fabrication. High sulfur concentrations in the

finished objects (see Table 4.5) reflect the presence of

copper sulfide (matte) inclusions in the objects. These

matte inclusions resulted from the CO-smelting of oxide

and sulfur-bearing ores, and the incomplete separation

of metallic copper from the matte that was produ

during the typical smelting process employed in B

Age southeastern Arabia. The high Fe concentratio

of the Urnm al-Nar Period objects (see Table 4.7)

be related in part to the sporadic inclusion of iron

bearing sulfide ores in smelting charges, which wo

have led to the presence of Cu-Fe-S matte inclusio

the finished objects. Additionally, iron-bearing flux

could have contributed a significant amount of m

iron to the raw copper produced during a smelt.

Such high iron and sulfur concentrations wou

have had a deleterious effect on the working prop

of the raw copper, and a refining stage prior to fa

cation (i.e. secondary refining) would have been n

sary to produce satisfactory objects. A comparison

the elemental compositions of finished objects and

ondary refining waste from archaeological context

the Gulf suggests that raw copper produced in so

eastern Arabia was indeed refined prior to object cation principally to remove impurities of Fe and

Arsenic and nickel are frequently found in the

Urnm al-Nar Period copper-base objects analyzed

this volume at concentrations of one to five perce

and occasionally higher. A review of the mineralo

metallurgical, and technological aspects of As/Ni-c

per objects in southeastern Arabia suggests that th

are most likely to have been natural alloys inadve

ly produced as a result of the types of ores explo

and the smelting technology employed. Although A

and Ni concentrations in the largest copper depos

Oman, the massive sulfide deposits, are generally

low, the oxidized copper deposits of the lower cru

and mantle sequences of the Semail ophiolite show

much higher concentrations of Ni and As. Coppe

smelted from such deposits would have contained

and Ni as natural impurities. Thus, the significan

quantities of As and Ni in the Urnm al-Nar objec

compatible with a southeastern Arabian origin.

However, copper ores with significant As and Ni

centrations are also found in geological contexts oside southeastern Arabia, most significantly in som

the copper deposits of the Iranian Plateau. It is th

fore clear that reliable conclusions regarding abso

provenance cannot be drawn from the compositio

data alone.

Discussion of Compo sitional Results



These "accidental" alloys may have had some physi-

cal properties (such as hardness, colour, and ease of cast-

ing) which allowed them to be distinguished from unal-

loyed copper after they were produced in the primary

smelt. In particular, the inverse segregation exhibited by

arsenical (and perhaps nickel) copper alloys suggests that

objects from A1 Sufouh with more than approximately

three to four percent of combined As and Ni are likely to

have had a different surface appearance than most unal-

loyed copper objects. The evidence for alloy use in differ-

ent object categories indicates that AsNi-copper was

rarely used for decorative objects such as rings, but was

commonly found in more utilitarian objects such as

pinslawls and blades. Such a differentiation may be

indicative of the use of AsINi-copper for its mechanical

advantage of hardness, but could also reflect factors such

as the relative worth of other alloys like tin-bronze.

The examination of the evidence for tin-bronze use

in Umm al-Nar Period southeastern Arabia suggests dif-ferent patterns of alloy production, exchange, and use.

Previous analyses are suggestive of the trade in metallic

tin to southeastern Arabia by the Iron Age. This is

because there are few minorltrace element differences

between copper objects and tin-bronzes at this time;

there are clear distinctions between the tin content of

copper objects and tin-bronzes; and tin concentrations

show a normal distribution suggestive of controlled and

intentional alloying.

The situation for tin-bronzes from the Umm al-Nar

Period is not so clear. There are significant minor and

trace element differences between copper objects and tin-

bronzes of this period which could reflect either the

alloying of local copper with imported tin or the impor-

tation of pre-alloyed bronze objects or ingots.

Furthermore, there is no strong distinction between the

tin content of copper and tin-bronze objects from the

Umm al-Nar Period, particularly in the earlier objects

from A1 Sufouh and Un ar l. This may suggest that con-

trol over alloy composition was minimal, that recycling

did not discriminate between alloy types, or that a widerange of tin-bronze alloys were produced for varying rea-

sons. The latter possibility is certainly supported by

"recipes" for the production of tin-bronze found in sur-

viving cuneiform documents, which suggest great compo-

sitional variability (see Chapter Eight). Archaeological

and textual evidence indicates that, in this period, bo

metallic tin and pre-alloyed tin-bronze were being tr

through the Gulf.

The delineation of alloying practices is complica

by the finding that there are no strict correlations

between tin content and the concentrations of other

minor and trace elements. For example, tin-bronzes

to have higher silver and lead levels, but the relation

is not constant, and tin-bronzes can have very low si

and lead concentrations. Indeed, it is unlikely that c

positional analyses alone will allow for questions of

alloying practice to be solved, as tin and copper of v

ing composition from multiple sources might be invo

and there was simultaneous trade in both metallic ti

pre-alloyed tin-bronze objects.

Regardless of how tin-bronze was actually prod

examination of alloy use in different object categorie

indicates that tin-bronze was selectively used for obj

which had a decorative rather than utilitarian functiIn particular, copper-base rings were almost exclusiv

made of tin-bronze. This suggests tha t factors such a

surface appearance of tin-bronze, or its greater econ

value, dictated how this alloy was used in Bronze Ag







The lead generated by such decay schemes is known

generally as radiogenic, to distinguish it fro m the 204Pb,

206Pb, 207Pb and 208Pb which was already present at the

time of the formation of the earth, know n as primeval

or primordial lead. All lead on earth is thus a mixture of

lead originally present when the earth was formed

approximately 4.5 million years ago (primeval lead) and

lead subsequently generated by radioactive decay (radi-

ogenic lead) (Gulson 1 986:1 3). In ad dit ion, the stable

lead isotopes generated from the decay of uranium

(206Pb and 207Pb) are often referred to as u ranium -

derived or uranogenic and the lead produced by the

decay of thoriu m (208Pb) is called thorium-d erived o r

thorogenic (Gulson 1986:25).

Th e usefulness of lead iso tope analysis for geologi-

cal dating is a result of the half-lives of the three

radioactive decay schemes, show n below (fro m Pollard

and Herron 1996:312).

238U decays to 206Pb, half life = 4.468 X 109 years235U decays to 207Pb, half life = 0.7038 X 109 years

232Th decays to 208l?b, half life = 14.01 X 109 years

The half lives of the uranogenic and thorogenic lead

systems are of the o rder of billions of years, a nd a re

thus ideal for study of rock and ore formation on a geo-

logical timescale.

The lead isotope composit ion of rocks a nd ores

varies o n a world-wide scale, as the result of a numbe r

of processes. Differences in the co ncen trations of uran i-

um, thorium and lead across the surface of the Earth

occurred during i ts formation and cooling (P ollard and

Herro n 1996 :313) and during the differentiation of the

Earth into core, mantle and crustal components

(G ariip y and D up ri 199 1). Differing ratios of U/Pb and

Th/Pb in different parts of the world led to differences in

the production of the radiogenic isotopes of lead and

hence furthe r differentiation in lead isotop e values

across the planet (Gulson 1986:Ch. 2). Further differen-

tiation has been caused by processes of ore formation, in

which com mon lead minerals (galena) are separated

from uranium and thorium, after which point the iso-topic composit ion of the ore does not change (P ollard

and Herron 1 96:3 13 ). Lead isotope compositions of

ore deposits are therefore primarily determined by the

age of the deposit and the sources of the lead that they

incorporate.

This geological an d geograph ical differentiation

lead isotope compositions forms the basis of the lea

tope technique as applied to archaeological provena

studies. Theoretically, different ore depo sits shou ld

characterized by distinct lead isotope ratios , as a re

of their different ages and histories of formation .

Significantly, these isotopic cha racteristics shou ld be

ried through to any archaeological art ifacts that we

produced from the ores. This means that o re deposi

can be isotopically fingerprinted , a nd archaeolog

objects with matching isotopic characteristics can b

related t o these specific ore bodies. T he simp lest cas

for objects made of lead, whose isotopic signatures

should be very similar to the lead ores fr om which

were made. However, metals such as copper also co

monly contain small amounts of lead (usually less t

ca. one perc ent), as a result of its inclusion in the co

ores from which they were made. Th e isotopic com

tion of the lead in the copper objects should also mthat of the deposit from which the copper ore was

mined, meaning th at copper-base objects can also th

retically be provenanced using LIA. Of course, ther

many examples of ore deposits that cannot be diffe

ated isotopically, a nd m any fa ctors like alloying and

recycling tha t mak e the use of LIA for the pu rpose s

archaeological provenance studies problematic.

Nevertheless, the theoretical bases an d assu mption s

the method have proven robust, and the specifics of

application in archaeology are discussed in the rema

der of the chapter.

Lead isotope data are usually measured an d rep

as rat ios rath er than abundance levels, due to the n

of the measurement technique. Modern samples, (in

ing the Tell Abraq samples analyzed in this volume

generally measured using a technique known as the

ionization mass sp ectrom etry (TIM S). A description

the technique is given in Stos-Gale an d G ale

(1994:99-100). In the measurement of lead isotope

position using TIMS, the greatest experimental prec

is achieved by measuring all the individual abundansimultaneously as rat ios (Gulson 19 86:15 ; Stos-Gal

Gale 1994:99-lOO). Abundances of individual isoto

can be calculated from the ratios, but the associated

error will be greater (Pernicka 199 2; Budd et al . 19

The samples from A1 Sufouh, Una rl and U nar2 in t




LIA study were analyzed by multi-collector inductively the technique was to be used on objects created by

coupled plasma m ass spectrometry (MC -ICPM S), for humans rather than n aturally produced ores. The pri

which details are found in Collerson et al . (20 02 ).

In geological situations, ratios are most com monly

measured in regard t o the non-radiogen ic iso tope 204Pb

(e.g. Chen an d Pallister 1981 ; Spooner and Gale 19 81;

Briqueu et al. 1991; Calvez and Lescuyer 1 991 ). In such a

situ atio n, v alue s will be r ep or ted fo r the ra tio s 206Pb/z@Pb,

207PbI204Pb an d 208PbI204Pb. These ra tio s ar e used bygeologists because they relate to theoretical lead evolu-

tion curves used in the calculation of m odel lead isotope

ages for analyzed samples (e.g. Stacey an d Kramers 19 75;

Faur e 1977:C hapters 13-14; K oppel and Griinenfelder

1979). In most laboratories aro und the w orld, however,

the ac tua l ra tio s m eas ured ar e 208Pb/206Pb, 207Pb1206Pb

an d 206Pb1204Pb (G ulso n 1986:15 an d A ppen dix On e). For

archaeological examples, where the geochrono logical

implications of lead iso tope d ata are generally of less sig-

nificance, the latter ra tios a re comm only used (e.g. Stos-

Gale et al . 19 97; Stos-Gale and Gale 199 4; Begemann et

al. 1 98 9) . For ex amples, see Ch apter Seven, Table 7.1.

For a visual represe ntation of the dat a, isotope ratios

are commonly plotted o n bivariate graphs. The three-

dimensional natu re of the d ata requires that tw o bivariate

plots are produced to a dequately assess the true d istribu-

tion of a g rou p of samples (e.g. Gale 1999:Figure 2; Budd

et al. 1996:169-170). An example can be seen in Chapter 7,

Figure 7.1.

LIA in ArchaeologyTh e use of LIA in archaeological research has its origins

primarily in the con text of provenanc e analysis (Brill and

Wampler 196 7; Grogler et al . 19 66) , al though the possi-

bility of a uthentica tion studies using LIA has also been

raised (Gale 19 78 53 0) . Geological studies of the tech-

nique had demon strated that a large range of potential

lead isotope fingerprints could be expected fro m differ-

ent types of mineralization formed at different periods in

the Earth's history (G ulson 1986:Figure 1.2) . Th e exis-

tence of isotopically discrete ore fields from particula rregions lead t o the spe culation tha t isotope ratios of

archaeological objects could be related to these discrete

fields, thu s providing a provenance for the analyzed

object. Th e transfer of the technique fr om geology to

archaeology required a number of extra assumptions, as

assumptions were:

1. Isotope ratios remain unaffected by anthro-

pogenic processes.

2. The re was no m ixing or recycling of metal f

different sources.

Th e first assum ption has held u p well under scie

scrutiny. While frac tionation is theoretically possible(Budd et al. 19 95c ),experimental work indicates tha

practical si tuations fractionation does no t introduce

errors of greater magnitude th an the analytical preci

comm only attainab le in most lab oratories (Barnes et

1978:274; Gale and Stos-Gale 19 82; Pollard and He ro

1996:324-326; Ox fo rd Universi ty Com mit te e fo r

Archaeology 1997). Hence, fractiona tion seems unlik

be a significant confo und ing factor in archaeo logical

Th e second assum ption listed a bove is essentiall

unprovable in archaeological contexts, although a va

of circum stantial evidence has been used to justify m

hypothesizing limited metal m ixing and recycling in

t icular archaeological con texts (co ntrast Muhly

1985b:80-81 with Gale and Stos-Gale 1985:88-90).

issue is discussed in detail be low, and its significance

isotopic studies of Bronze Age metallurgy in south ea

Arabia is specifically addressed.

Archaeological LIA incorp orating these two assu

tions developed in a n um ber of discrete stages. The i

research was un dertak en by R. Brill and J. Wampler

early 1 960 s (Wampler and Bril l 1964; Brill and W am

19 67 ). The ir wor k w as inspired by geological LIA, a

tha t had by tha t time a history of roughly 30 years. E

archaeological app lications were limited t o the stu dy

objects tha t were mad e of lead or included large amo

of lead (s uch as lead glazes and glass). Th e results of

research were encouraging, in tha t lead ores from

England, Greece and Spain could be isotopically diff

t iated, an d archaeological objects know n t o have bee

produced fro m a part icular ore body had isotopic ch

teristics closely matching those of their parent ores. Asimilar appro ach to the isotopic analysis of Rom an l

pipes and ingots was u ndertaken co ntemporaneou sly

num ber of Swiss scholars, who stressed the potential

the technique when combined with trace-element an

ses (Grogler et al. 1966:1168).

Lead Isotope Analysis in Archaeology



Following the first application of LIA to the analysis 1978:Table 2) . This possibility arose from the fact t

of lead objects and lead-containing glasses an d glazes, small amo unts of lead remained in copp er and tin-

archaeological LIA program s were soon broadened t o

include silver ores and objects. Silver objects in th e

ancient world were commonly produced by cupellation

from argen tiferous galena (P bS), and thus retained a sig-

nificant percentage of lead (C raddo ck 19 95 ). This small

amount of lead, a result of the composition of the ore

body and simple refining procedures, would have thesame isotopic characteristics as the galena ore from

which the silver was extracted.

A large project on Athenian silver sources was

organized by scholars from the Max Planck Institut fiir

Kernphysik at Heidelberg University and the

Department of Geology and Mineralogy a t Oxford

University, and a significant numbe r of publications on

this topic appeared from the late 19 70s onwards (e.g.

Gale 197 8, 1980 ; Gale et al. 1 980; Gentner et al. 1 978 ,

1979180). The analyses were able to demon strate the

importance of Laurion as a silver source for Athens, in

addition to th e use of a wide variety of silver sources for

coinage from Aegina (Gentner et al . 19 78:28 4). It was

clear that LIA, when used as one component of a

detailed research program incorporating all relevant

archaeological, geological a nd historical evidence, could

be an extremely useful technique in provenance studies.

LIA of silver sources soon expanded to include material

from the Bronze Age (e.g. Stos-Gale and Gale 1982),

and from regions other than A ttica and Siphnos (Gale

and Stos-Gale 1981).The third and most im portan t stage in the develop-

ment of archaeological LIA was the realization that iso-

topic analyses could be used to determine the source of

the copper used in copper-base objects. Attempts to ana-

lyze the variation in isotopes of copp er an d tin, which

seem a priori more ap prop riate to the study of the

provenance of archaeological bronzes, are either in their

infancy (W oodhead et al . 19 99 ) or have foundered on

the lack of natural heterogeneity within mineral assem-

blages and the difficulty of d ifferentiating natu ral an danthropogenic fractionation (M cGill et al . 199 9;

Begemann et al. 19 99 ; Yi et al. 19 99 ). In contras t, the

possibility of using LIA to study the provenance of cop-

per and tin-bronze objects was noted from the earliest

applications of the technique in archaeology (e.g. Gale

bronze objects as a result of the primitive smelting

refining processes th at w ere used to create them (G

1978 :34; Barnes et al. 19 78:2 74) . As this remaining

was f rom the c opp er ore itself, LIA of coppe r-base

objects that had not been intentionally leaded could

oretically indicate the source of the cop per in the ob

The first paper to present data explici tly on the apption of LIA to the provenance of archaeological cop

base objects appeared in 1 98 2 (Gale and Stos-Gale

19 82) , and m arked the beginning of a rapid e xpans

of the use of LIA in Old W orld archaeology, particu

in the eastern Med iterranean region.

The importance of LIA of ancient copper-base

objects arose from the fact that lead a nd si lver occu

infrequently in most archaeological assemblages, an

archaeological thought allocated less socio-economi

nificance to the extraction, exchange and use of the

materials. In contrast, the copper trade w as thoug h

have been a vital factor in the socio-politico-econo

orga nization of every Bronze Age polity (M uhly

1995a:56; see also Renfrew 196 7; Gale 197 8; Sherr

199 3, 1994 ; Tadmor et al . 1995:145), and was rega

as wor thy of intensive archaeological research. It is

unsurprising that LIA of copper-base material from

region eventually came to focus upon the archaeolo

leit motif of this trade, the copper ox-hide ingots of

Late Bronze Age (see Stos-Gale 1989:290-292; Stos

et al. 19 97; Gale 1 991 ; Budd et al. 19 95a, 1 99 5b) .complicated and sometimes heated discussion which

rounded the LIA of this category of object within th

decade (see Budd e t al. 199 5a, 199513; Gale a nd Sto

Gale 1995 ; Hall 19 95; Sayre et al. 19 95; Muhly 1 9

Pernicka 1995 a; Stos-Gale et al . 1 99 7) reflected a g

ing concern with various aspects of the interpretatio

lead isotope data within archaeology.

This concern regarding the application of LIA i

provenance studies of copper-base objects was refle

in at least two periods of intense academic debate.first period is represented by articles from Gale an

Stos-Gale (1982, 198 5) and Muhly (1983, 19 85b)

which can be added the w ork of German resear

team s presented by Pernicka et al. (19 84 ), Seelige

al. (1 98 5) , and W agner et al. (1 98 6) . The discussi




these articles investigated such basic issues as mixing

and remelting of copper supplies, the production of

intentionally leaded bronzes, the possible contribution

of lead to a bronze by the addition of tin or cassiterite,

and the possible role of polymetallic ore bodies as sup-

pliers of different types of metal.

The second major debate is represented by a series

of articles and comments in the journal Archaeometry

(Sayre et al. 1992; Gale and Stos-Gale 1992; Leese

1992; Pernicka 1992, 1993; Reedy and Reedy 1992;

Budd et al. 1993a; Sayre et al. 1993; Gale and Stos-

Gale 1993). Issues discussed in this debate reflected the

greater maturity of the field, particularly the develop-

ment of large databases of isotopic analyses. The

debate thus covered the nature of samples used to

define ore fields, the statistical treatment of lead iso-

topic data in the removal of outliers and the delin-

eation of ore fields, and the reliability of laboratory

measurements of lead isotope ratios.Over the course of the development of LIA in

archaeology, a more general discussion has also arisen

regarding the legitimate aims and theoretical limitations

of such research, particularly an aspect dubbed the

"provenance paradigm" (Budd et al. 1996). Although

the earliest lead isotope research in archaeology was

conducted with the aim of determining absolute prove-

nance for the analyzed objects, it was also realized that

outlining isotopic similarities and divergences within an

archaeological assemblage, without any assignation of

absolute provenance, could be important in the forma-

tion of archaeological theories (Brill and Wampler

1967:72). As LIA in archaeology developed, the deter-

mination of absolute provenance for archaeological

objects was embraced as the logical function of the tech-

nique, as examination of any of the analytical reports of

the 1970s and 1980s will attest. This was partly a result

of the optimism that surrounded the technique in the

early stages of its application to archaeological prob-

lems, when the possibility of frequent and significant

overlaps in ore-fields seemed minimal.However, as the body of available lead isotope

data grew, the number of overlaps between ore-fields

increased significantly (Pernicka et al. 1990:278), and

the potential of the technique to delineate exclusively

the sources of the copper used in archaeological

objects seemed to dwindle. Pernicka et al. (1990:

went so far as to state that "we are in the very

ungratifying situation that more measurements lea

more ambiguity " The emerging difficulties and d

surrounding LIA in archaeology are a result of th

growing body of data and the resultant ore-field o

laps: the search for absolute provenance has led s

ars to utilize analytical techniques which contain

propriate geological and statistical assumptions, in

effort to limit the lead isotope fields characterizin

compositional variability within ore bodies.

Furthermore, the basic notion that lead isotope d

allow strong negative conclusions but only weak p

tive assignations of source has often been overloo

Budd et al. (1996:169) suggest that "the interpret

of lead isotope data has not taken place within a

framework which reflects the true complexity eith

ore deposits, or-perhaps more importantly-of m

supply and circulation in the ancient world".In proposing to move "beyond the tired old i

of provenance", Budd et al. (1996:172-173) note

instances in which "detecting change in the patter

metal procurement and use is more useful than as

ing provenance". For example, studies of material

from the Bronze Age Aegean sites of Poliochni an

Thermi have demonstrated the potential of lead is

tope studies to provide information on trade and

exchange based on the diversity of lead isotope c

positions found at a site (Pernicka et al. 1990:263

posit changes in trade patterns rather than techno

as explanation for changes in overall metal compo

tion a t a site (Begemann et al. 1995:123), and t o

gest chronological inter-relationships between sites

based upon isotopic evidence (Begemann et al.

1992:219). The power of lead isotope studies to

clusively exclude possible ore sources has been us

great (and surprising) effect in studies of early me

use in the Balkans (Pernicka et al. 1993) and sou

eastern Anatolia (Schmitt-Strecker et al. 1992), wh

presumed early use of metal from the famous minsites of Rudna Glava and Ergani Maden respectiv

has been proven at least partially incorrect. The p

bility for isotopic analyses to suggest similarly nov

hypotheses in the context of Gulf archaeology wo

seem to be correspondingly high.




Issues for Archaeological LIA in the Gulf Region

In the following section, the results of geological lead iso-

tope studies in southeastern A rabia a re discussed, as they

are an impo rtant resource for archaeological LIA in the

region. Subseque ntly, general issues imp orta nt in the inter-

pre tatio n of LIA in archaeological co ntexts ar e discussed.

These include the isotop ic variability of individu al ore

bodies an d the samples used t o define them, p roblems of

mixing and recycling, the intentional addition of lead tocopper-base objects, the possible c ontribu tion of lead

by the t in or cassiteri te used to manufacture a t in-

bronze, and the various approaches to displaying and

summ arizing isotopic da ta. In al l cases, the specific

implications of these issues for our understanding of

archaeological LIA in southeastern Arabia and the

Gulf are discussed.

Geological Lead Isotop ic Studies of the Semail Oph iolite

The lead isotope characterist ics of an o re deposit dependentirely upon the geological context in which tha t ore wa s

formed. For this reason, a great deal of lead isotope analy-

sis has been ca rried ou t by geologists interested in estab-

lishing the processes involved in the fo rm atio n of specific

ore bodies an d in particular classes of or e bodies (e.g.

Gulson 1 986; Garikpy and Dupr6 1991 .Geological

research has determined many of the parameters th at

affect the lead isotope values for sp ecimens from specific

geological contexts. These parameters are often the basis

for archaeological discussions of lead isotope data, a nd so

the geological use and inter pretation of such data is an

impo rtant issue.

Lead isotopic studies in the O ma n M ountains have

been carried ou t since the early 19 80s and a re presented

and discussed in numerous pap ers (Til ton et al. l 9 8 1 ; Chen

and Pall is ter l9 8 1;Gale et al. l 9 8 1;Thorpe 1982; Doe

1982; Gale and Spooner 1982; Hamel in et al . 1984 ; 1988;

Lippard et al. 19 86: 134-135; Calvez an d Lescuyer 19 91;

Briqueau et al . 1 991; Stos-Gale et al . 1997 ; 103-105). In

Om an, analyses have included rock and m ineral samples

fro m all the majo r stra ta of the Semail Oph iolite, as well asfrom copper-bearing massive sulfides in the upper volcanic

sequence at such impo rtant ancient mining si tes as Lasail ,

Bayda a nd 'Arja.

The conclusions draw n fro m this collected data

relate to the mechanisms by which the Semail Ophioli te

was fo rmed, an d the geological time an d co ntext o

formation. T he early uranium-lead isotopic study b

Tilton et al . (1 98 1) established an age fo r the op hio

of approximately 9 5 million years, while Ch en and

Pallister (19 81:26 99) concluded, based on co mpari

with LIA of samples from mid-ocean ridge basalts

(MO RB ), that the ophiol ite was formed from ocean

mantle ma gma at a n oceanic spreading center.

Furthermore, lead isotope data for Fe-Cu sulfides fLasail, Bayda and 'Arja suggested that sulfide ore f

mation in the upper levels of the o phioli te occurred

the paleo-spreading axis, and involved h ydrotherm

activity only within the o ceanic crust (C hen and

Pal l i s ter l981 27O7). That is, there was no incorpo

tion of radiogenic lead fr om continental cru st sedim

during ore genesis. In contrast, the lead isotope ana

of serpentinized peridotite from the mantle sequenc

the ophioli te and a galena samp le from below the o

oli te nappe suggested that radiogenic lead (from eicontinental are a or oceanic sedimen ts) could have b

incorp orated into samples as par t of serpentinizati

galena-forming processes (Chen and Pall ister 1981

'These early lead isotope studies consistently in

cated a difference between the isotopic characterist

the Semail Ophioli te and the Tro odos O phioli te of

Cyprus (H amel in et al. 1984, 198 8). In the Semai l

Ophiolite, there was significant homogeneity in the

isotope characteristics of sulfides, rocks and sedim

whereas Tro odos isotopic compo sit ions were heter

nous a nd included more radiogenic lead (Ha melin

l 9 88:229 ). Differing geody namic processes were su

gested to explain this discrepancy (Ham elin et al .

1988:229).

However, more recent lead isotope program s i

Om an Peninsula have changed this picture (Figure

Analysis of ore samples from sulfide deposits and p

ic sediments associated w ith tw o dist inct volcanic

episodes (V 1 and V2 ) has suggested that the over

interpre tation of the isotopic composit ions of the s

phides of the Samail nappe mineralization as beingrestricted to typical MO RB values ...needs to be rev

as does the accepted isotopic dist inction between th

Samail and Troodos ophioli tes and the geodynami

inferences tha t this implied (Calvez and Lescuyer

1991:396).




The isotopic data have obvious significance for

archaeological studies, even though most of the geologi-

cal samples analyzed were no t copper ores, and some

came from different parts of the de posit than those

which host the copper. Research has dem onstra ted that

there is no systematic difference between the lead iso-

tope comp osit ion of various parts of an ore body (e.g.

the gossan, oxidized zone, secondary-enrichmen t zone

or unw eathered zo ne) or between part icular m inerals ina deposit (Begemann et al. 1989:273-274; Gale and

Stos-Gale 1993:256; Pernicka 1993 :260; al though see

Ixer 19 99 for a rare, b ut archaeologically-relevant

example of mineral paragenesis at the G reat Orm e mine

in Wales). It follows that the isotopic analyses of pyrite

or galena samples from Oman are quite acceptable in

the definition of a lead isotope ore-field to examine

copper production, as long as they are from the same

ore depo sit .

Based on the geological studies, the range of leadisotopic compo sit ions tha t might have been expected to

characterize copper produced from the massive-sulfide

deposits of the A1 Hajjar Mountains has been increased

to include m ore radiogen ic values. Secondly, the new

data from Oman significantly overlap isotopic data for

the copper ore deposits of C yprus (c ontra Stos-Gale et

al . 19 97 ) and the Taurus M ountains (Yener et al . 199 1).

While this ove rlap is of limited significance for ar chaeo -

logical LIA in the Gulf, the discrimination of the use of

Oman i , Cypriot and A natolian copper in areas such as

Mesopotamia may be compromised. The archaeological

significance of the geological LIA from Oman is dis-

cussed further in the following sections.

Isotopic Variability in Omani Ore Deposits

Early archaeological studies incorp orating LIA suggest-

ed that individual ore deposits should have either a

small linearly-related isotopic distribution, representing

a secondary i sochron on an i sotopic plot (Gale

197 8:537 ), or a very l imited isotopic range (Barnes et

al. 1974:6; Gale 1 97 85 40 ). The lat ter ore bodies arethe so-called conformable deposits (Fau re

1977:235-237; Gulson 19 86:30 ), i.e. ore deposits

al . 1993:29; Stos-Gale and Gale 1994: 100 ). Linear

arrays in lead isotope data for ore depo sits represen

anomalous or multi-stage leads, which have m

complicated forma tion histories (F aure 1977:Chapt

14).

A belief in the general conformity of Cypriot c

ore dep osits underlies recent efforts to determine th

isotopic fingerprint of individual Cypriot mines as

opposed to a general Cypriot field (Gale 19 99; SGale et al. 1997 ; Gale and Stos-Gale 1992 :314). As

ed by Gale ( l9 9 9 : l l l ) , the concept of a lead i soto

field for a single deposit is useful for the majority o

uranium-poor deposits in the Mediterranean

region ... he extension of the concept to an island, o

geographical region, is fraught with difficulties . T

isotopic spread of the combined Cypriot lead isoto

data (approximately two percent) i s too large to re

sent a single conformable deposit , an d conceals a m

detailed isotopic structure defined by individual miwith very restricted isotopic composit ions probably

reflecting their conformable nature (Stos-Gale et al.

199 7:86). This realization is significant for archaeo

cal LIA in Oman, where copper deposits occur in a v

ally identical geological con text to thos e of Cyp rus.

Figure6.1 Lead isotope data for massive sulfide deposits from

Oman, in comparison to mid-ocean ridge basalts (MORB).Coa

sites: Lasail, Bayda,'Arja, Daris 1 and Zuha. Inland V1 sites: Raki

Hayl as-SafiLV2 sites: Daris 2 and Maqa'il. MORB boundaries af

Hamelin et al. (1988).

which were formed at the same t ime as their host rocks,

and which have an isotopic variation of only 0.3-0.5

percent (e.g. Begemann et a1 1989:273-275; Pernicka et




As illustrated in Figure 6.1, the accumulated body

of geological lead isotope data from southeastern Arabia

indicates a relatively broad range of lead isotope compo-

sitions for the copper-bearing massive sulfide deposits of

the Semail Ophiolite, with at least two distinct fields

(Calvez and Lescuyer 1991). Clearly, the isotopic varia-

tion in the Omani ores is the result of numerous con-

formable deposits, andlor the existence of deposits with

anomalous lead isotope characteristics. An examination

of the isotopic variability of individual ore deposits from

Oman (see Figure 6.2) indicates that ores from the 'Arja

mine show a very limited isotopic variation, compatible

with a conformable deposit, while the Raki mine has a

slightly larger variation which might indicate anomalous

leads, and the A1 Ajal deposit has a clearly anomalous

linear isotopic signature. Although only a few analyses

of material from Daris 1 and Daris 2 have been under-

taken (two samples each), they show limited isotopic

variability compatible with conformable deposits,whereas ores from Bayda, Lasail and Hay1 as-Safil (two

samples each) show anomalous lead isotope characteris-

tics (Calvez and Lescuyer 1991; Stos-Gale et al. 1997).

The geological lead isotope studies of ores from the

Semail Ophiolite discussed above have recently been

supplemented by LIA of ores, processing debris, and

artifacts from the Sultanate of Oman undertaken

Figure 6 2 The isotopic variability of copper ores from individual oredeposits in Oman. An ellipse showing isotopic variation of approxi-

mately 0.5 percent, the theoretical l imit of a conformable deposit, s

illustrated in the top lef t corner.

ex p ic it l y for the purposes of archaeological rese

The analyses conducted by Prange et al. (1999:191

Figure 7) are not fully published, but present data i

graphical form on the isotopic characteristics of 16

samples from copper deposits in the Semail Ophiol

The data are reproduced in Figure 6.3, along with

geological isotope data for massive sulfide deposits

the Semail Ophiolite and the A1 Ajal copper-gold

deposit. The latter ore deposit is geologically distin

from the Semail Ophiolite, being hosted by signific

older Late Permian rocks of the Hawasina series. T

new ore analyses are significant in tha t they provid

second demonstration (after Calvez and Lescuyer 1

of "a more complicated formation of ore deposits i

Oman mountain range than previously estimated"

(Prange et al. 1999:191). The range of isotopic com

tions which characterize copper ores from Oman, a

which could potentially characterize Bronze Age co

produced in the region, has been expanded significby this research.

However, the lead isotope database for Omani

per ores is, as it stands, far from complete. Small

deposits from mantle and lower crustal formations

Semail Ophiolite (see Chapter Two) are poorly cha

terized, even allowing for the fact that some of the

analyses presented by Prange et al. 1999 may be fr

such contexts. Although non-economic in modern

such ores were vital to early copper production in

eastern Arabia (see Chapters Two and Five).

Additionally, there are no lead isotope analyses of

per ores from Masirah Island, off the southeastern

of Oman, which are known to have been exploited

at least the early second millennium BCE (Weisger

1988, 1991a; Hauptmann 1985:Abb 3 ) . These ore

ophiolite-hosted, and were originally thought to re

sent a part of the Semail Ophiolite. However, recen

logical research has determined that the Masirah

Ophiolite is genetically unrelated to the mainland

lite (see Chapter Two), and copper from the Masir

Ophiolite is likely to have a different range of leadtope ratios than that seen for the Semail Ophiolite

(Nagler and Frei 1994) . Finally, very small copper

deposits located within a number of geological uni

underlie the Semail Ophiolite (see Chapter Two) re

largely unanalyzed.




The potential importance of these smaller southeast

Arabian copper deposits is clear from previous LIA of

Bronze Age copper objects from Oman (Prange et al.

1999:Figure 7), the U.A.E (Weeks 1999) and Bahrain

(Weeks, forthcoming a), as illustrated in Figure 6.4.

While copper objects from late third and early second

millennium BCE contexts display a relatively limited

range of isotopic compositions (represented by the

ellipse drawn on Figure 6 .4) , contemporary copper

ingots from Tell Abraq, Saar and Oman show a much

greater isotopic variation and a different distribution.

Furthermore, the isotopic composition of at least half of

the ingots is incompatible with any of the ores currently

analyzed (Prange et al. 1999; Calvez and Lescuyer 1991;

Stos-Gale et al. 1997 ). Comparisons can be drawn with

a group of metal samples from Sardinia analyzed by

Begemann et al. (2001:Figures 11-13). Like a number of

the Gulf ingots, Sardinian objects from the Nuraghe

Albuccio hoard show depleted levels of thorogenic

20*Pb, inconsistent with known local or nearby ore

sources. Begemann et al. (2001:73) have suggested that

such isotopic characteristics are a feature of lead "from

a magma source with the lower-than-average

thorium/uranium ratio typical of deep-seated magmas".

As noted by Prange et al. (1999:191), at the moment it

is impossible to determine whether the discrepancies in

the isotopic characteristics of ores, ingots and objects

reflect the incomplete sampling of Omani ore deposits,

or the importation into the Gulf of copper from foreign

sources such as Iran or the sub-continent. Needless to

say, the presence of foreign copper ingots in southeastern

Arabia, the putative "copper mountain of Magan",

would be a very surprising discovery with significant

archaeological implications.

Figure 6.3 LIA data for copper ores from Oman. An ellipse sho

isotopic variation of approximately0.5 percent, the theoretica

of a conformable deposit, is illustrated n the top left corner.

]copper

2.11o n

a

Q

g 2.07

UOres

Figure 6.4 Isotopic composition of Omani ores, in comparison

copper ingots and finished objects from southeastern Arabia

Bahrain.

Sources of Lead in Copper-base Objects

from Southeastern Arabia

In the initial stages of LIA of copper-base objects, ques-

tions were raised as to the possible intentional addition

of lead to copper alloys in the Bronze Age. Lead wasargued to be a ubiquitous occurrence in early copper

objects, frequently occurring at levels of up to two per-

cent and possibly as high as five to six percent purely as

a result of the type of ore smelted and the refining tech-

nology used (Gale and Stos-Gale 1985:97). However, an




intentional addition of lead would undermine one of the study are extremely unlikely to have been intentiona

basic assum ptions of the LIA app roach to copper prove- leaded, an d those produced of un-alloyed copper sh

nance, as the lead in the objects would be sourced rather

than the copper.

The vast m ajority of Bronze Age copper-base arti-

facts from the eastern Mediterranean analyzed isotopi-

cally by Gale and Stos-Gale conta ined less than one per-

cent lead, and were considered extremely unlikely to

have been intentionally leaded (Gale and Stos-Gale1982:12-3; 1985:85-87). Likewise, leaded copp er and

bronze objects are infrequent in most areas of western

Asia in the Bronze Age: very few are fo und in Egypt

until the first millennium BCE (e.g. Cowell 1987;

Momm sen et al . 197 9) , al though they ap pear sporadi-

cally in the Levant, Mesopotamia and Iran as early as

the fourth millennium BCE (Philip 1991:98-101; Malfoy

and M enu 198 7; Tallon et al . 1989:142-144; Miil ler-

Karpe 1989:18 2) . The determination of intentionali ty

for leaded bronzes is a complicated question, with many

parallels to the prob lem of defining an intentiona l tin-

bronze or arsenical copper alloy (see Chapter Five).

Significant lead contents may be a result of ore selection

and refining technology, but the possibility of deliberate

addition and c ontr ol of very low lead levels (e.g. Hug hes

et al. 1988 :312-313 an d Figure 1 74 ) or the effects of

scrap recycling cannot be ruled out in many cases. It is

generally accepted, however, that in contrast to areas

such as Atlantic Europe or China, the use of leaded

bronze in the ancient Near E ast and eastern

Mediterranean was n ot im portan t until the first millen-nium BCE (e.g. Northover 1997 :328).

None of the objects from A1 Sufouh, Unarl or

Unar2 analyzed isotopically in this study contain in

excess of one percent Pb, and median lead concentra-

t ions are less than 0.1 percent. Lead levels in the 1 7

objects from Tell Abraq analyzed by LIA a re also low,

even though inaccurately high Pb concentrations for

some samples were reported by EDS analysis (Weeks

1997:App endix A). Corroborative evidence comes from

previous analyses of prehistoric copper-base ob jectsfrom O ma n and the U.A.E., which indicate only a hand -

ful of objects with mor e than 1 % lead before the end of

the Iron Age (Cradd ock 198 5; Corb oud et al .

1996:Figure 59; Weeks 2000 a, 2000b; Prange and

Hau ptma nn 20 01) . Thus, the objects analyzed in this

have lead isotopic signatures closely matching those

the copper ores from which they were produ ced. An

exception to this general picture is a group of three

per-base objects from collective graves on Umm an-

Island (Frifel t 1975 a; Frifel t 1 99 1), which con tain b

elevated lead and zinc levels.

The low lead concentrations seen in the PIXE-alyzed Umm al-Nar Period objects, nearly 80 percent

which contain less than 1,000 ppm Pb, are significa

for this study for a nothe r reason. These objects are

tively lead-p oor (as classified by Gale and Stos-G

19 85) , and are highly susceptible to contamination

lead of different isotopic composition coming from

alloying components such as t in. The potential con t

tion of lead from the tin or cassiterite used in produ

a tin-bron ze object was first discussed by G ale and

Gale (1 982 :13), who suggested that t in deposits rar

contained an y lead. This conclusion was subsequen

questioned by M uhly ( 1983 :216), al though he was

prepared to concede that lead is not normally to b

found in cassiteri te (Mu hly 1985b:80 ). In general ,

isotope studies in archaeology have sought to demo

strate tha t there is no significant contribution of lea

from the tin in a tin-bronze object (e.g. Pernicka et

199 0; Stos-Gale 19 89 ). In sup por t of this premise, l

concentrations in t in ores of generally less than 10 0

are reported, as a re analyses of ancient tin ingots an

objects which s how n o sign of lead (see Cha pter FivThe analyzed tin objects from early second millenni

BCE contexts at Tell ed-Der show no detectable lea

although the analytical technique employed had rel

ly low sensitivity and results are only q ualitative (V

Lerberghe and Maes 19 84).

However, very little analytical work has been c

out on tin objects from Bronze Age contexts in wes

Asia (partially because so few are k now n), so the fu

range of expe cted lead values for tin ingots or objec

remains uncertain. Some analyses of tin objects froBronze and Iron Age archaeological contexts have

revealed the occasional presence of significant amo

of lead in tin objects (see Chapter Five). In the case

early t in object from Egypt (Eighteenth Dynasty), th

lead concentration (ca. six percent) is high enoug h

138 Early Metallurgy of th e Persian Gulf



raise the possibility of a tin-lead alloy (Van Lerberghe

and Maes 1984 :103), while a bangle from Tepe Yahya

Period IVA (ca. 2000-1400 BCE) is of proto-p ewter

comprising 7 5 percent Pb and 2 5 percent Sn (Thor nton

et al . 2002a). Furthermore, small amo unts of lead are

associated with tin ores in a number of geological situa-

tions an d potentially significant trace am ou nts of lead

might therefore be expected in some tin objects.

Attempts to demonstrate that t in does not con-tribute to the lead isotope signature of tin-bronzes (e.g.

Begemann et al. 19 89; Pernicka et al. 19 90 ) have failed

to account for th e great variabili ty of lead concentra-

tions in copper and tin objects (see Stos-Gale and Gale

1994 :104). W ith highly variable lead levels in copper,

and almost certainly in tin also, no strict relationship

wou ld necessarily ex ist between tin levels and isotopic

composit ion. Thus, the demo nstrated lack of a relat ion-

ship does not mean tha t lead was only coming from the

copper a nd not the t in. In a t least one instance, exami-nation of tin and lead levels versus isotopic composition

has suggested a contribution of lead from the tin, partic-

ularly in bronzes with less than 0.1 percent (1 ,000 ppm)

lead (Gale and Stos-Gale 1985:88). More recent LIA of

material from Nuragic Sardinia has also suggested the

possibility of lead fro m tin o r cassiterite affecting the

isotopic composition of a tin-bronze alloy, although the

lack of kno wn tin ingots with lead concentrations high

enough to cause such changes is noted (Begemann et al .

2001:66-68). This issue will be addressed in more detail

in the following chapter, where the lead isotope data for

material from A1 Sufouh, Un ar l , Unar2, and Tell Abraq

is presented and discussed.

Mixing of Metal from Different Sources

As noted above, one of the primary assumptions of LIA

in archaeology is that metals from different sources have

not been mixed together to produce an object . One

exception to this rule is the alloying of tin and copper to

prod uce bronz e, where it is generally (a ltho ugh no t

always) thoug ht tha t insignificant amou nts of lead arecontributed by the tin and LIA of such objects still indi-

cates the source of the copper in the object (see above).

The possibility of intentional production of arsenical

copper throug h adm ixture of cop per with arsenic-bear-

ing ores has also been raised as a problem for LIA (Gale

and Stos-Gale 1982:13; McGeehan-Liritzis l9 96:1 6

Although the production of arsenical copper is

debated issue, there is growing evidence to suggest

most early arsenical copper was prod uced (intentio

or otherwise) as a result of the admixture of cop per

arsenic-bearing ores which occurred together in an

body, andlor the primitive technology employed in

extraction operations (Budd 199 3). Arsenic is a com

component of metal objects from Bronze Age south

ern Arabia and is found in objects from A1 Sufouh,

Unarl , Unar2 and Tell Abraq in concentrations fro

trace levels to as high as 6 percent (see Chapter Fou

Arsenic-bearing ores occur frequently in the copper

deposits of the Oman Peninsula and it seems likely

whether locally made arsenical copper was intention

produced or no t (see Chapter Five), i t is unlikely to

differed in its lead isotope composition from locally

duced pure copper.

It has also been questioned whether ores or mefrom geologically distinct sources might have been c

bined to produce copper ingots. This has been a sig

can t issue for archaeological LIA in the eastern

Me diterrane an, as the size of the Late Bronze Age o

hide ingots (which weigh ca. 25-28 kg each), has su

gested to some a uthors tha t they are too large to ha

been the product of one smelting operation (Budd e

199Sa:21).

As described in Chapter Two, copper deposits e

in a number of different geological contexts within

Oman Peninsula, and a range of different ores see

have been exploited from the third millennium BC

onwards. This can be clearly seen in the vicinity of

Umm al-Nar Period sett lement at Maysar 1, where

per ores hosted in both m antle and crustal rocks c

found within walking distance of the si te (Hauptm

1985:Abb. 6) . Copper from each of these deposits

have distinct lead isotope compositions. Furthermo

we kno w th at the copp er ingots produced in the se

ment at Maysar are secondary products, involving

agglomeration of smaller pieces raw copper from nby smelters (H aup tma nn 1985 :93). It is possible, a

indeed likely, that copper mined in the neighborho

Maysar from geologically-dist inct copper ores was

brought together at the sett lement, smelted to prod

raw copper, and subsequently remelted an d refined




produce ingots and objects. In such a case, the lead iso- isotope studies discussed above indicate that the cop

tope signature of the resulting ingot will be intermedi- produced at these sites could have been isotopically

ate between those of its various components, and it

could be difficult to relate the copper in an ingot to the

ore bodies from which it was produced using LIA. This

potential complication will not necessarily occur at all

or even many smelting sites in southeastern Arabia, but

will be difficult to isolate without further isotopic stud-

ies of mantle-level copper deposits in the region.

Mixing also presents itself as a problem if a region

or settlement was obtaining its metal from more than

one source. For example, LIA of Greek silver coins in

the eastern Mediterranean indicated that two sources

(Laurion and Siphnos) were prominent, although it has

been suggested that mixing of silver to produce the

coinage was minimal. This position was also taken in

regard to copper use in the region prior to the Iron

Age. Gale and Stos-Gale (1982:17) stated:

Even in the Late Bronze Age there is likely to

have been a tendency to exploit to the limit

the few known extensive and accessible

sources of rich ores, and while they still yield-

ed rich ore there would have been little incen-

tive to invest time and labour in searching out

other sources. The mixing problem may have

been overemphasised. In reality it may reduce

to the possibility of mixing of metal from

only a few sources.

Stos-Gale and Gale (1994:lOS) admit that "the

possibility of mixing metal used in the production of

ancient artifacts is a real one, and should always be

taken into account when interpreting lead isotope

data", but claim "strong economic and social argu-

ments" in favor of their minimalist position (Gale and

Stos-Gale 1985:90; cf. Pernicka l995a:63). Techniques

for outlining mixing in lead isotope data have been

applied to provenance studies in the eastern

Mediterranean and Anatolia (Pernicka et al. 1984;

592-596), although their ability to actually detect

instances of mixing has been questioned (Budd et al.1995a:22).

It is clear that a significant number of copper

sources were simultaneously exploited in the Oman

Mountains from the mid-third millennium BCE onwards

(Hauptmann 1985). The geological and archaeological

tinct. The trade routes that allowed the distribution

this material within the Oman Peninsula are poorly

known, and it is difficult t o reconstruct how many

ferent local copper sources may have been supplying

northern coastal sites such as Tell Abraq, A1 Sufouh

Shimal. Tell Abraq, for example, was very likely act

as a collection point for copper to be traded further

north up the Gulf, as suggested by the large pyramid

ingot found in an early Wadi Suq context at the site

by the role that Umm an-Nar Island filled in this ca

ty before the foundation of the settlement at Tell Ab

(Frifelt 1995). When the location of Tell Abraq on a

important long-distance Bronze Age maritime trade-

route is also taken into consideration, the possibilit

metal reaching such a site from a plurality of indige

and foreign sources, each with unknown and potent

distinct isotopic characteristics, would seem to be h

Metal Recycling

Many mixing situations are likely to have arisen not

from the combining of raw copper from two or mor

sources, but from the recycling of scrap metal at set

ments distant from primary smelting centers. This is

was discussed in the series of papers by Gale and Sto

Gale (1985 ) and Muhly (1983, 1985b) , and continu

be relevant to archaeological LIA (Budd et al. 1995d

Gale 1995; McGill e t al. 1999; Begemann et al. 199

et al. 1999).

Muhly (1983:216) discussed the existence of la

"founder's hoards" of scrap metal from Late Bronze

contexts throughout the eastern Mediterranean, and

noted that the potential for significant recycling and

mixing of disparate metal sources represented by th

hoards required investigation. In response, a numbe

lines of archaeological reasoning have been used to

gest that metal recycling before the Late Bronze Age

either minimal, or would not have unduly affected t

isotopic characteristics of the objects involved. It wsuggested that, in Mediterranean contexts:

1. There was little recycling of metal prior

Late Bronze Age as there are no founder'

hoards known from this period (Gale and

Stos-Gale 1985:90).

140 Early Meta llurgy of th e Persian Gulf



A number of the so-called founder's hoards

were sets of possessions "overtaken by catas-

trophe and never subsequently salvaged"

which were never intended for recycling (Gale

and Stos-Gale 1985:90).

Metal was removed from circulation by inter-

ment in burials rather than being recycled

(Gale and Stos-Gale 1989:171).

Metalwork was preferentially repaired rather

than recast as this was a simpler procedure

(Gale and Stos-Gale 1989:171).

Even if remelting was commonplace, it was

argued that it may not have introduced metal

from different sources (Gale and Stos-Gale

1985:90) or else it involved the complete

recycling of an individual object to produce

one object of a similar size (in which case the

isotopic integrity of the object would be

maintained) (Stos-Gale and Gale 1994:105).

While such hypotheses may have validity in certain

contexts, it is difficult to overcome the simple argu-

ments posited by Muhly (1985b:80) in support of

recycling. Metal was expensive, largely because compli-

cated technology was required to extract it from its

ores and because it was commonly traded over long

distances. Hence, metal was not readily discarded.

When objects broke or were no longer functional, they

were collected as scrap for later re-use, as relatively

simple pyrotechnological processes (Tylecote 1980)

allowed them to be remelted and re-cast.

The recycling of metals in ancient western Asia is

regarded as commonplace and unquestionable by most

scholars studying the region (e.g. Moorey 1994:254 for

Mesopotamia), and significant archaeological and textu-

al evidence exists to support such beliefs (Knapp 2000:

43-45; Reiter 1999:169; Muhly 1985b:81; Zettler 1990,

1992:227-230; Chakrabarti and Lahiri 1996:157-159).

The great advantage of metal over stone was that, once

extracted, it could be formed and re-formed any num-

ber of times without a great loss of mass. This funda-mental property existed independently of factors such

as the ready availability of metal in particular archaeo-

logical contexts (cf. Gale and Stos-Gale 1985:89-90),

and is likely to have transcended such economic consid-

erations in most cases. Significantly, the reasons used

by Gale and Stos-Gale (1982:l.S-17) to suggest th

copper from only a few major sources would have

been used at any one site at one time (i.e. the tec

logical complexity of smelting copper ores and the

large fuel requirements) also suggest that metal rec

cling (with its relatively simple technology and sm

fuel requirements) would have been an economical

favorable practice.

Recycling is not as significant an issue in regio

where metal from only one source is used over a lo

period of time: in such a situation, the isotopic com

sition of the copper-base objects will not be change

recycling. However, as has been clearly documented

the preceding paragraphs, multiple, isotopically-het

geneous copper sources may have supplied the Bro

Age settlements of southeastern Arabia. In such a s

tion, recycling can significantly complicate the inte

tation of lead isotope data for archaeological objec

Quantifying the extent of recycling in the earl

metal industries of southeastern Arabia is as diffic

as for the eastern Mediterranean example given ab

The Oman Peninsula witnessed the widespread dep

tion of large amounts of metalwork in collective gr

of Bronze Age, Iron Age and late Pre-Islamic date

1990a ). The consumption of metals in this way, th

removal from circulation, is in itself an argument f

limited recycling, and the necessity for continued a

sition of newly-won metal. However, the need for

metal may have been ameliorated by grave robbing

clear that prehistoric graves in the region were freq

ly robbed in antiquity for the metal objects they co

tained, as can be seen on the rare occasions when

unrobbed tombs are discovered (e.g. Potts 1990a:

383-386; Potts 2000). The so-called IbriISelme hoa

containing more than 500 copper-base and soft-sto

artifacts, is interpreted as the collected plunder of

Iron Age tomb robber, and was almost certainly de

tined for re-melting (Weisgerber l9 81 232; Hauptm

1987:214; Yule and Weisgerber 2001). It is difficu

determine at what period after their construction thplundering of these graves may have begun.

Furthermore, many excavated tombs in the reg

appear to have been re-used in periods much more

recent than their initial construction, at which time

remaining metal artifacts were removed and presum




re-melted. Thus, metal recycling may have resulted from

both tomb robbing and tomb re-use. Most tomb re-use in

southeastern Arabia seems to have occurred in the Iron

Age or more recently. There is very little evidence for re-

use of Hafit or Umm al-Nar tombs in the second millenni-

um BCE (J.Benton, personal communication), but good

evidence for Iron Age re-use of collective burial cairns

from all preceding periods (e.g. Bibby 1970; Barker 2002;

Benton and Potts n.d.). Of course, re-use and robbing can

be entirely unrelated events, and assessing periods of

tomb plundering based upon re-use is by no means

straightforward. Yule and Weisgerber (2001:39), for

example, envisage long-term and continuous tomb-rob-

bing activities in the region, noting that "the graves of

each successive Pre-Islamic period are better preserved

than those of the preceding one [which] may be taken as

evidence for the cumulative effects of grave robbing from

early times onward".

If one was to posit a general theory for the frequencyof tomb-robbing for metals in the region then, for a num-

ber of reasons, the Umm al-Nar Period is likely to have

witnessed considerably less than subsequent millennia.

Firstly, there was very little metal to rob in tombs of the

preceding Hafit Period. This does not, of course, mean

that earlier or contemporary Umm al-Nar Period tombs,

richer in metal grave goods, were not robbed. Secondly, a

large quantity of newly-won local metal was in circula-

tion in the later third millennium BCE, perhaps as much

as a few thousand tonnes (Hauptmann 1985), which may

have reduced the need for recycling. Finally, as noted

above, there is very little evidence from the Umm al-Nar

Period for the re-use (with associated metal acquisition) of

tombs from earlier periods.

In contrast, if we look at the second millennium BCE,

there is very limited evidence for primary metal production

in the region (see Chapter Two), even though the deposi-

tion of copper-base objects in graves continues in signifi-

cant quantities. It is at least as probable that the continued

use of metal for grave goods reflects a rise in tomb-robbing

activities, rather than evidence of continued primary cop-per smelting, as is sometimes suggested (e.g. Weisgerber

1988:285). When the evidence from the Iron Age is exam-

ined, although high levels of primary copper smelting are

once again documented, recycling seems very likely

because of the practice of tomb re-use discussed above.

Thus, a number of archaeological indices sugges

the amount of recycling undertaken in southeastern

Arabia was relatively limited prior to the second mil

um BCE. Nevertheless, all isotopic data must be eva

within a framework that recognizes the basic techno

cal and economic advantages of metal recycling over

winning of new metal.

Statistical Treatment and Presentation

of Lead Isotope Data

Discussion has arisen on a number of issues relating

the statistical treatment of lead isotope data. In parti

concern has been expressed over the statistical deter

tion of the extent of ore-fields, the treatment of outli

a main isotopic distribution, and the use of multivar

statistics to further delineate ore sources with slightl

overlapping isotopic composition. Essentially, the de

was divided into those research groups who favored

use of statistical analyses in the interpretation of isodata (e.g. Sayre et al. 1992, 1993; Stos-Gale 1989:27

Stos-Gale and Gale 1994:101), and those who argue

that multivariate analyses were either unnecessary (e

Pernicka 1993:259) or statistically unjustified (Baxt

1999; Leese 1992:319; Cherry and Knapp 1991:lOO

The debate surrounding the statistical treatment

lead isotope data has clearly changed attitudes to the

of multivariate techniques within the field. For exam

recent archaeological publications on the lead isotop

characteristics of the Cypriot copper ore deposits ha

relied on relatively simple interpretation of bivariate

terplots, noting that statistical approaches "may wel

obscure rather than help the discussion" (Stos-Gale

1997:91).A similar reliance on bivariate scatterplots

suggested by Scaife et al. (1999:127), as their propos

kernel density estimations make comparisons betwee

data groups difficult, and are best regarded as a supp

ment to the simple scatterplot approach, rather than

alternative to it. In general, Scaife et a1 (1999:132) a

that complex statistical approaches in the interpretat

of LIA do a disservice to both the data and the perceof LIA within the wider archaeological community:

have failed to clarify archaeological reconstructions

ancient exchange systems and have led to a gene

"mystification" of the LIA techni que for the ge

archaeological audience.

1 4 2 Early Metallurg y of the Persian Gulf



In summary, it seems clear that a basic approach

in which artifacts can be assigned to ore fields visually

using "nearest neighbor" procedures (Cherry and

Knapp 1991:100), is the most appropriate for archaeo-

logical LIA. Such a minimal approach, whereby ore-

field boundaries are delineated by enveloping lines

around the outer error bars for the data, will be used

in this volume for its simplicity and in order to avoid

the over-interpretation predicted by some researchers

(Pernicka 1993; see also Gale 2001:118). A recent iso-

topic study of copper and lead ores from the British

Isles has used just such an approach, by delineating an

"England and Wales Lead Isotope Outline (EWLIO)",

which proved useful for the description of patterns in

isotopic data (Rohl and Needham 1998 ). It should

also be noted that multivariate analysis is not used in

geological applications of LIA, where simple bivariate

plots are considered adequate for data representation

and interpretation.

Summary

The preceding discussion of LIA and its use in archae-

ology has served to highlight a number of points

important to the interpretation of lead isotope data in

southeastern Arabian and Gulf contexts. Firstly, conclu-

sions from LIA of Bronze Age material from the Gulf

will be limited by the incomplete isotopic characteriza-

tion of all the important classes of copper deposit in

the Oman Peninsula. Although the lead isotope charac-

teristics of the massive sulfide deposits at such sites as

Lasail, Bayda and 'Arja are well known, important

deposits in lower levels of the Semail Ophiolite and in

the Masirah Ophiolite which are known to have been

worked in antiquity remain poorly characterized.

Secondly, while previous compositional analyses

suggest that the intentional addition of lead to copper

and tin-bronze objects did not occur with any great fre-

quency in the Gulf region until the final centuries of the

first millennium BCE or later, the possible effect of lead

from tin or cassiterite used to produce a tin-bronze mustbe considered. The lead content of copper produced in

southeastern Arabia is often exceedingly low, suggesting

that even small amounts of lead in tin or cassiterite

could significantly perturb the lead isotope composition

Thirdly, as with archaeological LIA in all prehis

contexts, the extent of mixing and recycling within

metallurgical tradition is almost impossible to quant

Some circumstantial evidence indicates that recyclin

scrap metal may not have occurred on a significant

in southeastern Arabia until the Wadi Suq Period or

Iron Age. However, given the broad range of geolog

contexts which were exploited for copper in the anc

Oman Peninsula, the collection and mixing of ores

andlor r aw copper from isotopically distinct local

sources is a definite possibility. When the location o

archaeological sites such as Tell Abraq on prominen

long-distance marit ime trading routes is considered,

utilization at these sites of metal from many sources

becomes highly probable.

Although the potential of LIA to provide inform

tion on the absolute provenance of the copper and

bronze used at these sites is limited by the above co

erations, its ability to generate useful and interestingarchaeological hypotheses is not. A number of studi

have demonstrated the potential of LIA to provide

important information for reconstructing trade patt

technological changes and even chronological relati

ships between neighboring sites, and it is clear that

Bronze Age Gulf data could support similar inferenc

is to these data that we will now turn.

of a tin-bronze produced from local copper.







7 Lead Isotope Data from

the Gulf

L. R.Weeks

K. D.Collerson

Introduction

The objects from A1 Sufouh, U na rl and U nar2 in this

LIA study were ana lyzed by mu lti-collector inductively

coupled plasma mass sp ectrometry (MC -ICP-M S) at the

Advanced Centre for Queensland University Isotope

Research Excellence (AC QU IRE ), Dep artme nt of Earth

Sciences, Que enslan d University, Australia. O bjects from

Tell Abraq were analyzed in the same laboratory, but by

therm al ioniz ation mass spe ctrom etry (TIM S). Details of

analytical techniques for MC-ICP-MS, which involve the

use of thallium to correct for mass fractionation, can be

foun d in Co llerson et al. (2 00 2) , while analytical tech-

niques for the earlier TIMS analyses can be found in

Appendix O ne (Section 1.1.5).

In the following sections, the isotopic characteristics

of the objects listed in Table 7.1 are discussed according

to their archaeological and chronological contexts, in

addition to being divided into three broad compositional

grou ps. T he LIA discussion utilizes different alloy cate-

gories than were used for the discussion of composition-

a1 results in Ch apters F our and Five, where considera-tions were based on the likely physical properties of the

alloys. Geological studies have demonstrated that tin

deposits do no t occur in the Om an M ountains, where

tin c oncentrations in ore and rock samples are generally

less than 1 0 ppm (see Chapter Five). These considera-

tions suggest that all the tin used in southeastern Arabia

mus t have been imported-either as metallic tin or

alloyed with coppe r as t in-bronze, and th at any object

with mo re than a small amount of t in therefore con

a significant propo rtion of im ported metal . The bro

com positiona l grou ps used in the discussion of the L

data are therefore determined by the concentration o

foun d in the objects. Objects are divided into copp

(less than 0.5 percent Sn), copper-low tin (0.5-5.0cent Sn), and t in-bronze (mo re than 5.0 percent S

These divisions correspond to the three peaks in the

concentrations of the analyzed Umm al-Nar Period

objects illustrated in Figure 4.17. Th e group s repres

metal categories which, in a southeastern Arabian c

text, have different a priori possibilities of represent

the isotopic characteristics of local deposits.

Radiogenic Outliers in the Analyzed

Umm al-Nar Period Objects

The isotopic data from Table 7.1 is illustrated in Fig

7.1. It includes all Umm al-Nar Period objects from

tombs of A1 Sufouh, Un ar l , Unar2, a nd from settle

and funerary contexts at Tell Abraq. The figure sho

relatively lim ited linear arra y of objects w ith 207PbI

206Pb ratio s of 0.800-0.900, with tw o highly diverg

outliers. These outliers, TA699 and TA1614, are tin

bronzes from the Tell Abraq to mb , and possess very

207Pb1206Pb ra tio s of 0.6 00 -0 .70 0, low 208Pb1206Pb

of 1.750- 1.85 0, an d very high 206Pb1204Pb ra tio s of

24.00-26.00. Objects with such lead isotope ratios

generally described as radiogenic , referring to the

that their lead isotope compositions have been affec

by high levels of uranium andlor thorium in the ore

from wh ich they were smelted. Examples of the isot

systematics of radiogenic deposits are provided by t

sediment-hosted lead-zinc ores of the Mississippi Va

(Gulson 1 98 6) , while radiogenic copper deposits a r

found in modern Serbia (Pernicka et al . 1993:Figure

and n orth Wales (Rohl and N eedham 1998:176, Pls

14B, 15B ) amo ng o ther places.Two other objects illustrated in Figure 7.1 can

regarded as outl iers to the m ain distribution. Objec

M10-17 (a copper-low t in r ing f rom U na r l ) and T

(a t in-bronze ring from Tell Abra q) also have relat i

radiogenic isotopic compositions, with 207Pb1206Pb

ratios of 0.810-0.820. The fact that al l of the four

hers are t in-bronze o r copper-low tin is significant,

we kno w f rom geological studies tha t they must ha



Table 7.1

Lead isotope data for objects from AI Sufouh, Un arl, U nar2, and Tell Abraq

Major 20 7 ~b l 2o abs. 20 8~ b/ 2o abs. 2 0 6~ b l 2o

Sample Site Object Elements 2 0 6 ~ b error 2 0 6 ~ b error 2 0 4 ~ b e

ASI-2

ASI-3

ASI-5

M10-41

ASTombl d

M10-7

M10-12

M10-13~

M10-17 Avg.

M10-19

M10-22r

M 10-38

M 10-39

L14N-PIN

1014.76

1014.1 58

1018-3.93

1018-3.99

1019-3.59

1019-5.71

1023-4.10

1019-3.1 05

1019-4.1 08

1023-2.1 10

TA1 07 Avg.

TA699 Avg.

TA1 21 7

TA1 227

TA1 231

TA1 286

TA1306

TA1 310

TA1 389

TA1 426

TA1428

TA1459

TA1461

TA1467

TA1 61 2

TA1614 Avg.

TA1 648

TA291 8

AI Sufouh

AI Sufouh

AI Sufouh

AI Sufouh

AI Sufouh

Unarl

Unarl

Unarl

Unarl

Unarl

Unarl

Unarl

Unarl

Unarl

Unar2

Unar2

Unar2

Unar2

Unar2

Unar2

Unar2

Unar2

Unar2

Unar2

Tell Abraq

Tell Abraq

Tell Abraq

Tell Abraq

Tell Abraq

Tell Abraq

Tell Abraq

Tell Abraq

Tell Abraq

Tell Abraq

Tell Abraq

Tell Abraq

Tell Abraq

Tell Abraq

Tell Abraq

Tell Abraq

Tell Abraq

Tell Abraq

flat fragment

flat fragment

blade edge

dagger-tanged

flat fragment

flat fragment

flat fragment

flat fragment

ring

ring

ring

tubelspout

flat fragment

pinlawl

ring

ring

pinlawl

flat fragment

flat fragment

ring

ring

flat fragment

pinlawl

lump

ring

flat fragment

flat fragment

flat fragment

spearhead

flat fragment

flat fragment

ring

pinlawl

flat fragment

pinlawl

pinlawl

ring

ring

pinlawl

ring

spearhead

ring

Cu-As-%(low)

Cu-As-Ni-CO-%(low)

CU-AS

Cu

Cu-%(low)-As-Ni

Cu-Sn(low)

Cu-As-Ni-Fe

Cu-Sn

Cu-%(low)

Cu-%(low)

Cu-Sn-Fe

Cu

Cu-Sn-Fe

Cu-As-Ni-Fe

Cu-Sn-As

Cu-Sn-As

Cu-As-Fe

Cu-Sn-As-(Ni)

Cu

Cu-Sn-As

Cu-%-(Fe)

Cu-Sn-As-Fe

Cu-As-Ni

Cu-Sn(low)-Fe

Cu-Sn-As-Ni

Cu-Sn

Cu-Sn

Cu

Cu-Sn(low)

Cu-Sn

Cu-Sn

Cu

Cu-Ni-S

Cu-S

Cu-Sn(low)-Fe

Cu-Sn

Cu

Cu-S-Fe

Cu-As-Ni-SCu-Sn-Fe

Cu-Sn

Sn-As ring

Major El ementfare those present in concentrations of greater than one percent, wi th the exception of tin, which is denoted byUSn

percent tin) and Sn (low) (0.5-5.0 percent tin).




incorporated at least some foreign metal . The isotopic

characterist ics of th e objects TA107, TA699, TA1 614

and M10-17 make the use of this foreign metal abun-

dantly clear, as ores w ith such lead isotope characteris-

t ics are not known from southeastern Arabia (see

Cha pter Six, Figure 6.3). Although the original prove-

nance of these outlying objects rem ains uncertain,

based upon the isotopic evidence it seems clear that at

least some of the tin-bronze reaching Arabia in thethird m illennium BCE was imp orted as finished

objects, or locally made from imported metal arriving

pre-alloyed as tin-bronze.

It is interesting to note th at three of the outlying

objects are rings, given the preponderance of tin-

bronze usage in this object category in the Bronze Age

(see Cha pter Five, Figure 5.3) . This d ata may indicate

that small , decorative objects such as rings may have

been important in the distribution of t in-bronze in the

Gulf in the third millennium BCE. Unfortunately, therelative simplicity of these pieces precludes a typologi-

cal investigation into their point of origin. Of course,

such objects may also have been locally manufactured

from imported metal . The remainder of the discussion

addresses only the objects with 207Pb1206Pb ratios of

greater than 0.800, 208Pb1206Pb ratios of greater than

1.990, and 206Pb1204Pb ratios of less than 20.00.

Isotopic Differences by Site

The isotopic data for Umm al-N ar Period samples from

the U.A.E. are illustrated on a site-by-site basis in Figure

7.2. M os t objects fall o n a linear ar ray with 207PbI206Pb

ratio s of app rox ima tely 0.835-0 .895, 208Pb1206Pb ratio s

of app rox ima tely 2.070-2.150, an d 206Pb1204Pb ratio s

of approximately 17.50-1 8.80. Possible exceptions can

be seen in the copper ring TA1310 from Tell Abraq

(located in cluster 1 on Figure 7.2), and flat frag-

ments 1019-3.59 and 1019-3.105 from Unar2, that

are made of copper and tin-bronze, respectively. All

of these objects fall below the main trend line on the

207Pb1206Pb versus 208Pb1206Pb plot, indicating that theyare slightly depleted in thorogenic lead in comparison to

the remaining objects. The outlying sample M 10-1 7

from U na rl shows more significant depletion of the

thorogenic lead compone nt in comparison to the o ther

analyzed Urnm al-Nar Period objects.

0.60 0.65 0.70 0.75 0.80 0.85 0.90

207Pbl206P b

Figure 7.1 LIA data for all Umm al-Nar Period objects from the

analyzed in this study.

The earl iest objects analyzed in this study com

from AI Sufouh, and fall into roughly the third q

ter of the third millennium BCE. The five objects

from this si te include dagger and blade fragments

unidentified flat fragments. They are made of cop

and As/Ni-copper, and three of the five objects co

tain from approx imately 0.66-2.0 perce nt Sn, qua

ing them as copper-low tin objects. The LIA of th

objects reveals a linear distribution with 207Pb1206

ratios of appr oxim ately 0.846-0.885, a sprea d of

more than four percent. This is clearly far too lar

represent metal from one conformable deposit , an

indicates the use of metal from multiple sources,

possibly the exploitat ion of one source with a het

geneous isotopic signature. There are no consisten

differences between the categories of copper objecand copper-low tin objects, although the least rad

ogenic value is for the copper-low tin flat fragme

ASI-2 (207Pb1206Pb = 0.88469), and the most radi

ogenic is for the tanged copper dagger M10-41

(207Pb1206Pb = 0.84658).

Lead Isotope Data from the Gulf



Nine objects have been analyzed from the roughly

contemporary tomb assemblage at Un ar l . These inclu

predominantly flat fragments and rings, in addition to

fragm ents of a pinlawl and a spo ut. Com positionally, t

grou p includes three c opper samples, some with signifi

concentrations of arsenic and nickel, in addition to thre

copper-low tin objects and thr ee others of tin-bronze. I

con tras t to A1 Sufouh, a significant clustering of the iso

data from U na rl is seen, although there are a number ooutlying objects. T he m ajor cluster occu rs a t 207Pb1206

appro xima tely 0.85O7208J?b/206Pb pp roxim ately 2.10

206Pb1204Pb app rox ima tely 18.4 , and com prises thr ee t

bronzes (M10-13V, M1 0-22 R, M1 0-3 9), one copper-l

tin object (M10-7),and two copper objects (M 10-12, M

38 ). Of the three remaining samples, the copper-low tin

M 10-19 has a slightly less radiogenic isotopic sig natu

tha n the rem aining U n ar l o bjects (207Pb1206Pb= 0.85

while the AsINi-copper pin (L14N-PIN)has a more ra

ogen ic sig na tur e (207Pb1206Pb= 0.83885), and the mo

radiogenic characteristics were seen in the copper-low

ring M10-1 7 mentioned above. The isotopic spread o

clustered objects at U na rl is just under 0.5 percent, th

theoretical limit of a conf orm able ore deposit, and ma

represent the concentra tion in the tomb of metal pred

nantly from one source. Nevertheless, the isotopic ana

ses of the remaining objects ( M 1 -17, L14N-PIN, M 1

1 9 )suggest the use of m ultiple metal sou rces in the cre

ation of the tom b assemblage.

A total of ten objects have been analyzed from the

Unar2 to mb assemblage, which is dated to the last two

turies of the third millennium BCE. These include fo ur

rings, three flat fragments, two pinlawl fragm ents, and

unidentified lum p. Alloy compos itions vary from relat

pure copper, to As/Ni-copper, copper-low tin, and tin-

bronze (often with significant concentration s of arsen i

contrast to the Un ar l assemblage, the Unar2 m etal obj

show very little evidence of clustering in their isotop ic

acteristics, displaying rather a linear array. The mo st ra

ogenic isotopic values are seen in the tw o analyzed A s/

copper pinlawl fragments (10 18-3.93,1019-4.108), wshow very s imilar is otopic cha racteristics (207Pb1206Pb

approximately 0.839 ). These samples are also very simFigure 7 2 LIA data (207Pb/206Pb nd 208~ b/ 206 ~batios only) for all compos~t~ona~~y ,ontaining significant concentrationsUmm al-Nar Period objects, arranged by site (outliers TA699,TA1614not shown).white squares show isotopic data for the site of inter- arsenic and The remaining t

est, gray circles show data for the other three sites. site (flat fragment 1 01 -3 3 9 ) s of extremely pure cop

148 Early Metallu rgy of t he Persian Gulf



and has a m uch less radiogenic signatu re (207Pb1206Pb=

0.87 28 5). This sample has a n almost identical isotopic

composition t o a flat arsenical tin-bronze fragm ent from

the site (1019-3 .105),showing th at isotopic homogeneity

can oc cur in compositionally diverse samples. These two

flat fragments stand o ut isotopically from the remainder of

the U nar2 assemblage in being relatively deficient in thoro -

genic lead (208Pb1206Pb appro xima tely 2.1 1 0).

Th e remaining objects from U nar2 are all tin-bearing,and form a linear arra y from the most radiogenic values of

207Pb1206Pb app rox ima tely 0 .84 3 (arsen ical tin- bronze ring

l9 5 7 l) , to the least radiogenic value of any object analyzed

in this study, the copp er-low tin lump 1 23-2.11 0) wi th a

207Pb1206Pb ra tio of 0.89 320 . N o clear evidence f or iso-

topic clustering can be seen in this gr ou p of objects,

althoug h the tin- bronze ring 1 019-5 .71 and the tin-bronze

flat fragment 1018 -3.99 have similar isotopic characteris-

tics. As for the objects from A1 Sufouh and U na rl, the large

spread of isotopic ratios of the assemblage from U nar2(appr oxim ately six percent) suggests that multiple sources

of metal were used to create the objects foun d in the tomb.

A total of 10 objects from the Umm al-N ar Period

tom b at Tell Abraq, and eight from near-contemp orary set-

tlement contex ts at the site, underw ent LIA and this da ta

has been published (Weeks 19 99 ).The objects analyzed

include predom inantly rings and flat fragments (six of

each), in addit ion to four pinlawl fragments and tw o spear-

heads. Alloy comp ositions include pure copper, AsINi-cop-

per, copper-low tin, tin-bronze, an d one tin object. Th e

objects ar e not those for which compo sitional da ta are pre-

sented above in Cha pter Four, as they come from settlement

contexts and the western cham ber of the tomb , rather than

the eastern tom b chamber. The objects were analyzed com-

positionally by SEM rather t ha n PIXE, and the results ar e

reported elsewhere (Weeks 1997:Table 14 ).

Th e Tell Ab raq isotopic da ta sh ow the largest spread of

any Um m al- Na r Period site analyzed in this study. As dis-

cussed above, this is primarily due to the tw o highly-radi-

ogenic tin-bronzes from settlement and b urial contexts at

the site (TA699,TA1614), and anoth er tin-bronze (TA107)that h as a significantly more ra diogen ic signatur e tha n the

majo rity of Tell Ab raq objects. However, theremaining

objects from the site still showsign ificant isotop ic diversity,

with 207Pb1206Pb ra tio s of appro xim ately 0 .834-0 .874, a

spread of more tha n four percent.

Within this range, the re app ear to be three clust

objects. Th e first is comprised of four ob jects with

207Pb1206Pb ratio s of app rox ima tely O.835,208Pb/20

ratio s of ap pro xim ately 2.0 75 , an d 206Pb1204Pb ratio

approximately 18.80. Three of the objects (TA 1217

TA12 86, TA1306) sho w very similar isotopic compo

tions, and all are flat tin-bronze fragm ents from the

tomb. The fourth possible member of the cluster

(TA131 0) s a r ing of pure copper (> 99percent C u) the settlem ent, howeve r it is lower in thorogen ic lea

than the t in-bronzes and thus sl ightly isotopically di

tinct. The second cluster is com posed of fo ur object

(TA1227, TA1426, TA1461, TA1612) from tomb an

settleme nt contexts a t the site. All are of copper, alth

TA161 2 contains some arsenic and significant amo u

of nickel. The cluster is centered on 207Pb1206Pb rati

appro xima tely 0.840,208Pb/206Pb ratios of 2.080-2.

and 206Pb1204Pb ratios of 18 .60-1 8 .80, a nd h as a sp

of approx imately 0.2 percent. Th e third cluster is foby a gro up of five objects from tom b an d settlement

texts, and various al loys including copper (T A14 67

copper (TA1389 ), copper-low t in (TA142 8), in-bro

(TA145 9), and a t in r ing (TA2918 ).Th e cluster is ce

tered on a 207Pb1206Pb ratio of approximately 0.847

as for the previous grou p show s a very l imited isoto

spread (approximately 0.4 percent ) . The remaining

objects from Tell Abr aq are a copper-low tin spearh

(TA 1231 ) from the sett lement a nd a t in-bronze spea

head ( TA 1648 ) from the tom b (for an i l lustrat ion, s

Weeks 1997:Figure 8) , both of which have the least

ogenic isotopic characteristics of the analyzed Tell A

ma teria l (207Pb1206Pb >0.870,208Pb/206P b >2 .120 ,

206Pb1204Pb ~ 1 8 . 1 0 ) .

Th e large isotopic spread of the Tell Abra q obje

suggests tha t multiple sources were used in the prod

tion of the copper-base objects used at the site, and

clustering of the objects into a few isotopically hom

neou s group s may reflect the use of metal from a nu

of conformable deposits. Two of the isotopic group

show a significant degree of compositional homogenity-one consisting predo mina ntly of copp er object

the other of t in-bronzes (a group tha t also shows ty

logical homogeneity). The third cluster shows great

positiona l diversity, w ith the five objects represe ntin

different alloy types.




The m ajor isotopic characteristics of copper-base

objects fr om the four sites can be summ arized as follows:

Linear arrays du e to the mixing of lead from dif-

ferent sources are com mon in each site's isotopic

da ta, in the 207PbI206Pb range of 0.800 -0.900 . In

general, the isotopic data suggest the use a t each

site of metal from multiple sources, rather th an

solely one isotopically homogeneous source. An

exception might be Una rl , w here most objects

fall into a relatively limited isoto pic rang e.

Highly radiogenic samples are fou nd on ly at Tell

Abraq (TA699 , TA 161 4), al though radiogenic

outliers are reported from both Tell Abraq

(TA107) and Una r l (M10-17 ) .

A1 Sufouh and U na rl samples mostly show

207PbI206Pb ratio s of grea ter th an 0.845. Wh ile

Tell Abraq and Unar2 have also produced sam-

ples in this range, these sites have also pro duce d

num erou s objects with m ore radiogen ic 207PbI206Pb ratio s of 0.834-0.845. Th is ma y reflect

chronological differences in metal supply.

Figure 7.3 LIA data for all Umm aCNar Period objects by alloy cate-

gory (outliersTA699,TA1614 not shown).

Differences by Composition (Alloy Group)Although th e coastal location of U.A.E. tombs an d th

strong trade connections found in the excavated m at

suggest tha t foreign copp er could have been exploite

A1 Sufouh, Un ar l, U nar2 and Tell Abra q, the possibl

of foreig n metal is mos t clearly an issue in the discus

of the tin-bronzes. In such a situa tion, it is possible f

isotopic differences between cop per objects and tin-b

ing objects to provide a useful indicator of the me cha

nisms by which tin and tin-bearing alloys were traded

the early periods of their use. The LIA data for Um m

N ar Period objects analyzed in this thesis is illustrate

Figure 7.3, based upon the compositional groups (co

copper-low tin, tin-bron ze). Some clear differences c

seen, and become more ap paren t when histograms o

isotopic data are examined (Figures 7.4 and 7.5).

Objects of copper, copper-low tin, an d tin-bronz e

seem to fall upo n the sa me isotop ic trend line in Figur

Th e majority of objects, including examp les from all agro ups , have 207Pb/206Pb ratio s in the 0.834 -0.856 ran

How ever, within this range the ov erlap of objects fro m

ferent alloy groups is not co nsistent. As can be seen in

Figure 7.4, copper objects (including As N -co pp er) sh

tw o is otop ic cluster s: on e a t 207Pb1206Pb ra tio s of

0.836 -0.842 , the oth er a t 207Pb/206Pb ra tio s of 0.846-

0.850. Of these two ranges, tin-bronzes an d copper-lo

objects are found only in the second, tha t with less rad

ogenic characteristics (see Figure 7.5). Only three of 1

analyzed copper objects have 207PbI206Pb ratios highe

than 0.850, tw o of which a re AsJNi-copper (ASI-5, M

12) ,and on e of which is of very pure copper (1 019- 3.

N o co pper ob jects have been analyze d wit h 207Pb1206P

ratios of less than 0.836. In co ntrast, many tin-bearin

objects have isotopic compositions outside the 207PbI2

range of 0.836-0.850. Mo re than one-quarter of the a

lyzed tin-b ear ing ob jects have 207Pb/206Pb ratios of les

tha n 0.836, including the radiogenic tin-bron zes from

Abraq (TA107, TA699, TA161 4) and the copper-low

ring from Una rl (M1 0-17 ). Furthermore, half of the

bearing copper-base objects have 207Pb1206Pb ratios ogreater than 0.850 , including copper-low tin objects

all sites (ASI-2, ASI-3, AS Tom bld, M10 -7, M 10-1 9,

2.110, TA123 l ) , nd t in-bronzes from Una rl (M10-

Unar2 (1014.76, 1014.158, 1023-4.10, 1019-3.105)

Tell Abraq (TA1648).




Thus, although there is isotopic similarity between a

small proportion of copper objects, tin-bronzes, and cop-

per-low tin objects, the significant isotopic variation

between the alloy groups suggests that different sources

of metal were used to produce them. Of course, the inclu-

sion of foreign metal in tin-bearing objects in the U.A.E.

is indicated by the presence of the tin itself. The LIA indi-

cates that some of this imported metal, whether tin or

pre-alloyed tin-bronze, was isotopically distinct from the

majority of the copper used in the region. There is clear

archaeological evidence, in the form of the tin ring from

the Tell Abraq tomb (TA2918), that metallic tin was

available in the southern Gulf in the late third millennium

BCE. Interestingly, the isotopic composition of this entire-

ly foreign metal is very similar to a number of the copper

objects analyzed in this study. If we assume that this cop-

per was locally produced in southeastern Arabia, the pos-

sibility arises that even entirely foreign tin-bronzes, arriv-

ing pre-alloyed as ingots or objects, may be difficult todiscern isotopically from local copper. These issues will be

addressed in the following sections.

Materials that potentially contributed lead to the tin-

bearing and copper objects are important to assess. Lead

levels in the analyzed Umm al-Nar Period objects are gen-

erally low, commonly less than 2,000 ppm and frequently

much lower (see Chapter Four; EDS analyses of the Tell

Abraq material report higher Pb values, but are unreliable,

see Weeks 1997:Appendix A). Such low lead levels are

unlikely to represent the intentional alloying of lead with

copper or tin-bronze, so the lead in the objects is likely

derived from the lead in their parent ores (cf. Gale and Stos-

Gale 1982:12-13), Thus, objects of unalloyed copper

(includingAsINi-copper) analyzed in this study should have

lead isotopic signatures closely matching those of the copper

ores from which they were produced. In contrast, as tin-

bronze is an alloy of copper and tin, there is obvious potential

for the mixture of metal (orores) from entirely different

sources. In such a case, the lead isotope signature of the result-

ing tin-bronze may differ from the copper from which it was

produced. It is therefore important to assess the amount of

lead that might have come from the tin or the copper. As dis-

cussed in Chapter Six, the very low lead concentrations of

the majority of copper ores and archaeological objects from

southeastern Arabia make them extremely liable to con-

tamination by lead-bearing cassiterite, tin or tin-bronze.

Figure 7.4 207Pb/206Pbsotopic composition of Umm al-Nar P

copper objects (including AsINi-copper) from the U.A.E.analy

this study (outliers ASI-5,1019-3.59 not shown).

Figure 7.5 207Pb/206~bsotopic ranges for Umm al-Nar Period

objects analyzed in this study, showing copper objects (lower

copper-low tin objects, and tin-bronzes (upper chart).

Two major explanations exist for the isotopic di

crepancy between tin-bearing objects and copper sam

from the Umm al-Nar Period in southeastern Arabia

1. The isotopic distribution of the tin-bronzes

affected by lead from the tin, or alternativel2. The imported tin contributed little or no lea

the tin-bronzes, and the isotopic disparities

between the tin-bearing and copper objects

cate that different copper sources were used

their production.




If the first alternative was the case, we would expect to

see the distribution of tin-bearing objects spread away

from the field for local copper in the direction of the iso-

topic signature of the lead in the tin, although there

would be some degree of overlap (reflecting instances in

which lead levels in the copper have overwhelmed the

lead contribution of the tin) . There is certainly no direct

relationship between tin concentrations and lead isotope

characteristics, as some of the most outlying samples con-

tain only low tin levels. However, as outlined in Chapter

Six, there is no reason to expect a predictable relationship

between tin concentrat ions and isotopic characteristics,

due to the likelihood of highly variable lead levels in tin

and copper. The second alternative listed above would

suggest tha t at least some of the tin-bronze was being

traded t o southeastern Arabia in its alloyed form, either

as ingots or as finished objects. In this case, the clear iso-

topic overlap between the copper and tin-bronze objects

could result from the use of foreign metal with a similarisotopic signature to local copper (we have seen already

that this is possible, as in the case of the Tell Abraq tin

ring TA2918). Alternatively, the overlap might indicate

instances where lead-free metallic tin was alloyed with

local copper.

Unfortunately, the EDS analyses of the tin ring from

Tell Abraq are not of sufficient sensitivity to allow for the

accurate determination of the lead concentration of the

object. This important information is a priority of future

research. The isotopic composition of the Tell Abraq tin

ring is similar to that of many objects from the site, sug-

gesting that the effect of the addition of lead from the tin

might be minimal in isotopic terms, and also that entirely

foreign metal may be indistinguishable from local copper.

The tin ring has isotopic characteristics common to a

group of Bronze Age samples from A1 Sufouh, Unarl ,

Tell Abraq and Saar (see Figure 7.3 and below), suggest-

ing a similar origin. As the tin was certainly imported

into the region, it may suggest that the isotopically-simi-

lar tin-bronzes were also.

It must be emphasized that the hypothesized trademechanisms are not mutually exclusive. It is highly likely

that tin was reaching Tell Abraq in a number of forms-

as the pure metal and as alloyed tin-bronze ingots or

objects. Just such a situation seems to have existed in the

Bronze Age Aegean and northwestern Anatolia, (see

below), where items of both exotic alloys and metall

were traded. In such a case, it is possible for the typo

cal affinities of the tin-bearing objects from the U.A.

be of importance in delineating traded objects. Howe

the majority of analyzed bronzes are typologically si

(e.g. rings) and provide limited evidence for such pur

Isotopic Comparisons with Bronze Age

Objects from the GulfThe isotopic investigation for this study can be com

with the results of a number of other studies of Bron

Age copper-base objects from the Persian Gulf region

These isotopic studies include material from third mi

nium BCE Oman, the City I1 Period on Bahrain, and t

Wadi Suq Period and Late Bronze Age levels at Tell A

The first possible comparison is with the isotopic

acteristics of copper ingots from the Gulf region. Eigh

planoconvex ingots from third millennium BCE conte

in Oman were analyzed by Prange et al. (1999: Figurewhile three slightly later but typologically similar ingo

from Saar on Bahrain have been analyzed by Weeks an

Collerson (forthcoming). n addition, an early second

lennium BCE pyramidal ingot from Tell Abraq was an

lyzed by Weeks (1999; see Weeks 1997:Figures 5-6). I

generally been assumed that bun-shaped ingots found

Gulf region are the product of copper smelting operati

in southeastern Arabia, as represented by finds at May

and Wadi Bahla, for example (see Chapter Two).

The isotopic data for the Umm al-Nar Period obje

analyzed in this study are presented in Figure 7.6, alon

with data for the 12 ate-thirdlearly-second millennium

BCE copper ingots from the Gulf region. As is immedi

apparent, there is very limited isotopic overlap betwee

two groups. Seven of the 12 copper ingots show major

topic differences with Umm al-Nar Period objects from

U.A.E. In particular, many of the copper ingots are dep

in thorogenic lead in comparison to the analyzed copp

base objects. As discussed more fully in the following s

tion, these ingots are currently without any isotopic m

es among the analyzed ore deposits from southeasternArabia (Prange et al. 1999: 191; Weeks and Collerson,

forthcoming). It must be stressed, however, that archa

logical LIA in southeastern Arabia is in its infancy, and

ther analyses may indeed recover matching ore bodies

these ingots.

1 5 2 Early Metallurgy of th e Persian Gulf



Of the five ingots which m ore closely match the ana-

lyzed copper-base objects, three a re from early second mil-

lennium BCE contexts at Saar and Tell Abraq, and tw o are

from O ma n. Unfortunately, the isotopic data for the

Om ani ingots are n ot fully published, so the isotopic simi-

larity of Umm al-N ar Period ingots and objects cannot be

confidently assessed. Nevertheless, the tw o ingots fr om

Om an show their closest isotopic parallels w ith a cluster

of copper objects with 207Pb1206Pb ratios of approximately0.840, and with one t in-bronze object from Unar2 (101 9-

5.7 1). Of the four second millennium BCE ingots for

which full data is available (Figure 7.6) there is one clear

isotopic match-between an ingot from Saar and the flat

copper fragm ent TA142 6 from Tell Abraq.

Such results are extremely surprising, given the wide-

spread assum ption of the O ma ni origin of such ingots. Of

course, both ingots and objects can be traded over large

distances: there is no reason to assume th at coppe r-base

objects from Um m al- Na r Period sites in the U.A.E. were

made of southe astern Arabian copper, nor indeed to

assume that planoconv ex copper ingo ts foun d in Bronze

Age Om an are prod ucts of local extractive metallurgy.

Such reconstructions have, until now, provided the best

explan ations of the arch aeological evidence. However, the

isotopic evidence discussed above casts do ubt upon these

widely held beliefs.

A better match is seen between the Umm al-N ar

Period copper-base objects from the U.A.E. and contem -

porar y finished objects and processing residue fro m

southe astern Ar abia, analyzed by Prange et al.

(1999:Figure 7 ). These an alyses are illustrated in Figure

7.7 (copper objects) and Figure 7.8 (t in-bronzes and

copper-low tin o bjects). Again, the da ta a re not fully

published by Prange et al. ( 19 99 ), so Figures 7.7-7.8

display only the 207Pb1206Pb and 208Pb1206Pb ratios. A

num ber of the analyzed objects and prills analyzed by

Prange et al. (19 99 ), none of which conta in significant

am ou nts of tin , fo rm a cluste r in the 207Pb1206Pb range

appro xima tely 0.8 3 7-0.842, coinciding relatively closely

with on e grou p of cop per objects analyzed in the presentstudy, centered up on a 207Pb1206Pb ra tio of a ppr oxim ately

0.840. O ne other copper pri ll w ith less radiogenic iso-

top ic ratio s (207PbI206Pb app rox ima tely 0.85 3, 208Pbl

206Pb approximately 2.098) also matches a flat AsINi-

copper fragment from Unar l (M 1 -12) . Other copper

Figure 7.6 LIA data for Umm al-Nar Period objects analyzed in

study, and Gulf copper ingots analyzed previously (Prange et a1999;Weeks and Collerson, forthcoming). A restricted sotopic

is shown, corresponding o the isotopic spread of the copper

objects and prills analyzed by Prange e t al. (19 99 )

isotopic characterist ics different f rom the objects a

lyzed in this study. The LIA data therefore indicate

although multiple metal sources were exploited, set

ments across third millennium southeastern Arabia

access to copper with specific isotopic characterist

(207PbI206Pb ap prox im ate ly 0.837 -0.8 42; 208Pb1206

app rox ima tely 2.075 -2.085 ; 206Pb1204Pb app rox im

18.7 0). This may represent metal from one o r a sm

number of sources, the possible locations of which

discussed below.

In con trast , there a re no exact isotopic matches

between the tin-bearing objects presented in this stuand the copper objects and prills analyzed by Prang

al. (19 99 ), as illustrated in Figure 7.8. O ne tin-bron

ring from Unar2 (101 9-5.71 ) is isotopically similar

cluster of ob jects an d prills at 207Pb1206Pb app rox im

0.837-0.842, and one t in-bronze ring from U na rl (




characteristics to a cluster of Urnm al-Nar Period ob

from the U.A.E. (207Pb1206Pb ratio s a ppr oxim ately

Figure 7.7 LIA data for Urnm al-Nar Period copper objects analyzedin this study,and copper-base artifacts and prills analyzed by

Prange et al. (1999: Figure 7). A restricted isotopic range is shown.

Figure 7.8 LIA data for Urnm al-Nar Period copper-low tin and tin-bronze objects analyzed in this study,and copper-base artifacts and

prills analyzed by Prange et al. (1999: Figure 7 .A restricted isotopicrange is shown.

22 R ) has similar isotopic characteristics to a prill from

Oman (207PbI206Pb approximately 0.853; 208PbI206Pb

approximately 2.09 8). This overall discrepancy may

reflect the fact that th e analyses of Prange et al . (19 99 )

do not seem to have included objects with significant tin

conc entration s, highlighting the varying sources of metal

used to produce these different alloy categories in south-

eastern Arabia.

A comparison of the Urnm al-Nar Period objects

analyzed in this study with objects from Saar on Bahrain

is given in Figure 7.9. Tw o of the co pper ob jects fromSaar have isotopic com posit ions matching copper

objects from the U.A.E. tom bs, again focused up on

207Pb1206Pb ratios of approximately 0.840. Tin-bronzes

from Saar, which are quite distinct isotopically from the

copper objects used at the site, show similar isotopic

0.850). These include two copper-low tin objects

(A S T om bld , M 1 0-7), two copper objects ( M 1 -12,

M1 0-38 ), two t in-bronzes from (M10-13V, M1 0-39

and the Tell Abraq t in ring (TA291 8), and indicate

particular isotopic similarity of Saar tin-bronzes and

metal from the Un ar l tom b. The Saa r analyses are

significant for demonstrating the presence in the cen

Gulf of metal objects and ingots with depleted thoro

genic lead isotope compositions (i.e. low 208PbI206P

ratios), which also characterize cop per ingots from

southeastern Arabia (see above).

Finally, a comparison can be draw n between th

analyzed Urnm al-N ar Period o bjects from the U.A.E

and the later material from Wadi Suq an d Late Bron

Age (LBA) contex ts a t Tell Abraq (Weeks 1999:Tab

As illustrated in Figure 7.10, the third millennium B

copp er objects from the U.A.E. and the Wadi SuqPeriodILBA copper objects fro m Tell Ab raq show m

isotopic similarities. Although a num ber of the Wad

SuqILBA copper objects from Tell Abraq have no ex

matches with the earlier copper, most copper object

from both groups fall into the 207PbI206Pb range of

0.836-0.853. Th e Wadi Suq Period objects form a n

ber of clusters, including three objects from th e Wad

Suq I11 Period (TA 468, TA10 41, T A40 2) with

207Pb1206Pb ratios of approximately 0.837, three ob

from the Wadi Su q I1 Per iod (TA 1038 , TA 1637 ,

TA 13 59 ) w i th 207Pb1206Pb ra t ios of a ppr oxim at

0 .844 , and seven objec t s f r om Wadi Suq 11-IV

Periods wi th 207Pb1206Pb rat ios of approximatel

0 .847-0 .852 . A smal l num ber of copp er ob jec t s

wi th 207PbI206Pb ra t ios of grea t er t h an 0 .85 3 a

seen in bo th Urnm a l -Nar Per iod and Wadi SuqI

con texts , ho wev er thei r i sotopic properties are ve

different: W adi SuqILBA objects from Ab raq (TA73

TA 89 2) have significan tly depleted 206Pb1204Pb ratio

comparison to the non-radiogenic copper objects fr

A1 Sufouh (AS I-5) and U na r2 ( 101 9-3 .59 ) analyzed this study. The depleted 206PbI204Pb ratios of the W

SuqILBA copp er objects fro m Tell Ab raq are m uch

to those seen in massive sulfide copper ores from so

eastern Arabia, as will be discussed further in the fo

ing section on absolute provenance.

1 5 4 Early Metallurgy of the Persian Gulf



The t in-bearing objects from the Urnm al-N ar Period

and fro m Wadi SuqILBA contexts a t Tell Abraq are illus-

trated in Figure 7.1 1. Again, the second m illennium BCE

objects show some evidence for clustering, notably at

207Pb1206Pb ratios of approximately 0.840 (TA340,

TA378, TA994), and at 207Pb1206Pb approximately

0.847-0.850 (TA119 4, TA16 33, TA89 6, TA11 27,

TA1 18 4, TA1 18 5) . Th e secon d isotopic cluster is very

similar to tha t for a n umber of t in-bronzes and copper-low tin objects from Urnm al-Nar Period Tell Abraq,

Unarl, and A1 Sufouh, including the Tell Abraq tin ring

(TA2918) . As for the co pper objects discussed in the pre-

ceding paragraph, two W adi SuqILBA tin-bronzes from

Tell Abra q hav e high 207Pb1206Pb ratios of ap pro xim ate-

ly 0.860 or higher. However, these objects (TA715,

TA1043) are very similar isotopically to tin-bearing

objects from the Urnm al-Nar Period, and n ot depleted

in 206Pb1204Pb as seen fo r the non-r adiog enic Wa di

SuqILBA copper objects.

Absolute Provenance

Comparisons t o Omani Copper Ores

In Figures 7.12-7.15, the isotopic data fo r objects from

Urnm al-Nar Period tombs in the U.A.E. are compared

the previously existing isotopic da ta for co pper ore dep

in southea stern Arabia (C hen and Pallister 1981; Gale

1981 ; Calvez and Lescuyer 1 99 1; Stos-Gale et al.

1997:1O3-105), and partially published data on Oma

copp er ores presented by Prange et al. (1999:Fig ure 7 )show n in Figure 7.12, the re is very limited overlap be

the analyzed Urnm al-N ar Period copper objects from

U.A.E. and copper ores from massive sulfide deposits

Om an particularly for the copper mines of Lasail, Ba

and 'Arja in the hinterland of Sohar, which were so im

tan t for early Islamic copper ex traction (see Chapter

Figure 6.1, for the isotopic differences between massi

sulfide copper deposits in Om an ). Some of the object

sho w greater isotopic similarity w ith analyzed ores fr

the so-called inland-V1 massive sulfide deposits (C

Figure 7.9 LIA data for Urnm al-Nar Period objects analyzed in this Figure 7.10 LIA data for Um m al-Nar Period copper ob jects anstudy, and copper-bas e artifacts and prills from Saar, Bahrain (Weeks in this studyland copper artifacts and prills from Wadi SuqILaand Collerson, forthcoming ). A restricted isotopic range is shown. Bronze Age c ontexts at Tell Abraq (Weeks 1999).




and Lescuyer 1991), such as those at Raki, although exact

matches are absent. This finding is surprising, given the

significance that was attached to this type of deposit as

the largest in the region, and the evidence for Bronze Age

smelting activities found at 'Arja (Hauptmann 1985:116).

However, research suggests that smaller deposits from

lower levels in the Semail ophiolite rather than the massive

sulfide deposits were probably more important for early

metallurgy in the region (see Chapter Two). It is likely that

such deposits have isotopic characteristics different from

the massive sulfide deposits, and the analyses of Prange et

al. (1999:Figure 7) have indeed demonstrated the pres-

ence of copper ores in Oman with 207Pb1206Pb ratios of

approximately 0.840, similar to some of the copper

objects analyzed in this study. Unfortunately, the geology

of these ores is lacking, so it is difficult to assess the

importance of particular ore types or specific ore bodies

for Umm al-Nar Period copper extraction in the region.

Copper objects with 207Pb1206Pb ratios of greater thanapproximately 0.850 do not match any currently ana-

lyzed ores from the Semail Ophiolite, and are also dis-

tinct from ores of the A1 Ajal copper deposit, in roc

the Hawasina formation. However, some of the less

radiogenic ores summarized by Prange et al.

(1999:Figure 7) are likely to be of significance for

archaeological LIA. In general, very few lead isotopi

analyses of Omani ores have been undertaken, and

analyses may broaden the potential isotopic range o

copper produced in Oman.

In Figure 7.13, copper-low tin objects from Um

Nar Period tombs in the U.A.E. are illustrated in co

parison to copper ores from the Sultanate of Oman

objects show similarities to massive sulfide ores whe

three isotopic ratios are considered: a pinlawl from

Abraq (TA1428) matches closely with a number of

from Raki and Hay1 as-Safil, and a flat fragment fro

Sufouh (ASI-3) is isotopically-similar to an ore sam

from Zuha, and one from Maqa'il. Other than thes

objects, isotopic parallels for the remaining copper-

Figure 7.1 2 LIA data for copper objects from the U.A.E. analyz

this study; Omani copper ores from massive sulfide deposits (

and Pallister 1981; Calvez and Lescuyer 1991; Stos-Gale et al. 1

Figure 7.1 1 LIA data for Umm al-Nar Period tin-bearing objects ana- from the Hawasina-hosted AI Ajal copper deposit (Calvez and

lyzed in this study, and tin-bronze artifacts and prills from Wadi Lescuyer 1991), and; from unspecified deposits (Prange et al.

SuqILate Bronze Age contexts at Tell Abraq (Weeks 1999). 1999:Figure 7).

156 Early Metallurg y of th e Persian Gulf



t in objects cann ot be found amo ng the currently analyzed

gro up of massive sulfide ores. A num ber of the unspeci-

fied ores published by Prange et al. (1999:Figure 7)

show isotopic similarities to some of the copper-low tin

objects, although full data will be required before a

provenance can be suggested with even limited confi-

dence. Three of the coppe r-low tin objects from Umm al-

Nar Period tombs in the U.A.E. have 207Pb1206Pb iso-

topic composit ions outside the range of any kno wn oresfrom southeastern Arabia, including a ring from Unarl

(M 10- 17) , a flat fragment from A1 Sufouh (ASI-2), and a

copper-low tin lump from Unar2 1 23-2.11 0). Even

when their 207Pb1206Pb ratios are similar to ores from

southeastern Arabia, copper-low tin objects from the

U.A.E. ap pe ar t o have higher relative 206Pb1204Pb ratio s,

and thus identification of local sources is equivocal.

As illustrated in Figure 7.14, a similar pattern is

observed for t in-bronzes. Wh en not entirely outside the

207Pb1206Pb range of known ores from Oman (e.g.

TA107, TA699, TA1217, TA1286, TA1306, TA161

they seem t o be en riched in 206Pb1204Pb relative t o t

ore samples (e.g. all Unar2 tin-bronzes). A close ma

with a massive sulfide ore can be seen for only one

bronze, a pinlawl from Tell Abraq (TA 145 9), which

isotopically similar to an ore sam ple from Raki. On

bronze from U nar2 (10 14.1 58) also has similar iso

properties to one of the unspecified Om ani ores anlyzed by Prange et al . (1 99 9) , al though all ratios a

not available for comparison.

It is helpful to examine more closely the isotop

distribution of objects of AsINi-copper, as illustrat

Figure 7.15. As discussed in C hap ter Five, As-Ni-co

is an uninten tional or natu ral alloy tha t is highly

ly to have been locally produced in southeastern Ar

That is, under the kinds of smelting conditions kn

to have characterized the Bronze Age, the geology

Figure 7.13 LIA data for copper-low t in objects f rom the U.A.E. ana- Figure 7.14 LIA data for tin-bronze objects from the U.A.E. anlyzed in this study, and Omani copper ores from massive sulfide in this study, and Omani copper ores from massive sulfide depdeposits (Chen and Pallister 1981; Calvez and Lescuyer 1991; Stos- (Chen and Pallister 1981; Calvez and Lescuyer 1991; Stos-GaleGale et al. 1997),from the Hawasina-hosted AI Ajal copper deposit 1997),from the Hawasina-hosted AI Ajal copper deposit (Calv(Calvez and Lescuyer 1Wl ), and from unspecified deposits (Prange Lescuyer 1ggl), and from unspecified copper deposits (Pranget al. 1999: Figure 7). Outlier M10-1 7 not shown. 1999: Figure 7). Outliers TA1 07,TA699 and TA1 614 not shown.




Figure 7.15 LIA data for copper-base objects with As and Ni con-

centrations greater than 1 percent analyzed in this study, and

Omani copper ores from massive sulfide deposits (Chen and

Pallister 1981; Calvez and Lescuyer 1991; Stos-Gale et al. 1997),from

the Hawasina-hosted AI Ajal copper deposit (Calvez and Lescuyer

1Wl ), and from unspecified copper deposits (Prange et al. 1999:

Figure 7). Outlier TA107 not shown.

mineralogy of many copper deposits in southeastern

Arabia indicate that objects high in impurities of As

and Ni could have been naturally produced from

them. As can be seen in Figure 7.15, objects with

mo re than one percent of As and N i have a relatively

restricted range, with 207Pb1206Pb ratios in the

0.83 8-0.855 range. O ne exception is the tin-bron ze

ring TA107 from Tell Abraq, which has a radiogenic

207Pb1206Pb rat io of 0.8 18 00 . Given th at As-N i-copp er

is unlikely for mineralogical reasons to have been pro-

duced from the massive sulfide ores of Oman, it is not

surprising that there are very few isotopic matches

between these groups. Only the flat fragment ASI-3from A1 Sufouh has isotopic characteristics similar to

a massive sulfide ore, in particular a sample from the

deposit at Zuha. Object ASI-3 is unusual in possessing

very high cob alt levels (1.2 percent CO ) in add ition t o

approximately 2.8 percent Ni and 6.2 percent As.

In contrast, a number of As-Ni-copper objects

show isotopic similari t ies to Omani copper ores a

lyzed by Pran ge et al. ( 19 99 ), especially those w it

207Pb1206Pb ratios of approximately 0.840. This g

is composed entirely of pinlawl fragments, and inc

Cu-As-Ni alloys from Un arl (L14N-P IN), Unar2

(1019-4.108) an d Tell Abraq (TA1612 ), and a Cu

alloy ( 1018 -3.93) from Una r2 (this pinlawl h as ju

under one percent Ni). Two arsenic-bearing t in-brorings from Unar2 (1014.158, 1 019- 5.71) also hav

topic characteristics similar to the ores analyzed b

Prange et al . (1999).

The full publication of the ore data from Om

required before the isotopic similarity of these Om

ores and AsINi-copper objects can be properly

assessed. In particular, the types of copper deposit

that the German team analyzed must be considere

Although close isotopic matches with local Omani

cannot be found for all AslNi-copper objects, theanalyses provide tentative support for the hypothe

that AslNi-copper found in southeastern Arabian

texts is a local product, as proposed based on the

eralogical and technological considerations outl ine

Chapter Five

Overall, close isotopic matches between analy

objects and Omani ores can only be seen in a han

of cases. In some instances, such as the highly rad

ogenic objects discussed earlier in this chapter, the

attribution of the metal to non-Omani sources see

very likely. In other cases, it is difficult to disting

between the possible use of foreign metal and the

effects of the non-representative nature of the loca

database. The database is l imited in both the num

of analyses undertaken, and in the variety of geolo

contexts from which copper ores have been collec

and analyzed.

Comparisons to Non Omani Ores

Isotopic evidence from other a reas of western Asia an

adjace nt regions is relatively limited, but ca n neverthebe used to suggest possible source are as for the Umm a

Period ob jects from the U.A.E., if a foreign o rigin is ar

Iran an d India a re the two most obvious candidates gi

the strong trad e connections between these regions and

southeastern Arabia documen ted in the Bronze Age arc






dence for contact between the Gulf and western Arab

the third millennium BCE, and currently no evidence

Figure 7.18 LIA data for Umm al-Nar Period objects analyzed in this

study, and Saudi Arabian copper ores (Stacey et al. 1980) and tin-

bearing granites (Du Bray et al. 1988).

may be more radiogenic than most of the copper objects

from the U.A.E. analyzed in this study. The slag analyses

do indicate that, when more LIA of Iranian copper ores

and slags have been undertaken, distinguishing isotopi-

cally between metal from Oman and Iran may be prob-

lematic. This possibility is further indicated by the iso-

topic composition of various lead ores and slags from

across Iran (Stos-Gale 2001) illustrated in Figure 7.17.

Although not strictly useful for provenancing copper-

base archaeological objects, these analyses demonstrate

that ore bodies with a wide variety of isotopic charac-

teristics can be expected in Iran, many of which may

isotopically match ores from southeastern Arabia.

Looking further afield, there are numerous copperand tin deposits in the Arabian shield. However, the iso-

topic characteristics of these ores (Stacey et al. 1980; Du

Bray et al. 1988) are incompatible with the LIA of the

Umm al-Nar Period objects from the U.A.E. (see Figure

7.1 8).Furthermore, there is little or no archaeological evi-

the exploitation of Saudi Arabian copper deposits at t

time. Better isotopic parallels for the U.A.E. objects c

found in more northerly and westerly regions of west

Asia, including Anatolia and the southern Levant (see

Figure 7.19), for which copper production is docume

by at least the third millennium BCE (e.g. Haupt mann

2000:Abb. 33). However, the evidence for contact

between these areas and the Gulf region in the Bronze

is absent, making the use of Anatolian or Levantine c

in southeastern Arabia highly unlikely. Likewise, the

larity of the isotopic composition of copper from sou

eastern Arabia and Cyprus has been addressed by Pra

et al. (1999:191) , and reflects the similar age and geo

cal context of the copper ores from the two regions. T

metal is very unlikely to have been used in the souther

Gulf, at least in the Umm al-Nar or Wadi Suq Periods

However, distinguishing the use of isotopically and copositionally similar Cypriot and Omani copper in sec

millennium BCE Mesopotamia may be very difficult

Chapter Six).

Tin-Bronze in Wider Western Asia:

Important Lead Isotope Studies

Sizeable programs of isotope analysis have been con

ducted on material from the Aegean and northweste

Anatolia. These data proved unexpectedly importan

assessing the significance of the Gulf LIA data for w

studies of western Asian trade in the Bronze Age. Th

analyzed material comes from the Early Bronze Age

(EBA) sites of Poliochni, Thermi and Kastri in the

Aegean, and from Troy and the Troad in Anatolia. T

sites show use of tin-bronze by the mid-third millen

BCE, and have been exceptionally important in disc

sions of the development of tin-bronze technology a

the tin trade in the eastern Mediterranean and weste

Asia (see Chapter Eight) . The results of these isotop

studies are summarized below, and their relationshi

Bronze Age material from the Gulf is investigated.Lead isotope analyses of EBA metal artifacts fr

Kastri and Troy have revealed that these objects sh

great isotopic diversity, with 207Pb/206Pb ratios from

approximately 0.830-0.900, a spread of more than

eight percent. It has been suggested by Stos-Gale et




(1984:28) that five separate ore sources, ranging in age

from Pliocene (2-33 Ma) to Precambrian (700-900

Ma), provided the copper and tin-bronze that was used

at these sites. Tin-bronzes fall into all five "source"

groups, but dominate those with lead isotopic model

ages beyond known ores from the Aegean, eastern

Mediterranean or Anatolia. Very similar patterns are

visible in LIA of other EBA material from Troy and the

Troad (Pernicka et al. 1984; Seeliger et al. 19851,

Poliochni (Pernicka et al. 199 0) and Thermi (Begemann

et al. 1992; 1995; Stos-Gale 1992).

The isotopic analyses are regarded as evidence

that, during the third millennium BCE, tin-bronze was

traded into northwestern Anatolia and the Aegean

from as yet unknown external sources. Furthermore,

trace element data for objects from Thermi indicate

that tin-bronze was imported pre-alloyed as ingots or

objects, and "was not produced by adding imported

tin to locally produced copper" (Begemann et al.1992:220). Isotopic data also show that, in addition to

tin-bronze, "exotic" copper and brass was reaching

sites such as Kastri and Troy in the third millennium

BCE, from areas outside the Aegean or Anatolia (Stos-

Gale et al. 1984 ). It is clear that some metallic tin was

also reaching the region, as indicated by the tin bangle

from Thermi, and as might be expected given the men-

tion of metallic tin in a number of mid-third millenni-

um BCE written sources from western Asia (see

Chapter Eight).

The ultimate source of this "exotic" metal remains

uncertain. Given that a number of the Aegean tin-

bronzes are isotopically incompatible with any

Anatolian source, various authors have suggested tha t

Precambrian copper and tin deposits in the Arabian

Peninsula and Egypt (Stos-Gale et al. 1984:29) or

Afghanistan (Pernicka et al. 1990:290; Pernicka

1995b:107-108) may have been used. There is neither

archaeological evidence for contact between the Saudi

Arabian region and the Aegean at this time, nor evidence

for the exploitation of Saudi Arabian copper andEgyptian tin ores in the third millennium BC (see

Chapter Eight). Significantly, the available isotopic evi-

dence from Saudi Arabian copper deposits (Stacey et al.

1980) indicates that they did not supply the metal used

at EBA sites such as Troy, Poliochni and Thermi.

2m02i O

A n a t o l i a n l ~ e ~ e a nres

Figure 7.19 LIA data for Umm al-Nar Period objects analyzed

study, in comparison to ellipses representing the isotopic char

istics of ores from Anatolia, the Aegean, Feinan and Timna. Elliboundaries drawn after Hauptmann (2000:Abb. 33).

Furthermore, if the Thermi bangle is regarded a

resentative (Pernicka 1995b:108; Sayre et al. 1992),

isotopic ratios suggest that proposed tin sources in thTaurus Mountains, in particular Kestel and Goltepe

(Yener et al. 1989; Yener and Vandiver 1993a), did n

supply the tin that was used in EBA contexts in the

region. The question is slightly more complicated fo

tinltungsten-bearing granites of Saudi Arabia and Ye

(see Chapter Eight). An actual tin ore deposit (a t Sil

is only associated with one of these granites, but cas

terite occurs in small quantities as an associated mine

three other deposits (Du Bray et al. 1988:Table 1).No

isotope data are available for the cassiterite ores the

selves, only for their host granites. If the data from

granites are an accurate reflection of the isotopic co

position of the cassiterite ores they host, then it see

clear that tin from western and central Saudi Arab

was not supplying the EBA Aegean o r Anatolia.

However, cassiterite ores are frequently lead-poor

uranium-rich (Gulson and Jones 1992 ), meaning th

the isotopic signature of the cassiterite may not ma

that of the host granite. In this discussion, the scan

dence for the early exploitation of these ores is sig

cant, and suggests tha t western Arabia was an unlitin source for EBA Anatolia and the Aegean.

Unfortunately, the possible production of early Aeg

and Anatolian tin-bronze from Afghani sources ca

be investigated using LIA data, as none is availabl

from geological or archaeological studies.




The LIA of objects from Poliochni, Thermi, Kastri

and the Anatolian mainland has served to complicate

discussions of the EBA tin trade in the Aegean, and

has broadened immensely the areas in which potential

tin and tin-bronze sources must be sought. In this con-

text, it is interesting to note that the third millennium

tin-bronzes from the U.A.E. show a very similar iso-

topic composition to EBA tin-bronzes from the Aegean

region, as illustrated in Figure 7.20. The Gulf tin-bear-

ing objects follow very closely the linear pattern of the

tin-bronzes from northwestern Anatolia and the

Aegean, and show a similarly broad a range of values.

Highly radiogenic tin-bronzes similar to those from

Umm al-Nar Period contexts at Tell Abraq are occ

sionally reported from northwestern Anatolia and

Aegean (e.g. Seeliger et al. 1985:Abb. 31). It shou

also be noted that a similar isotopic pattern seems

occur in a number of EBA objects from the centra

Anatolian site of Kaman-Kalehoyiik (Hirao et al.

1995:Figure l l ) , in mid-third millennium BCE tin-

bronzes from Velikent in Daghestan (Kohl et al.

2002:127) and in some Luristan tin-bronzes (Bege

et al. 1989:Figure 30.5), although the Luristan dat

not fully published.

Figure 7.20 LIA data for tin(and zinc)-bearing objects from the Aegean and northwestern

Anatolia, in comparison o tin-bronzes and copper-low tin objects from the U.A.E.analyzed in

this volume.




The isotopic similarity between the Tell Abraq and

Aegean tin-bronzes may indicate that the tin-bearing

metal being used at Kastri, Poliochni, Thermi, Troy, and

Umm al-N ar Period sites in the U.A.E. wa s obtained

from the same source(s). There are a num ber of othe r

reasons for believing such an hypothesis, which are dis-

cussed in detail in the following chapter.

LIA: Summary of the Main FindingsIsotopically heterogeneous metal wa s used in each of the

four metal assemblages investigated, with the possible

exception of the objects from Un ar l . This probably indi-

cates the sim ultaneous exploitat ion, a t each individual

site, of m etal from multiple sources. Furthe r differences

are seen in the isotopic ranges of metal objects from each

tom b assemblage, which probab ly reflect variation in

sources resulting fro m the chro nolog ical differences

between the sites.

In addition t o this chronological va riation, isotopicvariability can be linked with comp osition, in particular

the tin-conten t of the objects. This is perh aps n ot surp ris-

ing, as tin is clearly a metal foreign to the geological

milieu of southeastern Arabia. Overall, about one-quarter

of the analyzed Umm al-N ar Period objects lay outside

the isotopic range of any Om ani copper ores as currently

know n, an d all have tin concentration s over 0.5 p ercent.

Th e presence of a num ber of highly radiogenic tin-

bronzes and copper low-tin objects demonstrates the

impo rt of pre-alloyed t in-bronze (p robab ly in the form of

finished objects) into sou theaster n Arabia.

In co ntra st, a gr ou p of ob jects (207Pb/206Pb ratio s of

0.836-0.842,208Pb/206Pb ratios of 2.070-2.0907206Pb/

204Pb ratios 18.50-1 8 .80 ) which includes material from

all four assemblages and from other si tes in southeastern

Arabia and the cen tral gulf show s a significant degree of

isotopic homogeneity. Although these objects show no

isotopic matches with Om ani massive sulfide ores, they

are isotopically similar to a few Bronze Age copper ingots

from the Gulf a nd one O man i ore sample. This group

may represent one kind (isotopically spea king) ofOm ani copper available in the Gulf.

Furthermore, the broad isotopic range of the ana -

lyzed O ma ni ores (207Pb/206Pb appro xima tely

0.838-0.872) coincides with isotop ic characteristics of

most of the Umm al-N ar Period objects, which suggests

that m any of them may have been made of O ma ni co

Although ther e are very few exact matches between t

objects analyzed in this study and O ma ni ores, this m

reflect the limited datab ase of Om ani or e analyses. T

similarity of the Bronze Age analyses from the four

to later material from Tell Abraq might also sup por

local origin, i.e. it could reflect the continued use of

sources exploited in the Um m al-N ar Period into the

ond millennium. Alternatively, isotopic similarities

simply reflect the recycling of third millennium me

or continuity in foreign sources.

However, one object of undoubtedly foreign ori

the t in ring f rom Tell Abraq, has isotopic characteri

compatible with O man . This tel ls us tha t some forei

metal is likely to be isotopically indistinguishable f r

Om ani ores. Furthermore, as a group, the isotopic c

acteristics of the tin-bron zes sho w many similarities

those fou nd in oth er areas of Bronze Age western A

particularly the Aegean region and northwesternAna tolia. If tin sou rces are very scarce, one or a very

ited numb er of sources could have sup plied a very la

area, an d such isotopic matches cou ld be a reflection

shared provenance.

In general , conclusions ab ou t absolute provenan

are very much ope n to debate. This is primarily due

the incomplete and possibly unrepresentative nature

the O man i ore database. However, the fact that isot

similarity does no t necessarily equa l shared prove-

nance-a basic tenet of isotopic analysis-must also

borne in mind. The archaeological implications of t

various exchange transactions suggested by the lead

tope data are addressed in the following chapter.







8 Tin an d Tin-Bronzein Early Western Asia

IntroductionAs tin is a non-local resource in most regions of western

Asia, questions regarding the ultimate source of this raw

material have long been asked by archaeologists,

archaeometallurgists and ancient historians. The mecha-

nisms and routes by which tin and tin-bronze were

exchanged throughout Bronze Age western Asia and

beyond have also received significant attention (e.g.

Muhly 1973a; Larsen 1976). After all, what is a Bronze

Age without bronze?

Nevertheless, a review of the archaeological evidence

for early tin-bronze use forced P.R.S. Moorey (1982:87) to

conclude that "the significance of tin in the third millenni-

um B.C. in the economy of the Near East is very easily

overrated.. .a dearth of analyses, and the consequent danger

of over-emphasizing isolated ones, makes any conclusions

hazardous". Such a statement was justified at the time of its

writing, more than two decades ago, when the early tin-

bronzes from northwestern Anatolia, Mesopotamia and

Iran seemed, like the proverbial good men, both few and

far. However, recent programs of archaeometric analysis

and the isotopic analyses presented in the previous chapterindicate a more widespread use of the alloy than previously

known, as well as the possibility of a far-flung trade in tin

and tin-bronze from a very limited number of sources. At

the same time as such findings demand explanation in

terms of trade routes, technology, and ideology, they also

have the potential to add to our understanding of the inter-

connectedness of regional economies that seems to charac-

terize Bronze Age western Asia.

The determination of the ultimate sources of tin

used in the Bronze Age is a provenience problem of

slightly different nature to many dealing with the m

trade, due to the extremely limited occurrence of w

able tin deposits within or adjacent to western Asia.

geological evidence on the occurrence of tin in the O

World has improved, and the plethora of western A

tin-deposits discussed in early archaeological report

Muhly 1973a; 1985a) have vanished under the scru

of modern research, the problem of tin sources is

increasingly visible as a primarily geological concern

(although see Moorey 1994:299 for the limitations

the geological data). Such an approach is not possib

for many other metals in use in Bronze Age western

Asia, such as copper or iron, deposits of which occu

much more frequently within the region (e.g. Pigott

1999b:Figures 4.6, 4.12).

Hence, evidence from modern geological survey

provides the framework within which theories regar

the provenance of tin in early western Asia are eval

ed. Information from early written sources dealing

the tin trade can also be incorporated into provenan

studies, in addition to evidence for the occurrence o

and tin-bronze in the archaeological record provided

archaeometallurgical studies. Interestingly, it is the

bination of these different strands of evidence that h

largely led to the search for tin sources in western A

being regarded as problematic. Archaeological, met

gical and textual sources have suggested explanatio

the provenance of tin which are, superficially, confl

ing. However, a close examination of the evidence

reveals long-standing but questionable archaeologic

assumptions, the modification of which allows for t

formulation of a consistent explanation for the early

of and trade in tin and tin-bronze. In the following

ter, the evidence from geology, historical sources, an

archaeometallurgical analyses is collated and discusin order to arrive at an understanding of the source

may have supplied tin and tin-bronze to the Gulf re

in the Bronze Age. The chapter concludes with a re

sideration of the tin problem in the light of broader

developments in metallurgy, exchange systems, and

socio-political complexity in western Asia. The loca

of the archaeological and metallurgical sites referre

in the following discussion are given in Figure 8.1.



Tin Deposits in Western Asia

and Surrounding Regions

At one time or another, workable tin deposits have been

claimed to exist in various regions of A natolia,

Mesopotamia, Iran, Syria and the Levant, Egypt, and

the Arabian Peninsula, among other places (M uhly

1973a, 1 985a; de Jesus 1 9 8 0 5 1 ff .) . Many of these

claims, for example the alluvial tin of the Kesserwan

District of Leb anon (Wa inwrigh t 19 34; Lucas19 34:2 13 ), have failed to withs tand the scrutiny of

detailed geological research ( de Jesus 1 980:5 3).

Likewise, an hypothesized tin source in northern

Mesopotamia, based upon price equivalencies for tin in

Bronze Age cuneiform sources (Heltzer 1978:108-1 l ) ,

clearly does not take account of the geological informa-

tion which would preclude such a deposit (M uhly

1985a:249-250 ). Furthe rmo re, a number of areas of

western Asia which do have tin deposits can be excluded

as poten tial sources for the tin used in the Bronze A

based up on the lack of evidence for early exploitati

the deposits, or lack of evidence for contemporary

use of tin and tin-bronze. It is clear that tin deposit

not exist in Syria, Lebanon, the Levant or M esopot

but o ther regions of western Asia have possible tin

deposits that require more detailed discussion, as pr

sented below.

Egypt and the Arabian Peninsula

Significant granite-hosted and alluvial cassiterite de

have been recorded at a number of places in the Ea

Desert of Egypt (R ap p et al. 1999:153-154; Wertim

1978 ; Muhly 19 78; 1993b:244-248 and Figure l ) ,

more recently in the western Arabian Peninsula in b

Saudi Arabia and Yemen ( Du Bray 19 85; Du Bray

1988 ; Kamill i and Criss 199 6; Overstreet et al .

l 9 8 8:411-413). The Egyptian deposits were survey

Figure 8.1 Map of Asia, showing archaeological sites, metallurgical sites, and ore deposits discussed in Chapter 8.




J. D. Muhly, T. A. Wertime a nd G . Rapp in 19 76, who

noted the presence of tin-tungsten mineralization in the

form of high-temperature hydrothermal vein deposits

forming mineralized zones that ar e 1,200-2,500 m long,

450-650 m wide, and up to 1.5 m thick (Mu hly

1993133244). Alluvial cassiterite is present an d rep len-

ished regularly by rainstorms in the wadis of Abu

Dab bab, Nuweibi, Igla, El Mueilha and H om r Akarem

(Ra pp et al. 1999:Figure 3; Muhly 199 3b:24 6). All ofthese locations have been wor ked for t in within the last

century (R app et al. 19 99:15 4). Another t in deposit

exists further to the south , in the K hartou m province of

Sudan (Garenne-Marot 1984:107) .

In the Arabian peninsula, a tin deposit is associated

with on ly one of the so-called Sn-W granites of the

region, the Silsilah deposit in the Fawarrah pluton,

although cassiterite occurs in small quantities as an asso-

ciated m ineral in three o ther deposits ( Du Bray et al .

1988:Table 1).At Jebel Silsilah, cassiterite is found as

disseminated gra ins in partly an d com pletely greisenised

rock, and as elliptical pods of cassiterite-rich greisen.

Th e latter consist of 60-90 percent cassiterite in a

quartz- topaz matrix, while samples from the tw o most

intensely mineralized greisens conta in fro m 0 .1 to sever-

al percent t in (D u Bray et al. 1 988:1 53 and Table 7;

Kamilli and C riss 1 99 6:1 423 ). Overall, the deposit has

been described as generally low-grade (D u Bray et al.

198 8:153 ), and the potential for modern extraction is

regarded as economically marginal (Kamilli and Criss

1996 :1432 ). Penhallurick (1986 :l .S) reports that the

source grade and volume, geom orphology and climate,

are not conducive to tin placer possibilities at Jebel

Silsilah.

For a number of reasons, it is unlikely that Egyptian

and A rabian t in deposits provided the t in tha t was used

in Bronze Age western Asia or the A egean. On e of the

most powerful arguments aga inst their use is that

Egyptian craftsmen seem to have m ade little use of tin-

bronze before the second millennium BCE (see below ).

Furthermore, in the Middle and N ew K ingdoms, tinseems to have been traded into Egypt by way of Eastern

Mediterranean a nd Levantine polit ies ( Gare nne- Ma rot

1984:107-108; Muhly 19 73a ). The si tuation is similar

for the Arabian tin ores, which are associated with

deposits of copper and gold, but which show no signs of

exploitation prior to the first millennium BCE

(Glanzman l987: 146 ; Fleming and Pigott 1987; W e

1978 :6). An analysis of slags from the first millenni

BCE site of H ajar A r-Rayhani in the Yemen Arab

Republic demonstrated the association of copper an

ores in smelting installations, although tin-bronze d

not always appear to have been successfully produc

the local metalwo rkers even in this period (F leming

Pigott l 9 8 7: 17 4) . Furthe r evidence against the use oArabian o r Yemeni t in wa s discussed abov e (C hapte

Seven), based upon lead isotope studies. Other tin

deposits claimed to e xist in Arabia, such as thos e of

Oman listed by Lamberg-Karlovsky (1 67: l4 9) , hav

no t been recorded in extensive geological surveys of

region.

Anatolia

Copper, iron , silver and lead are plentiful in Anatol

and the geological preconditions necessary for the o

rence of tin ores are met in a number of regions of

country, such as the Troad and the Taurus M ountai

(Mu hly 1985 a:277) . Correspondingly, claims for th

occurrence of tin deposits within Anatolia have been

atively com mon. For exam ple Muhly 1 95b: 1 507 )

states that a source of tin in the Troad remains a v

attractive possibility, especially because of the very

use of t in in the area , and Renfrew (196 7:13) and

Jesus (1978:37-8) have expressed similar views.

Cassiterite has been recorded in southeastern

Anatolia in the KestelICelaller region (Yener et al. 1

Kaptan 1995:200) and stannite is known from

Sulucadere/Bolkardag and Sogukpinar near Bursa (Y

an d Ozbal 1987:222-223; Kap tan 1995:20 1 and Fi

1).Numerous minor occurrences of tin minerals ha

been recorded in Anatolia (Kaptan 1995:Figure 1;Y

2000:71-72), but the three sites mentioned ab ove a

largest know n fro m more th an 13 0 years of geologi

research into tin sources in the region. None of thes

sources is of modern economic value (Kap tan 1995

and th e exp loitation of these sources in ancient timealso deb ated, as discussed below.

The occurrences of stannite at Sulucadere and

Sogukpinar are regarded by a number of scholars a

unlikely to have ever provided tin, principally due t

relatively high silver and gold values in the deposits

Tin a nd Tin-Bronze in Early Western Asia





result. Pernicka et al. (1992:95) regard Willies' estimates from Goltepe. Of course, it could be argued tha t the

as "unrealistic" given the type of mineralization and the

ore grades reported from the Celaller region. Willies

(1992 :lOl ) has defended the proposed production levels,

citing evidence for the total volume of ore that could

have been extracted from the known galleries a t Kestel

and stating that "even at sub-one-percent-levels of tin,

there seems no reason to reduce the estimate".

The tin extraction process postulated for Kestel and

Goltepe has been criticized as unrealistically complicated

for a Bronze Age operation (Muhly 1993b:251; Hall and

Steadman 1991:222) . The complexity of reconstructed

mining techniques at Kestel employing fire-setting is

regarded by some scholars as unparalleled in the early

production of tin, and more likely to have been the

result of later mining activities (Muhly 1993b:25 1).The

reconstruction of ore processing at Goltepe by Yener and

colleagues (Yener and Vandiver l993a:23 5-23 6; Earl

and Ozbal 1996), involving tin concentrations which areso low as to be unobservable until the later stages of

production, is also criticized as it is difficult to imagine

how such an extraction process may have originated

(Muhly 1993b:251).

However, the scientific analyses of the crucible frag-

ments from Goltepe provide strong support for the pro-

duction of tin at the site (Yener and Vandiver

1993b:257-258). Yener and Vandiver (1993a:Table 4;

1993b:257) report compositional analyses of 24 crucible

accretions showing average tin-oxide concentrations of

30 percent (although analyses of 28 crucible accretions

by Earl and Ozbal (1996:298) reveal only four samples

with more than one percent tin, and a maximum concen-

tration of 3.65 percent Sn). In addition, the vanning,

concentration and refining reconstructions undertaken by

Earl and Ozbal (1996) seem plausible, even if somewhat

"tortuous" (as noted by Muhly 1993b3246). The experi-

mental smelts produced very small amounts of metallic

tin with high iron concentrations (up to ca. 42 percent

Fe; Earl and Ozbal 1996:300), which could be collected

and amalgamated by slag crushing and remelting of thetin metal prills. The reconstructions can, however, be

criticized on the basis of the tin concentrates used for

smelting: these contained 10-15 percent tin (Earl and

Ozbal 1996:300-301), much higher concentrations than

were found in any of the archaeological powder samples

crushed ore samples found at Goltepe represent was

products from the refining process, rather than conc

trated crucible charge for smelting.

Additional circumstantial evidence for the prod

tion of tin at Goltepe is provided by the appearance

tin-bronze objects at the site in Early Bronze Age co

texts. Six of eight copper-base objects from the settl

ment contain more than five percent Sn, which Earl

Ozbal (1996:Table 6 and 302) consider as surprisin

given the largely "industrial" nature of the site. In c

parison, other examples of early tin-bronze from ce

Anatolia (see below) occur in contexts more reflecti

high status, such as the rombs of Alaqa Hiiyiik and

Horoztepe (see below). Such evidence is, of course,

to many different interpretations. For example, a si

that was producing gold, as has been claimed for Ke

would seemingly have had enough wealth to obtain

bronze. The potential significance for western Asia tin extraction processes proposed for Kestel and Go

is discussed further below.

Iran and the Caucasus

Suitable geological conditions for the occurrence of

exist in various parts of Iran, and this fact has led a

number of scholars t o suggest that tin deposits migh

found within the country. For example, J. D. Muhly

(1973b:409) suggested in 1973 that "a mineral zon

ning roughly from Hamadan to Tabriz seems to fit

the evidence for the Near Eastern tin trade as it exis

today", although the supporting evidence for the oc

rence of tin in this mineralized zone was unpublishe

(Muhly 1973a:261 and Chapter IV note 158) . Furth

references were made to possible tin deposits in nor

eastern Iran near Meshed and in the Elburz region

(Muhly 1973a:260).

However, as Moorey (1994:299) has noted, tin

not mined in Iran today, nor is there any evidence f

medieval extraction of this material. Detailed survey

northwestern Iran by Iranian, American and Frenchlogical teams have revealed no significant traces of t

mineralization (Wertime 1978:3). Only two tin-bear

deposits in Iran are currently cited with any convict

the minor occurrences of primary and placer cassite

in the far east of the country in the Dasht-i Lut (Sto

Tin an d Tin-Bronze n Early Western Asia



et al . 1972 :58; Rothe nberg 1982:267-2 68; Pigott ponent in deposits largely consist ing of other bas

199913381; Vatan dou st 1999:Figure 2 ) , an d the cop- metal ores (such as in the copper-t in depo sit at D

per-t in-gold prospect near Deh Hosein in central

wes tern I ran (Momenzadeh e t a l . 2002 ) . The Dasht -i

Lut deposi t s may relate to the t in of Drangiana (mod-

ern S eistan) ment ioned by St rabo (15.2.10 ). However,

Wert ime (197 8:4) has reported that his survey of the

region in 1 97 6 revealed n o traces of worka ble cassi-

teri te or s tanni te, and his doubts as to the occurrenceof significant t in deposits in Iran are shared by

Penhal lurick (1986:19-20). In contrast , the ore

deposit at Deh Hosein shows evidence for large-scale

extraction. However, this extraction is l imited to the

early first millennium BCE and the deposit is primari-

ly of copp er ( chalco pyrite, malachite, az urite,

teno rite) with m axim um tin levels of only ca. one

percent (M omenza deh et al. 200 2). Al though the si te

has been suggested as possibly important for the pro-

duction of Iron Age Luristan bronzes, i t is unlikely tohave been significant for the Bronze Age t in trade:

the exclusive extraction of minor cassiteri te from the

deposi t does not seem possible, and the product ion of

a consistent natural t in-bronze by the smelting of

mixed copper and t in ores has not yet been demon-

strated archaeologically.

A number of references can be found to t in

deposits in the Caucasus, and cassiteri te was suppos-

edly worked at the archaeological si te of Metsamor in

Armenia in the thi r teeth century BCE and perhaps

earl ier (e.g. Craw ford 1974 :242-243; Burney an d

Lang 1971 :68). However, more recent assessments of

the evidence from Metsamor and other areas of the

Caucasus have tended to indicate that claims for t in

sources are not supp orted by geological evidence, an d

should be considered unproven (Penhallurick

l986:18-19; Moo rey 199 4:300 ). Al though I . R.

Se limkhanov (1 97 85 7) is adaman t t ha t t i n depos it s

are not to be found in the area, Kavtaradze (1999:86)

reports that geologists have recorded twenty deposits

with t in conten t in western Georgia. No ne of thesedeposits, however, contained any evidence for ancient

exploi tat ion, and the meaning of the phrase t in con-

tent is unclear. We do not kn ow the grade of the

deposits if they are in fact of cassiterite, and it is pos-

sible that the t in ores are only a minor mineral com-

Hos ein). As such informat ion i s not current ly ava

able for the Georgian deposi t s, thei r potent ial

significance for Bronze Age t in extraction remain

uncertain.

Afghanistan and Central Asia

The sources of the t in used in third millennium wern Asia have often been sought in regions with w

documented sources of t in that l ie outside western

Asia i tself. For the m etal industries of M esop otam

and Iran, t in is often posited to have come from fu

to th e east . It is therefore significant tha t extensive

deposits, both granite-hosted and alluvial , are kno

from many a reas of Afghanistan (Be rthoud et al . 1

Rossovsky et al . 198 7; Pigott 19 96 , 1999a:Figure

Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the

Pacific [ESCAP] 1996:32-37). All the prim ary t in meralization in Afgha nistan is associated with s karn

fault zones or pegmatites, and a num ber of low-gr

placer deposi t s are kn own (ESCAP 199 6:32). In ad

t ion to the major t in occurrences in Afghanistan, 4

mineral occurrences and num erous t in mineral sho

ings are widely dist r ibuted throu ghou t the country

(ESCAP 1996:37 ). Research by a French tcam has

lated t in deposits near ancient copper mines south

of H erat (cf . ESCAP l99 6:3 2) , whi le tin-bearing sa

regarded as easily beneficiated by pann ing were re

ed in the Sa rkar Valley (Cleuziou and Berthoud 1982

and Figure 2; Berthoud et al. 1 97 7). Details of the ma

of t in deposits recorded in Afghanistan by Russian g

gists are summarized by Rossovsky et al. (1 98 7) an d

Stech and Pigot t (1986:44-45), w ho note the comm

association of cassiterite with copper, lead an d gold

deposits with greater tha n five to six percent t in (se

ESCAP 1 996:3 2). Whi le the area i s emerging as one

mos t l ikely sources for the t in used in Bronze Age we

Asia (M oorey 199 4:301 ) and S outh Asia (Kenoyer a

Mil ler 1999 :118), it has been observed that , aside frthe overwhelming geological evidence, there is no

substantive evidence to suggest i t as a source for anc

Nea r Eastern bronze product ion Pigott (1999 a:11

Th e l i t tle evidence tha t exists for early use of t in-b ro

in the region is discussed below.

1 7 0 Early Metallurgy of rhe Persian Gulf



Tin deposits in central Asia proper were brought to

the attention of archaeologists working in western Asia

by the publications of Ma sson an d Sarianidi (1972 :128)

and Crawford (1974:243, ci ting Kuzmina 196 6), who

noted the occurrence of tin deposits on the Zera vsha n

River about halfway between Bukhara and Samarkand .

The exp loitation of the mines was said to date back to

the Midd le Bronze Age (ca. 2000-1600 BCE), but the

possibility of earlier workings was not ruled out

(Craw ford 1974 :243; see also Cleuziou an d Berthoud

1982:16-1 7) . This occurrence, and the proposed Middle

Bronze date, has been confirmed by important recent

wor k undertaken in the region by scholars from

Germany, Uzbekistan and Tajikistan (Alimov et al. 1998;

Boroffka et al. 200 2). This wor k has isolated a numb er

of tin occurrences between Bukhara and D ushanbe, at

the sites of Karnab, Lapas, Cangali and Mushiston

(Alimov et al. 1998:Abb. 1).

The Karnab mineralization is regarded as a typicalexample of a granite-related tin dep osit, with tin present

as cassiterite in qu artz veins in a gra nite intrusive com -

plex. Other tin mineralization at Karnab, formed by

contact-metasomatic processes a t the con tact between

quar tz veins and marble, is considered less importan t for

ancient extraction processes (A limov et al. 199 8: 164 ).

Tin concen trations in samples from Karn ab a re relat ively

low (ca. 1.3 percent Sn or less), and relatively high sul-

fur levels are recorded due t o the presence of associated

arsen opyr ite, pyrite an d sphalerite (Alimov et al.

1998:164 a nd Table 1).Th ere is evidence for mining

operations at K arnab radiocarbon dated to the first mil-

lennium BCE (Alimov et al. 1998:170-179 ; see also

Penhallurick 1986:25-28), and mining as early as the

second millennium BC is indicated by the presence of

Andronovo sherds in the lower levels of the mine

(Boroffka et al. 2002:145, 147 ; Parzinger 2000 :249). It

has been suggested that ancient mining may have con-

centrated upon the richest areas of tin mineralization at

the site and that the remaining ore is of a lower grade

than that w hich was actually extracted (Alimov et al .199 8:166 ). Nearby the Karn ab mine si te is a seasonal

Andronovo settlement with evidence for some small-

scale metalworking activities, including the use of tin

ores and the possible production of tin-bronze (Boroffka

et al. 2002:149-153; Parzinger 2000 :250).

Mushiston is a hydrotherma l ore deposit with

numerous, relatively thin ore veins situated between

dolomitized limestones of the Upper Silurian-Lower

Devonian Kupruk-formation and the schists of the U

Devonian Akbasai-Formation (Alimov et al. l99 8:16

The deposit is unusual in that it contains significant

quanti t ies of both co pper an d t in, with the primary

eralization consisting of stannite (Cu2FeSnS4)with a

ciated cassiterite, arsenopyrite, pyrite, chalcopyrite

tetrahedrite (Alimov et al . l998:1 66). The deposit a

has a significant oxidation zone with rich secondary

mineralization including malachite with infrequent

ri te, alongside cassiteri te, varlamoffi te (S n0 2. nH 20

M ushistonite ( C ~ s n ( 0 H ) ~ )Alimov et al . 1 998:167

Boroffka et al. 2002:141-142 ). Tin and copper conc

trations in both the primary and secondary minerali

tion zones are very high, ranging up to 50 percent C

an d 34 percent Sn (Alimov et al. 1998:Table 2) .

However, there is great variation in the concentratiothese two elements in the 1 8 samples analyzed, with

composit ions varying between almost pure cop per o

and almo st pure t in ore, and m any ratios in betwee

(Alimov et al. 1998:167).

The M ushiston dep osit is considered to be of po

tially great importance for the early production of t

bronze in the region, as the sm elting of the mixed o

fro m the site is likely to have led to the produ ction

natura l t in-bronze (Alimov et al . 1998:166 , 1 84 ). M

copper-tin ores were available in one of the recently

examined Mushiston mining galleries, which were

worked by at least the middle of the second millenn

BCE according to radiocarbon determinations and f

of Andronovo pottery (Alimov et al. 1998:185 , 19 0

Parzinger (2 000 :250) has claimed radiocarbon deter

nations from Mushiston date as early as the second

of the third millennium BCE, but as yet the dates ar

unpublished. A limov et al . ( 1998 :170) note tha t , for

both m odern a nd ancient mining operations, consid

tions of logistics and inf rastructu re are just as cruci

the viability of a mining ope ration a s overall ore graThey therefore emphasize their belief that, although

analyses indicate that Mushiston is a much richer o

body, a number of factors including the elevation (c

3,000 m a sl) and inaccessibility of the M ushiston de

make K arnab a more viable m ining operation.

Tin a nd Tin-Bronze i n Early Western Asia



A number of other imp ortant m etal deposits have been Europe

recorded in the region. Th e mine of Kaznok (abo ut one km For Anatolia, the Aegean and the Eastern Mediterra n

east of Mu shiston) also contains copper and tin mineraliza-

tion, but of a fo rm only accessible throug h m odern mining

techniq ues (A limov et al. 1998 :169). Th e lead-zinc-silver

occurrence of C hirgasang an d the lead-zinc deposit of

Kaninukra lie to the west of Mu shiston, wh ere there is evi-

dence for mining an d slag from lead smelting that probably

relates to medieval silver production (Alimov et al.1998:169). Ruzanov (19 79 ) reports t in deposits to the

southwest of S ama rkan d and alon g the Kok-Su River,

know n to have been worked in the early centuries CE and

per hap s mu ch earlier. Penhallurick (1986:25-26) describes

oth er tin dep osits in the Ferg hana Valley region.

India

Tin deposits occur in a number of Indian provinces,

including Mahara shtra, K arnatak a, Bihar, Rajastan, and

Gujarat (Chakrabarti and Lahiri 1996:25-26 and M ap 2;

Asthana 19 93:27 8). Hegde (1978:40-41, Figure 2) further

notes the possibility of alluvial cassiterite deposits in the

Kaptagod, Aravalli and Chota Nagpur Hills, and more

recent research in Haryana has identified a significant tin-

copper deposit at Tosham (also called Tusham ; see

Seetharam 1986; Kochhar et al. 1999; Chakrabarti 2002 ).

The H aza ri Bagh deposits of Bihar are the largest in India

(Penhallurick 19 86:2 1), while the smaller sources in

Rajastan a nd Gujarat (a nd now at Tosham) have been

regarded as more significant for early metallurgy due to

their prox imity to the Indus Valley (A sthana 199 3:278 ).

The re is very little archaeological evidence for the early

exploitation of these deposits, although Cha kraba rti and

Lahiri (1996:25-26) have d rawn attention to British colo-

nial descriptions of pre-industrial cassiterite extraction at

Bastar in Madhya Pradesh, and Paharsingh and Nurungo

in Bihar. Muhly (1985a:283), though allowing for the

occurrence of significant alluvial cassiterite de posits in

Ma dhya Pradesh, states his belief tha t Indian tin deposits

are likely t o have been a n imp ortant so urce only for local

metallurgy. Certainly, there is no stro ng archaeological evi-dence for the exploitation of Indian tin sources in the

Bronze Age, but the same can be said for copper mining in

the region, which was almost certainly taking place by the

third millennium BCE (C hakra barti and Lahiri

1996:192-196).

tin deposits in the western Med iterranea n (e.g. Sardi

and Iberia), or in western Europe (e.g. the Erzgebirg

Mo untains and B rit tany), have often been regarded

potential sources (Mu hly 1985a:285-287). Tin is al

know n to occur in the area of the former Yugoslavi

(McGeehan-Liri tzis and Taylor 19 87 ), and the well

know n tin deposits in Cornwa ll are also a possiblesource in later periods (Mu hly 1985 a).

Th e tin occurrences a t the sites of Cer, Bukulja

Srebrenica in the form er Yugoslavia (McG eehan-Lir

and Taylor 1987:289-290) are lode deposits, while

er deposits of stream tin a lso occur a t Cer. Th e plac

deposits are considered large enough to be of poten

commercial value, although no details are given on

grade of the alluvial deposit and no archaeological e

dence for ancient working has been recovered

(McGeehan-Liri tzis and T aylor 1 987:290).

Further to the west, the large tin deposits of the

Erzgebirge have been worked since at least the twel

century CE (Taylor 1983:295 ). Bronze Age t in prod

tion in the region has often been hypothesized (e.g.

Penhallurick 1986:71-79), however this possibility

rejected by Muhly based part ly on the fact that prim

tin ores in the Erzgebirge are hosted by hard granite

could not have been mined at such an early stage (M

1973 a:27). In response to Muhly's arguments, T ayl

(1 98 3) has given a detailed description of the geolo

the Erzgebirge, highlighting the presence of placer

deposits which would have been workable during th

Bronze Age (see also Roden 1985:74; Rap p et al . 1

Circumstantial evidence for Bronze Age tin product

the Erzgebirge region is provided by the local utiliza

of significant amo unts of tin-bron ze after ca. 200 0

(Tylecote 198 7:39), and the proximity to the t in de

of Late Bronze and I ron Age settlements situated in

tions non -ideal for agricu ltural subsistence (Bouzek

19 89 ). It has been suggested th at the lack of many

settlements in the tin-bearing regions of the Erzgebimight be explained by the transport of extracted tin

to mo re distant settlements for smelting (Rode n

19 85: 74) . Th e lack of convincing evidence for the E

Bronze Age exploitation of alluvial cassiterite in the

Erzgebirge is highlighted by Niederschlag et al. (20




and supported by recent LIA of ores and objects from

the region (Nied erschla g et al. 20 03 ). Additionally,

Muhly (1985a:289-290; 1987 :103-104) provides a sig-

nificant argument against the early exploitation of these

deposits by noting that Classical and later sources never

refer t o t in from Bohemia.

The significant tin deposits of northwestern Spain

and Portugal (M uhly 1985 a:286 ; Tylecote 19 87:38 ) were

worked at least as early as the Iron Age and perhaps ear-l ier (Roden 1985:72; Giardino l995:3 12-3 16 ), and cor-

respond t o the t in producing areas of G alaecia and

Lusitania described by Pliny the Elder and Strabo. The

extraction of alluvial cassiterite is indicated by Pliny's

note (N atur al History XXXIV.156-157) that t in is found

in the surface strata of the ground which is sandy and

of a black color. It is only detected by its weight, and

also tiny pebbles of it occasionally appear, especially in

dry beds of torrents . Likewise, Strabo (Geography

3.2.9) records that the tin-bearing soil of northwest

Lusitania is brou ght by the streams; and the wom en

scrape i t up with shovels and wash i t in sieves woven

basket-like . Tin is also said to oc cur in the provinces of

Murcia a nd Almeira in southeastern Spain (McG eehan-

Liritzis an d Taylor 1 987 :28 8). Th e tin deposits of

Brittany are kno wn to have been worked in the prehis-

toric period (Penha llurick 1986536-94; Ro den

1985:66-71), and may have been an important source

for the eastern Mediterranean world from the later sec-

ond millennium BCE (M uhly 1985 a:287 ). Evidence for

the ancient e xploitation of tin deposits in the Massif

Central of France is lacking (Penhallurick 1986:86).

The main cassiterite deposits in Italy are found in

Tuscany, with smaller occurrences known in Etruria

(Mu hly 1985a:285; Roden l985:72-73; McGeehan-

Liritzis and Taylor 1987:288-289). The grade of the

Tuscan dep osit (ca . 0.4 percent Sn) has seen it described

as wildly uneconomic for prod uction even in the mid-

dle of the twentieth century CE (Tylecote 1987:38),

al though m uch richer ores in the area are reported by

Roden (198 5:73). Extensive m ining during the SecondWorld War has destroyed any evidence that may have

existed for early tin extraction in the region (Roden

19 85: 72) . Analyses of copper-base objects from north ern

Italy have indeed revealed the presence of a small num-

ber tin-bronzes in third millennium BCE contexts (Eaton

19 77 ), and one cop per object with a possible coatin

metallic tin (A ngelini et al. 200 2) , howev er the Itali

deposits are likely to have been significant only for

use at most (Penhallurick 1986:80-82). Likewise, a

ber of minor t in deposits are know n in southern

Sardinia, particularly in the Iglesias region (Tylecote

al. 198 3; McG eehan-Liritzis and Taylor 1987 :289).

The re is no evidence for the early working of the

Sardinian deposits (Beagrie 1985: 16 6; Giardino1995 :309), and the find of a crucible containing oxi

fragm ents of a tin ingot fro m the Nura ghic site of

Forraxi Nioi ca nnot be dated earlier than the Late

Bronze Age (Tylecote et al. 198 3; Muhly 1985 a:286

The abundant tin deposits of Cornwall have bee

discussed in numerous papers dealing with early tin

tin-bronze use (see Penhallurick 1986:148 f f . for a

detailed discussion), and it is certain th at they were

exploited from at least the end of the third millenni

BCE. J. D. Muhly (1973b3409-412; 1980:40; 1985

287-288) envisages Cornish tin and Baltic amber re

ing the eastern Mediterranean in the later Bronze Ag

with definite evidence for such a trade from at least

sixth century BCE onwards. However, it is extremel

unlikely th at C ornish tin wa s being used in Bronze

western Asia, for reasons related to both the chron o

of tin-bronz e use in Britain and the distance of the

source from western Asia.

Archaeolog ical Evidence for Early Tin-Bronze

Tin-bronzes, defined variously as c opper alloys contai

over one, two or five per cent tin, first appe ar in a nu m

of areas of western Asia in the later fou rth o r early thi

millennium BCE. The arch aeological evidence for ear

bronze use has been summ arized and discussed in num

ous scholarly work s (e.g. Muh ly 1973a, 1985a, 1993b

Eaton a nd McKerrell 197 6; de Jesus 1980 ; Yakar 1 98

Montero-Feno llos 19 97 ) and only an outline is presen

here, alongside importa nt recently do cumented occur

rences and relevant re-interpretations of the evidence.

In Mesop otam ia, the earliest tin-bronzes are founthe Early Dynastic I (ED I) period at the Y cemetery at

Kish, and occu r in tomb s which probab ly represent th

burials of elite me mbe rs of the society. Eight of 23 ana

copper-base objects from Kish contain one percent t in

more (Stech 1999:63; Mo orey a nd Schweizer 197 2;




Miiller-Karpe 199 ) , ut t in-bronzes remain unco mm on

in the region until the ED I11 period (ca . 2600 -235 0 BCE ),

whe n they for m a significant percentage of the copper-

base objects found in the R oyal Cem etery at Ur (Stech

1999:Table 3.1; Miiller-Karpe 1991:Table 1). in-bronze

does not appear to have been so comm on at other

Mesop otamian sites:Moorey (199 4:253 ) notes that analy-

ses of ma terial from Tepe Gaw ra revealed no tin-bronz e

before Level V1 (Akkadian to post-Akkadian), and tha tthe alloy was scarce even at this time (see also Muh ly

1987 a:285 for differences between Ur and Tepe Ga wra).

As Stech (1999:6 4) has observed, the intro duction of tin-

bronze at certain Mesopo tamian si tes did not occasion

its entry into general circulation within the alluvium.

Early third millennium BCE tin-bronzes ar e also

foun d at si tes further to the west and n orth. A cache of six

hum an figurines from Level G a t Tell Judaid ah in the

Amuq which dates to the early third millennium BCE con-

tains some of the earliest know n exam ples of tin-bron ze(Braidwood and Braidwood 1960:296-3 15 ,516-5 19;

Stech and P igott 1 98 65 2) .Although the da te of the

Juda idah figurines has been qu estioned (see Seeden

1980 :8; Yakar l984:7O; Hall and Steadm an 199 1:227 ), a

few tin-bronzes are found in other Level G deposits from

Tell Jud aida h, reinforcing the evidence for early tin-use at

the site (Yener and Vandiver 199 3:9 7). Until recently,

very few tin-bronzes of similar date were kn own from

othe r Syrian sites, despite extensive references to tin and

bronze in the m id-third millennium BCE texts from Ebla

(see below), and Stech and Pigott ( 1 9 8 65 2 ) egarded the

earliest reliable occurrence of tin-bron ze as the late

third millennium example fro m Tell Sweihat (see also

Madd in et al . l98 O :l l3 ). However, 1 6 in-bronzes (most -

ly decorative pins with u p to 19 percent Sn) dating to th e

EDI period have recently been recovered from a to mb at

the site of Tell Qara Quz aq on the no rthern Euphrates in

Syria (Mo ntero 19 95; Mo ntero Fenol l6s 1997:1 6 a n d

Figure 1; Montero Fenoll6s and Mo ntero Ruiz

2000:Lam . 5.1 ). Early or mid-third millennium tin-

bronzes are also reported from southeastern A natolia atTarsus (Esin 1969; Yener and Vandiver 1993 ; Mu hly

1993 b:240 ), where six of 2 5 analyzed EBII objects con-

tain more th an on e percent t in, with an average of 4.4

percent Sn (D eJesus 1980:G raph 8; Muhly 1993b1240;

cf. Yener and Vandiver 19 93b3 256) .

Further evidence for early tin-bronze use comes

Early Bron ze Age (EB ) I1 an d I11 con tex ts in the cen

Anatolian sites of Ahlatlibel, Mahmatlar, Alaqa Huy

and Horoztepe (Esin 1969 ; Muhly 199 3b:240-242).

While the absolute chronology of the Bronze Age in

Anatolia is much debated, the EBII period in central

Anatolia probably begins in the second quarter of th

third millennium, and ex tends to ca. 2300 BCE (Ya

1984:73; cf. Miil ler-Karpe l9 9 l : l l l ) . From the EBIperiod at Ahlatlibel eight tin-bronzes are recorded o

20 analyses (d e Jesus 1980:Graph 2) , while EBII

Mahmatlar had seven t in-bronze objects (Muhly

199 3b:24 0). Nineteen of 40 analyzed objects fro m E

Alaqa Hiiyiik were tin-bro nze (d e Jesus 1 980:G raph

while 32 of 5 6 analyzed samples from EBIII Horo zt

proved to be of t in-bronze (de Jesus 1980:Graph 5

these figures are based upon a definition of tin-bron

containing more than one percent Sn. Additionally,

Yakar (19 84:73 ) makes m ention of the production otin-lead pewters in Anatolia at this time, although h

cites no references. Th e distinctly regional ch aracter

Anatolian tin use in the EBA is indicated by analyse

objects from sites such as Ikiztepe o n the Black Sea

coast, which h ave revealed a mo re limited use of tin

bronze in the later third m illennium (Bilgi 19 84 ; Ge

et al . 200 2). However, even at Ikiztepe, where the a

ses (Bilgi 198 4:73) are said to indicate that copper

alloyed only with arsenic , 1 4 of 1 01 analyzed copp

base objects contain m ore than two percent t in, wit

further fou r objects having 0.5-2.0 percent tin. The

tin-bronzes come fro m Late Chalcolithic, EBII, EBII

late third millennium BCE contexts at the site, and

over are characterized by higher levels (often more

one pe rcent) of zinc and lead, and lower levels of

arsenic, than the remaining objects at the si te ( an in

esting impurity pattern matched by some con tempor

Transcaucasian t in-bronzes; see Edens l99 5:5 6).

Evidence of significant tin-bronze use is also fou

in third millennium contexts in northwestern Anato

at the sites of Troy and Beshiktepe (Pernicka et al. de Jesus 1980:134-135), and a t a numbe r of nearby

Aegean settlements which show strong An atolian co

nections in their material culture, such as Poliochni

Lemnos (Pernicka et al . 19 90) , Thermi on Lesbos

(Begemann et al. 1992 ; 199 5; Stos-Gale 1 99 2) and




Kastri on Syros (Stos-Gale et al. 1 98 4) . These tin-

bronzes were though t to have been am ong the earl iest in

the western Asia, dating to the first half of the third mil-

lennium BCE, but more recent debate has tended to da te

them tow ards the third q uarter of the third millennium

(Ma nning 1995:Figure 2; J. E. Coleman 1992:276;

Mellink 1992:219; M uhly et al . 1991:215 ff.). The flo-

rescence of tin-bro nze use a t Troy occurs in the Troy I1

period (where 61 percent of objects contain more than

one percent S n), al though o ne example of t in-bronze is

claimed to occur in a Troy I context (de Jesus

1980:134-135; but see Muhly 1985a:283-284 for prob -

lems with the chronological attribution of this piece).

The material from Thermi is particularly interesting,

as Therm i Towns I-V are usually considered to be con-

temp orary with T roy I and early Troy 11, and the limited

tin-bronze use at Therm i (three objects from 3 3 analy-

ses) is thus clearly datable to the second quar ter of the

third millennium BCE (M anning 1995:Figure 2; Yakar1984:83; Muhly 1985a:284; Begemann et al .

1992:220-221). A further five t in-bronzes at Thermi a re

recorded fro m the so-called Potter's Pool deposit,

which may date t o the Troy I1 period rather th an Troy I

(Begemann et al . 1 992:2 21). Therm i has also provided

the earliest example of metallic tin in the region, a ba n-

gle fro m Level IV (Begemann et al . 19 92 ). The chrono-

logical attrib utio n of other claimed early exam ples of

t in-bronze in Anatolia, such as those from M ersin, have

been clearly refuted (Yakar 1984:60; Muhly 1985 a:284 ),

while two examples of tin-bronze from the Greek site of

Sitagroi (Level IV) are likely to be con temp orary with

the Thermi examples (Begemann et al. 1 992:2 23).

Tin and t in-bronze are found m ore sporadically in

other areas of western Asia before the end of the third

millennium BCE, with the ma jority of metal assemblages

reflecting instead the use of pure or arsenical copper

(Eaton and M cKerrell 1976:Table 9; Mo orey

1982:97-98). Tin is used for only a handf ul of objects in

third m illennium Egypt and the Levant (Lucas

1934:177-1 78; Eaton and McKerrel l 1976; Maddin etal. 1980 :117; Cowell 1987; Muhly 1993 b:243 ), and the

late date for the introduction of tin-bronze into Egypt is

supported by analyses of the blue and green pigments

used for wall paintings. Such pigments were manufac-

tured from copper-base scrap metal , and their composi-

tion indicates an abse nce of tin-bronze before the ru

Thu tmos is I11 in the fifteenth ce ntury BCE (El Gores

al. 19 95 ; Schiegl 199 4:9 5). Such evidence is open t o

other interpretations (for example technological, eco

nomic, or ideological preferences for copper scrap o

tin-bronze scrap in the manufacture of pigments) bu

seems to match quite well with the chronological

changes in alloying suggested by the analyzed objec

from the region.

In Iran, ea rly tin-bronzes occur w ith significant

quency on ly at the site of Susa. Th e analyses of Mal

and Menu (1987:Table D) indicate that tin-bronze f

appe ars consistently a t Susa in the Susa IVA2 period

(equivalent to the EDIIIB period in Southern

Me sopo tamia) and the frequency of t in-bronze use

remains below 1 0 percent of objects until the late th

millennium BCE, when 1 5 percent of Susa VA objec

(thr ee of 20 ) are of tin-bronze. Th e real beginnings

tin-bronze use date to the Susa VB phase, in the earsecond millennium BCE, when more than 60 percen

objects are of tin-bronze (6 4 of 98 an alyses). Isolate

examples are kno wn from later fourth-early third m

nium BCE contexts at Susa (Moo rey 1982; Stech an

Pigott 19 86:42-43), al though the chronological at tr

tion of som e of these pieces has been questioned (M

Karpe 1991:111).Elsewhere in Iran, one arsenical t

bronze is recorded from Giyan Period IV, which dat

broadly to the m id-third millennium BCE (B erthoud

19 79 ). Besides these early examples, a mo re consiste

of tin-bron ze is recorded for the late third a nd early

on d m illennia BCE at Tepe Go din (period 111) and Ta

Malyan in the Kaftari phase (Pigott 1996:461; Pigot

1980:107; Pigott et al . 2003 ). Other Iranian sites suc

Tepe Sialk, Tepe Hissar, Shahr-i Sokhta, S hahd ad an d

Tepe Yahya show pred omin ant use of arsenical copp

the thir d millennium (Pigo tt 199 9a, 199910; Vatan do

1999:Table 2; Tho rnton et al . 200 2a) . As Pigott

(1996 :460) has noted, t in-bronze does not become th

dom inant copp er alloy in Iran u ntil the Iron Age (see

Pigott 1980:105; Moorey 1982:87).Th e evidence for the early occurrence of tin-bron

the Caucasus region is similar to that fro m Iran. The

ma ry of alloy types used in the early metal industries

Asia a nd Eastern Eu rope provided by E. N. Chernyk

(1992:Figure 6) indicates that t in-bronze appe ars in

Tin and Tin-Bronze in Early Western Asia





(also known as Nundara) seems clearly t o belong to the

first half of the third millennium BCE (Possehl

19 99 59 5; Besenval 19 97) and Asthana (1993:277-278)

allocates all of these finds to the pre-Harappan period.

Tin-bronze use is also attested at Indus civiliza-

tion sites. Of the 1 77 objects analyzed from Mohenjo-

Daro and Harappa, 30 percent show tin concentra-

tions of greater than one percent (Agrawal 1984:164).

A chronological change in alloy use is also seen, as

tin-bronze is much more abundant in the later levels

of Mohenjo-Daro ( 23 percent of objects) than in the

earliest phases a t the site (s ix percent of objects)

(Agrawal 1984:164; see also Ullah 193 a:4 84) . Seven

of 13 tools analyzed from Rangpur contain more than

two percent Sn (Agrawal 1984:164), while a tabulation

of metal alloys used in prehistoric India (Lahiri

1995:Table 2 ) indicates that tin-bronze was also used

at the Indus sites of Kalibangan, Lothal, Rojdi,

Chanhu-Daro and Surkotada (see also Chakrabarti and

Lahiri 1996:36-65; Kenoyer and Miller 1999). Ingots

of tin-bronze are also said to have been found at

Mohenjo-Daro (Mackay 1943: 87 ) , although the attri-

bution is based only on the color of the metal rather

than compositional analyses.

Both Agrawal (1984:164) and Asthana (1993:278)

have speculated that the infrequent use of tin-bronze in

the Indus region reflects the scarcity of tin available to

local metalsmiths, and Asthana notes that tin and tin-

bronze are very rare for more than a millennium in

post Harappan contexts in the region (see also Yule

1989) . Such a patte rn of use suggests that the wide-

ranging trade contacts developed in the Harappan peri-

od were responsible for the arrival of tin-bronze at

Harappan sites, which would indicate the utilization of

tin sources from outside the Indus region (Asthana

1993:278). In contrast, Chakrabarti and Lahiri

(1996:207) argue strongly against such technologically

deterministic and evolutionary interpretations of early

alloying. They suggest that social traditions of "puri-

ty" and the conservation of raw materials, observedethnographically and through ancient texts, may better

explain the variable pattern of copper and copper-

alloy use in South Asia since the Bronze Age. These

issues will be further elaborated upon in the following

sections of this chapter.

Returning to the Gulf, it is unfortunate that virt

no analyses of third millennium BCE metal objects

the central Gulf region have been undertaken. Altho

copper-base objects and fragments have been report

from Tarut Island (Piesinger 1983:190) and copper-

objects, crucibles and copper-working residues are

known from City Ib levels at Qala'at al-Bahrain

(Hrzrjlund and Andersen l994:370-38 l ) , hey remai

largely unanalyzed. Only material from the subseque

City I1 period at the Qala'at, the Saar settlement (We

forthcoming a) and graveyard (Prange et al. 1999), a

the Barbar temple (McKerrell 1977; Heskel, undated

been chemically studied. The earliest analyses were o

metal objects from the Barbar Temple (wrongly attri

to the site of Qala'at al-Bahrain) undertaken by H.

McKerrell (1 77: 167). The absence of tin-bronzes am

these objects was taken used to suggest that there wa

significant tin trade through the Gulf in the very late

or early second millennium BCE (McKerrell 1977: 16Further analyses of material from the Barbar Temple

(Heskel, unpub.) tend to support such a view, with ti

concentrations of one percent or higher recorded in o

five of more than 100 analyzed samples (all five obje

were axes). The seeming infrequence of tin-bronze us

Barbar may, however, partly reflect the samples that

available for analysis. Most were sheet fragments or

used to decorate the temple and seem to have been p

entially made of pure copper, perhaps for ideological

sons similar in conception to those outlined in the pr

ing paragraph. Less than 40 of the Barbar Temple an

ses are of finished objects that are not sheet fragmen

nails, and the ratio of tin-bronze to unalloyed copper

among this group is consequently somewhat higher.

Nevertheless, a similarly low rate of tin-bronze use is

reported by Prange et al. (1999:191 and Figure 6),wh

only two objects from about 40 analyses of second mi

nium Bahraini material contained in excess of one per

tin, with a maximum concentration of six percent tin

object from the Saar grave field.

In contrast, analyses of five objects from Bahraitumuli presented by Peake (1928:454) revealed that

were all tin-bronzes with high tin concentrations. A

least one of these objects was a socketed spearhead

Mackay's excavations at the 'Ali cemetery (Reade an

Burleigh 1978:82) which has exact typological ~a ra

Tin and Tin-Bronze i n Early Western Asia



in the late third to early second m illennium BCE in south-

eastern Arabia (Potts 1990a , 2000 ). It is likely that the

oth er items analyzed came from either Mackay's excava-

tions or those of Mr. and M rs. Bent at 'Ali in 18 89 (Read e

and Burleigh 197 8) ,and also date to the early second mil-

lennium rather than to ca. 1200 BCE as proposed in the

original art icle (Peake l928 :454 ). Peake's analyses are

therefore good evidence fo r t in-bronze use on B ahrain in

the City I1 period, and a re sup po rted by analyses ofobjects fro m the Saar sett lement, where a fu rther five t in

bronzes were recorded in a gro up of 1 9 analyzed finished

objects (Weeks, forthcoming a ). In summary, there is no

evidence a t all regard ing alloying practices in the th ird

millennium BCE in the cen tral Gulf, while analyses of

early second millennium BCE mate rial indica te a limited

use of tin-bron ze.

Finally, as summ arized in Chap ter Two, a n umber of

analytica l studies have revealed little evidence for the use

of t in-bronze in southeastern Arabia prior to the secondmil lennium BCE (Ha uptm ann et al . 1988 ; Prange et al .

1 9 9 9 ) ,whereas recent analytical programs and the data

presented in this volume p rovide am ple evidence of t in-

bronze use in the northern Om an Peninsula in the Umm

al-Nar Period (Weeks 1997:20-22). Two of three recently

analyzed objects from a b urial context a t Aztah near

Salalah, in the Dho far province of so uthern O man , are

also of t in-bronze (Yule 1999 ).Th e chronological at tri-

bution of these objects to the third millennium is uncer-

tain, an d i t is difficult to k now whe ther they sho uld be

grouped wi th material from the O ma n Peninsula or

South Arabia, as the typological parallels with material

from Asim ah in Ras al-K haim ah cited by P. Yule (19 99:

91 ) are no t part icularly convincing. Archaeological sur-

veys indicate that the southe rnm ost location of Umm al-

N ar cu ltural materials is Masirah Island, suggesting tha t

the Aztah finds ar e more l ikely to reflect a Sou th Arabian

metallurgical tradit ion. Very l it t le is know n of South

Arabian metallurgy in the third millennium BCE,

al though the Aztah data can be com pared wi th recent

analyses of a hoa rd of Bronze Age objects from the si te ofal -Midamm an near the Red Sea coast (Giumlia-Mair et

al. 20 02 ). Analyses of these objects, typologically da ted

to a broad Early-Middle Bronze Age range (third to sec-

ond millennium BC), revealed the presence of a nu mbe r

of low-tin bronzes (Gium lia-Ma ir et al . 2002:Table 1).

Texts Referring t o th e Bronze AgeUse an d Trade o f TinThe earliest textual sources from western Asia have

proven crit ical for the reconstruction of ancient trad

and exchange in metals. As a relevant illustration of

point, one might consider the metals trade between

Mesopo tamia and Dilmun, so clearly reconstructed

through textual sources by A. L O ppenheim (19 54)

F. Leemans ( 19 60 ) and others . As summarized by BFoster 1 9 7 5 9 ) :

Buying and selling metals in commerce can

now be documented continuously from the lat

ter half of the third millennium through the

Old Babylonian period. Sumerian and

Babylonian merchants went t o Dilmun to buy

copper an d t in, while traders from D ilmun

came to Mesopotamia, for example, to

Sargonic Umma, Lagash, and Agade, as well

as to Susa when i t was under Sargonic rule.Contacts between D ilmun and archaic Uruk

push the possibilities of such c ontact back half

a millennium, while contacts with north Syria

at various times extend the geographical hori-

zon of such trade far beyond Sumer...As the

evidence accumu lates, the continu ity of this

trade is impressive in its consistency.

The importance of textual sources is particularl

clear in the case of the early use and tr ade of tin in

ern Asia. As discussed above, a rchaeological eviden

objects of metall ic t in is extremely l imited prior to th e

second millennium BCE, whereas references to t in a n

bronze in textu al sources are frequent. T extual eviden

for the use an d trade of t in has been discussed in detai

D. Muhly (1973a , 197 3b)and o thers (e.g. Limet 196

Malamat 1971; Larsen 1 976,1 987; Waetzo ld t 1981;

Joannes 1991; Archi 199 3) ,and is summarized below

From Bronze Age writ ten sources, wor ds for t in

kno wn in Sumerian, Akkadian, Hitt i te, Egyptian and

Ugaritic (M uhly 1985a:279; see also Muhly 1973a:

240-247). For Me sop otam ia, the first distinction betwcopper (uru dd eri i ) and t in-bronze (zaba dsipar ru) ap

in cuneiform texts fr om the EDI period at Ur, while th

liest mention of metallic tin (A N.NA/anna kum) is fou

EDIVIII texts from Fara (Limet 1960 ). Contem porary

with the app earance of t in-bronze in the Royal Cem




at Ur there a re references in texts from Palace G at Ebla

to the mixing of various ratios of washed copp er (a -

gar5( -gar5) la6aru ) nd tin to produce bronze (W aetzoldt

and Bachmann 1984 ; Archi 19 93) , and similar recipes

are found in the late nineteenth century BCE texts from

Ma ri (Muhly 1985a:282). The most common copper-tin

ratios mentioned are from 6:l to 10:l (e.g. Muhly

1973a:243-4; Waetzoldt 1981 :371, 375-376; Limet

1993:104-5; Reiter 1 999:1 69), al though ratios produc-ing alloys with less than one percent Sn are also reported

as are rat ios producing alloys with 2 0 percent Sn (Limet

1985:204; Archi 1993:619-625; Muller-Karpe 19 91) .

Textual references to the M esopotamian t in t rade

are largely found in two collections of cuneiform texts,

from the central Anatolian si te of Kultepe (ancient

Kanesh) and from Ma ri on the Euphrates, which date

to the late nineteenth and early eighteenth centuries

BCE. These texts document a trade in which t in was

moving exclusively from east to west. Arriving inMesopotamia from the east , metall ic t in was tran-

shipped up the Euphrates to M ari , or overland to

Assur. From Assur the t in ( in addit ion t o Babylonian

texti les) was transported via donkey caravan to various

Assyrian trading colonies such as KaneshIKiiltepe in

Anatolia, where i t was traded for si lver and gold

(Larsen 1976 , 1987 ). From M ari , the t in was t raded

further west to si tes in Syria and Palestine (Dossin

1970; Ma lama t 1 971 ), and perhaps as far as Crete

(Ma lama t 1971:38; Muhly 198 5a:282).

The ab solute quanti t ies of t in do cumented in the

Kanesh sources (ca. 13.5 tonnes over approximately 50

years, see Larsen 198 7:5 1)are significantly higher than

those recorded in the M ari texts, which are often of the

order of only a few kilograms (alth oug h a single tablet

from M ari , A.1270, discusses the distribution o f 1 6 tal-

ents 1 0 minas [ca. 485 kg] of t in, see Dossin 1 970;

Ma lama t 1 971 ). The original sources of this t in are

unknown, as many of the place-names mentioned in the

texts can refer only to way -stat ions along the trade

routes, rather than the actual t in sources themselves. TheKanesh texts refer to tin coming overland through the

Zagros Mo untains to Mesopotamia from northwestern

Iran (Mu hly 1973a:306), while Mar i seems to have

obtained its tin in ingot form almost exclusively through

diplomatic gift exchange with Susa and Anshan (Limet

1985 ; Joannes 1991 ; Potts 1999a :169 and Table 6.2

althoug h the cuneiform evidence is limited (Reiter

1999 :171). As stated by Larsen (1987:50), Assur an

Susa... epresent the pipes through which tin was cha

neled into the Middle Eastern system in the early se

millennium BCE. The elite spheres in which tin seem

have circulated prob ably reflects the o bserv ation by

Reiter (199 9:17 1) tha t the imp ort of all kinds of me

even for kings depended heavily o n good political relt ions with the coun tries which produced these metal

which functioned as thoroughfares .

Claims for an easter n source of tin are sup ported

othe r textual evidence. For exam ple, the Sum erian po

Enmerkar and the Lord of Aratta , an epic myth of

third millennium known from later copies, mentions

period in which there was no trad e between Uruk an

semi-mythical land of Aratta w hich lay beyond the

Zagr os in Iran. The cessation of this trade mean t tha

Uru k d id no t have access to the gold, silver, copper, tlapis lazuli and mo untain stones of Aratta (Kram e

19 52, 19 77:61 ). This association of tin, lapis lazuli a

also carnelian found commonly in third millennium

Mesop otamian texts is taken to indicate that t in had

similar orig in to these go ods (e.g. Kra mer 197 7:61; T

Potts 1994:15 5) . Extensive geological an d archa eolo

studies indicate tha t the lapis lazuli used in western A

is mo st likely to have com e from Bad akhshan in

Afghanistan (He rrma nn 1 96 8), al though smaller dep

in Baluchistan (Delmas and Casanova 199 0) or those

Iran mentioned in medieval sources (Mo orey 1994:8

can no t be ruled o ut. C arnelian is likely to have been

obtained from a num ber of Indian sources in Gu jara

elsewhere, o r possibly in Iran (Tosi 1980:448-449;

Asthana 1993:275; Moo rey 1994 :97). Both lapis laz

and carnelian are referred to in Mesopotamian cunei

sources as coming from the land of M eluhha (Heimp

1993 :54), a trade w hich was co nducted via the Gulf

(Muhly 1973a:307). Furtherm ore, Stiegli tz (1987:45

Pinnock (19 85; 1988:108 -llO) suggest that the lapi

lazuli used a t Ebla in the third millennium BCE travevia the Gulf an d Dilmun. In add ition to its tin, Ma ri

obtaine d lapis lazuli fro m Susa in the early eighteent

centu ry BCE, which may reflect the significant overl

contac t between Susa and Bactria a t this time (P otts

1999a:169).




One text from the reign of Gudea of Lagash men- Europe, and probably the Taurus Mountains, but no

tions that, in addition t o lapis lazuli and carnelian, tin

was also traded to M esopotamia from the land of

Me luhha . The relevant passage (Cy linder B, column

XIV, lines 10-13) states tha t Gu dea, the Governo r of

Lagash, bestowed as gifts copper, tin, blocks of lapis

lazuli, [a precious metal] and bright carnelian from

Meluhha (Wilson 1996 ; see also Muh ly

1973a:306-307). This is the only specific cuneiform ref-erence to the trade of tin from Meluhha (see Possehl

199 6:141 for dou bts over the association), however fur-

ther evidence for a tin trade through the Gulf is provid-

ed by late third a nd early second m illennium BCE texts

mentioning t in from Magan (Cohen 1975:28) and

Dilmun (Waetzoldt l9 8 1 366-367; M oorey 1994:298;

Foster 1 997; see Stieglitz 1987:44 and Muh ly

1995b:1506 for uncertainties regarding the use of the

term Dilmun in the Ebla texts ). A pre-Sargonic text

from Lagash published by B. Foster (1 99 7) anddescribed as a Sumerian merchant's acco unt of the

Dilmun trade mentions obtaining from Dilmun 27.5

minas (ca. 1 4 kg) of an-na zabar. This phrase c an be l it-

erally translated as tin bronze , an d Foster suggested

the possible reading tin (in lfo r? )bronze . As there are

additional textual references to the trade of finished tin-

bronze i tems from Mag an (Limet 197 2:14-1 7), there is

some degree of historical support for the hypothesized

trade in tin-bronz e suggested by the LIA of the Gulf

objects (Po tts 1999b; also Chapter Seven).

Summary of Archaeological, Geological

and Textual Evidence

Th e evidence presented above f or the early use of tin-

bronze has been used by a number of scholars as a guide

to the sources of tin used in Bronze Age western Asia.

Thu s, the archaeological evidence for significant Early

Bronze Age tin-bronze use in the Aegean and the Troad,

central Anatolia, no rthern Syria and Mesopotam ia was

seen as evidence for the contemporary exploitation of

t in deposits somewhere in (prob ably northwestern)Anatolia (e.g. Renfrew 196 7; Eaton an d McKe rrell

1976 ; Yener and Vandiver 199 3; Muhly 1995 b:150 7). A

Troadic tin source has been ruled out by geological

research, which h as established the existence of tin

deposits in Egypt, Arabia, Afgh anistan, centra l Asia,

northwestern Anatolia. A range of evidence indicate

that, of these verified tin sources, those in the Easte

Desert of Egypt and the western Arabian Peninsula

not utilized in the third millennium BCE. Furthermo

the use of Euro pean tin in the EBA Aegean, once co

ered l ikely (e.g. Muhly 1985 a:285) , now seems impr

ble due to relatively late adoption of tin-bronze in m

land Europe (Niederschlag et al. 2003:62-64).The extant archaeological, geological and histor

evidence indicates that the tin used in third millenni

western Asia most likely came from sources in sout

Anatolia, Afghanistan, and central Asia. Certainly, t

use of Taurus tin within EBA central Anatolia seem

likely, although this has not yet been conclusively

demonstrated. Claims of third millennium BCE tin-

smelting operations a t Goltepe seem stronger fo r we

ering a period of intense scrutiny an d debate. How e

the use of Taurus tin beyond central Anatolia, on ansignificant scale, is not recorded in the surviving tex

sources from Mesopotam ia, and the LIA of the third

lennium tin objects from Thermi and Tell Abraq ind

cates that tin from KestelJGoltepe was not used in t

ma nufac ture (see Cha pter Seven). Additionally, the

of contemporary tin-bronzes from the Aegean regio

indicated that they are probably n ot made of An ato

metal. Thus, al though a t in source in the Taurus

Mo untains fi ts the d istribution pattern of early t in-

bronzes quite well, the isotopic evidence indicates c

that m ore than one t in source supplied western Asi

the third millennium.

Afghanistan and the Indo-Iranian borderlands h

been tentatively suggested as the source regions for

tin-bron ze used in the EBA Aegean (Pernicka et al.

1990:290; Pernicka 1995b:107-108), based upon g

logical considerations and the geo-chronological im

tions of Aegean lead isotope data. The fact that the

topic characteristics of the Aegean tin-bronzes are s

similar to those from the Gulf analyzed in this stud

adds further weight to the hypothesis of a n easternsourc e for these early alloys. Although the gre at dis

tances involved in such a trade have been regarded

problematic by some au thors (Renfrew 1967:13; de

19 80:5 9), the isotopic evidence is consistent with th

from early second millennium BCE textual sources,




which testify to the large-scale overland trade of tin into

Mesopotamia from beyond the Zagros Mountains and

its subsequent export in large quantities into central

Anatolia. Significantly, a number of scholars regard the

surviving texts from Kanesh as reflecting only one short

period in a trade relationship with Assur that existed

already by the third millennium (Muhly 1993b32.52;

Larsen 1977:119-120). The possibility of tin coming

from these eastern sources is supported by the occur-

rence of many tin deposits in modern-day Afghanistan,

Uzbekistan and Tajikistan, although evidence for tin

extraction is currently limited to the central Asian sites

of Karnab and Mushiston, and goes only as far back as

the second millennium BCE.

Yener (2000:75) has argued cogently against a "one-

source-for-all" model of the third millennium tin trade,

and does not regard the proposed tin mining and pro-

cessing in the Taurus Mountains as inconsistent with

the importation of large amounts of tin into Anatolia

(cf. Belli 1991). Taurus tin production is thought t o

have CO-existedwith large-scale exchange of foreign

metal in the third millennium (Yener et al. 1989:203;

Yener and Vandiver 1993:212), before the eventual

"devastation" of Anatolian tin mining operations by the

availability of "purer, already packaged, readily-avail-

able tin" from the Old Assyrian trade (Yener 2000:7.5).

Yener's arguments regarding multiple tin sources are

well made, and it is clear that the evidence from

KestelIGoltepe provides only a part of the information

needed for a complete understanding of the Bronze Age

tin trade. Obviously, the question remains as to the

sources that were supplying the "large-scale metal

exchange" discussed by Yener and others. The eastern

sources noted above are clearly significant candidates,

especially when the tin sources used in a region such as

the Gulf are under consideration.

Having confirmed the likelihood of a long-distance

tin trade in third millennium western Asia, however, the

evidence for the use of the Afghan and central Asian

sources remains equivocal. In particular, the evidencefor early tin-bronze in these regions is sparse, due to the

limited number of analytical programs, and chronologi-

cal attributions of the analyzed objects are often doubt-

ful. As noted above, the evidence for extraction of tin in

the third millennium BCE is also absent. Such factors

have added weight to arguments hypothesizing the

importance of Anatolian tin sources. In particular,

evidence for EBA tin-bronze use in Anatolia is muc

stronger than in the east, there is some archaeologi

evidence for third millennium tin extraction in the

Taurus Mountains, and the textual references to the

of eastern tin in Greater Mesopotamia are concentr

in the early second millennium BCE. However, the

bined evidence from archaeology, geology, and hist

sources suggests the significance of eastern sources

the tin trade in both the third and second millennia

BCE. In particular, for regions such as Baluchistan,

Indus Valley, and the Gulf, which show significant

millennium tin-bronze use, the exclusive use of tin

tin-bronze from Afghanistan and central Asia seem

highly likely. Textual sources are scarce, but highlig

the trade through the Gulf linking Mesopotamia wi

Meluhha, Magan and Dilmun as the most common

source of tin in the later third millennium BCE, aft

earlier overland Iranian tin-lapis-carnelian trade hin

at by the epic tale of Enmerkar and the Lord of Ar

The trade routes which may have brought this east

tin (and perhaps also Taurus tin) to the Gulf region

the third millennium BCE are investigated in more

in the following section.

Tin-Bronze in the Gulf:

Patterns of Acquisition

The presence of tin-bronze objects at A1 Sufouh, U

Unar2 and Tell Abraq in the second half of the thi

millennium BCE raises interesting questions with re

to the means by which this material reached south

ern Arabia. As outlined above, the absolute source

the metal is likely to have been far to the north an

east in Afghanistan or central Asia. Tin or tin-bron

from such a source, like the other material of undo

ed central Asian origin has been found in southeas

Arabia and the central Gulf, could feasibly have

reached the Gulf along a number of routes.

The first possibility that must be considered istin and tin-bronze were obtained through direct co

with central Asia. The limited amount of archaeolo

material of central Asian origin found in southeast

Arabia includes footed vessels of Bactrian type from

grave in the Wadi Suq and the Umm al-Nar tomb




Tell Abraq (Frifelt 19 86:1 33 and Figure 33; Potts

2000:127), and a copper-base goblet from a late third

millennium BCE grave at Asimah in Ras al-Khaimah

(During Caspers 1992:s and PI. 4d; Vogt 1995:129 and

Figures 54:3 and SS). An interesting attestation to the

use of Indo-Iranian or central Asian materials in south-

eastern Arabia is provided by a third millennium

alabaster vessel with very strong Indo-Iranian parallels,

which bears the inscription Naram-S in, king of thefour world regions, a vessel from the boo ty of Ma gan

(Potts 1986:282 ff., Tav. XXIV). Other objects with

clear central Asian parallels include a small soft-stone

flask from Tom b A a t Hili No rth (Cleuziou and Vogt

1985:255-257 and Figure 4.5) and two decorated ivory

combs from the Umm al-Nar tomb at Tell Abraq (Potts

1993 d; Potts 2000:127; Potts 2003 b). The ivory combs

from Tell Abraq are part of a larger collection of ivory

objects from the tomb which show strong Indus paral-

lels in addition to Bactrian connections, a point whosesignificance is addressed further below.

Objects of possible central Asian origin have also

been found in the central Gulf, where one of the more

numerous categories of evidence is footed goblets,

known from graves at 'Ali , Sar al-Jisr and Dhahran

(During Caspers l992:Pls. 1, 4; Edens 1993:Figure

29.5:s-12). Com parab le sherds are reported from set-

t lement contexts on Failaka and at Qala'at al-Bahrain

(During Caspers 1994:37). A bronze goblet from a

grave at Hamala North on Bahrain, very similar to the

example from Asimah mentioned above, has also been

paralleled with BMAC m aterial (Du ring Caspers

1992:8 and P1. 4d ). From the foundation deposit of

the Barbar Temple I1 comes an anthropomorphic t in-

bronze mirror handle which bears comparison to

Bactrian examples, although some elements of its con-

ception differ (Heskel undated; During Caspers

1992:10 and Figure 7c-d; During Caspers 199 6:s 1).

Furthermore, the bronze bull 's head from the Barbar

Temple has been compared to a late third millennium

BCE example from Altyn-Depe in central Asia (DuringCaspers 197 6:32), although parallels could also be

dra wn with Mesopotam ian m aterial of Early Dynastic

date. Finally, three alabaster vessels from the same

deposit have strong Indo-Iranian parallels (Potts

1986:284, Tav. XXXI).

However, while pottery with central Asian para

is found in the G ulf, there is very little add itional ev

dence to suggest the presence of cen tral Asian peopl

the region. Exceptions to this situation include a sta

seal of Murghabo -Bactrian type that was recovered

a grave at Ha mad Town o n Bahrain (Crawford and

Sindi 199 5) and a cyl inder seal from H ama d town t

shows icono graphic parallels with the Dasht-i Lut r

of eastern Iran (D enton and al-Sindi 1 99 6). The latseal is particularly interesting, a s it seems to have b

manufactured on Bahrain an d incorporates element

both e astern Iranian an d Dilmun glyptic. Denton an

Sindi (1996:191-192) regard the seal as belonging t

eastern Iranian expatriate resident in Dilmun in the

second millennium BCE. Such evidence is, however,

too amb iguous to supp ort a general claim of Bactr

in the Gulf in the Bronze Age. Archaeo logical evide

from the Gulf is significantly different to tha t from

Indo-Iranian borderlands, where sizeable collectionsintrusive BMAC material indicate either periodic di

contac t with central Asian people o r their actual pr

ence (Hiebert and Lamberg-Karlovsky 19 92; Kohl a

Pottier 1 99 3) . Th e first significant use of tin-bronze

Tepe Yahya has in fact been quite exp licitly linked b

excavators of the site to the presence of an ethnic

Bactrian element in the early second millennium po

t ion (Tho rnton et al. 2002a, 200 2b).

In general, it seems much more likely that the c

tral Asian material in the Gulf, including tin or tin-

bronze, arrived by way of intermediaries. The centr

Asian materials from the Gulf cannot be understood

isolation, as they form only a small portion of the e

good s found in Bronze Age sites in the region th at t

to contacts with Mesopotam ia, Iran, Baluchistan an

Indus region, and the existence of a co mplex trade

work capable of transporting goods thousands of ki

meters. The potential complexity of the trade conta

the Gulf is demonstrated by the Ur version of the m

of Enki and Ninhursag , composed around 2000

which indicates that eight countries transported thewares to Dilmun:Tukrish, Meluhha, Marhashi, Mag

the Sealand , Zalamgar, Elam and Sumer (Kramer

1 9 7 75 9 ). The archaeological evidence for foreign m

rial in the Gulf has been presented in numerous pla

a basis for general discussions of the Bronze Age Gu

1 82 Early Metallurgy of th e Pers ian Gulf



t rade (e.g. Edens 199 2; Potts 1 993b , 1993c; Cleuziou

19 82, 19 84 , 1992; Cleuziou and Tosi 1989 ; Franke-Vogt

1993 , 1995 ; Vogt 199 6; Possehl 19 96; Weisgerber 1 986;

Zarins 198 9). The data are summarized below, in tw o

sections related to the southern and central Gulf regions

respectively, with the aim of delineating the rou tes by

which tin and tin-bronze may have reached the region.

Tin for Southeastern Arabia

The first possible intermediary in the t in trad e t o be

considered is Mesopotamia, as evidence for

Mesopo tamian contac t with Mag an is extensive.

Mesopotamian pottery has been recovered in numerous

Umm al-Nar Period sett lement contexts (Frifel t 1991,

1995; a1 Tikriti 1985; M6ry and Schneider 1996:83;

Pot ts 1990b; Mkry 1996:170) and in tombs (Mkry

199 7:1 87 and Figure 12; Potts 2000:51-52; Phillips

1997:Figure 2.1). O n Umm an-N ar Island, vessels l ined

with Mesopotamian bitumen have been recovered, inaddit ion to num erous bitumen fragments (Frifel t

1995:226), and bi tumen fragments from Ra ysal-Jinz

RJ-2 are also sh own by atchaeometric studies to be of

Mesopotamian origin and transported in Mesopotamian

vessels (Cleuziou and Tosi 1994:756 -757 ; Mkry

1996:17 0) . Mesopo tamian influence in the Umm al -

Nar Period is also indicated by the cylinder seal recov-

ered from the A1 Sufouh tomb (Benton 1996:Figure

19 7) . While alm ost certainly of local manufa cture, this

A1 Sufouh seal and two other cylinder seals from Hili

Nor th tomb B and Ajman tomb B (Benton 1996:165)

suggest economic relat ions with the cylinder-seal using

cul tures of Mesopotamia or Iran. The number of

archaeologically-attested objects of southeastern

Arabian origin in Mesopotamia is very much smaller,

and includes around a dozen se rie re ce nte soft-stone

vessels from contexts spanning the late third and early

second millennia BCE (Reade and Searight 2001:Figures

1-10; Potts 1990a:108-109), while a handful of exam-

ples of skrie tardive have been found in early second

millennium BCE contexts at Ur and al-'Ubaid (Potts1990a:252; R eade a nd Searight 2001:Figures 11, 12) .

Cleuziou (1 86: 14 8) originally suggested, based on

archaeological evidence, that southeastern Arabia

experienced a change in external orientation in the

Bronze Age:strong ties with Mes opo tamia existed at the

beginning of the third millennium BCE, but its influ

lessened to be replaced by contacts with the Indus in

late third millennium (see also Cleuziou and Tosi

1989:37; Edens 199 3; Franke-Vogt 199 3; Vogt 199

Thus, at exactly the t ime wh en t in-use in southeast

Arab ia increased (i.e. from 2300-200 0 BCE), the

archaeological evidence of Mesopotamian contact i

nificantly more scarce than previously, and seconda

the evidence for contemporary exchange with south

ern Iran a nd the Indus. However, a m ore recent co

eration of the evidence by Cleuziou and Miry

(2002:286, 290 ) has led them to suggest that the d

sit ion of Mesopotamian pottery in Oman in funera

and settlement contexts at least partially reflects ar

trary social and ideological factors, and cann ot be

regarded as an accurate index of the exchange betw

the two regions. A much different picture of

Mesop otamian-Gulf interaction is seen whe n the su

ing cuneiform evidence is examined (Oppenheim 1Leemans 1 96 0; Pett inato 19 72; Heimpel 1 98 7) , as

tacts between Mesopotamia and Magan are recorde

only from the Sargonic Period onwards, with a pea

interaction at the very end of the third millennium

Such contacts could, in theory, have been responsib

for the introduction of t in-bronze in southeastern

Arabia, as tin and tin-bronze were used in

Mesopo tamia from the early third millennium BCE

onwards (see above).

Nevertheless, the texts do not s uppo rt such a

hypothesis. This is because the range of traded mat

als listed in the texts is consistently limited to the l

agricultural and m anufactured prod ucts of the

Mesopotamian al1uvium:perishable organic product

such as oils, cereals, wool and garments. There are

few references to metals reaching southeastern Ara

from Mesopotamia. Copper, t in and gold are trade

Mesopotamia through the Gulf, and only silver is o

sionally provided to Mesopotamian merchants for

exchange in the Gulf region. It is possible, however

that the surviving texts do not provide a completerecord of the materials exchanged between southea

Arabia and Mesopotamia. The occasional trade of

art ifacts from Mesopotamia to Oman in the Umm

Nar Period, for example as gifts between the indiv

undertaking the trade, therefore remains a possibili






period . Based on this evidence, a relatively straigh tfor-

ward north-south movement of tin andlor tin-bronze

throug h the Indo-Iranian borderlands t o the Gulf could

be hypothesized. Ho wever, the evidence for th ird millen-

nium tin-b ronz e use in southe astern Ir an is very limited

(see abo ve) , with the Tepe Yahya sequence particula rly

illustrative of the late ado ptio n of tin-bronze in the

region. In con tras t, mu ch mo re evidence for tin use is

available from early t o mid- third millennium sites inneighboring a reas of Baluchistan, and the cen tral Asian

connections of both sou theaster n Iran and Baluchistan in

the late third millennium are clear (H iebert and Lamberg-

Karlovsky 1992 ; Kohl and Pott ier 1 99 3). Thus,

Baluchistan could theoretically have been a significant

source of tin an d tin-bron ze for the southern Gulf region,

althoug h there is no positive proof of this hypothesis.

The final intermediary in the Gulf tin trade which

must be considered here is the Indus Valley, as studies of

n metallurgy indicate significant tin-bronze use in theregion in the later phases of the mature n period (see

above). The n site of Shortughai (Francfo rt 1979 , 1984,

19 89 ) in Afghanistan is a prime a nd o ften cited exam ple

of the means by which central Asian materials such as

lapis lazuli were obtained by the ns, although no tin-

bronze is found there.

During Caspers (1994523-525) has noted tha t the

presence of central Asian materials in the Gulf coincides

with an increase in the am ount of Indus Valley material

in the region, and has suggested tha t the Indus Valley

presence in the Arabian Gulf towards the close of the

third m illennium B.C. could, at least partly, be responsi-

ble for the introduction of M urghabo-Bactrian ma terial

into the region . During Caspers' reasons for the

hypothesis are sound: there were direct connections

between the Indu s an d central Asia (Francfort 1984:174;

Hiebert 1994:13), and a strong Indus trade w ith the Gulf

in the third millennium. The chronology of Indus con-

tacts with the Gulf is also important in the evaluation of

this hypothesis, as a clear intensification in Indus-Oman

relations is seen towa rds the end of the thir d millenniumBCE (Cleu ziou 19 92 ; Frifelt 199 5: 238-239; Vogt

1996:127). Th us, th e Indu s presence in the Gulf is seen to

intensify a t the time wh en tin-bro nze first appea rs in sig-

nificant quan ti ties in sou theastern Arabia in the tombs at

Unar l ,Unar2 and Tell Abraq.

Southeastern Arabian archaeological finds in th

Indus Valley are extremely rare, and include one sof

stone vessel of se rie re cente style from Mohenjo-D ar

(Cleuziou and Tosi 1989:Figure 12 ; Cha kraba rti 19

30 6) and one from Lothal (M iry 1996:171). Of cou

the most impo rtant raw ma terial that may have bee

exchanged between the two regions is copper (see

Chapter Two), although the evidence for this trade i

unfortunately ambiguous. In contrast, the archaeoloevidence for Indus material in southeastern Arabia i

considerable. Fo r exam ple, black-slipped storage ve

of Indus origin ar e found in numerous settlement co

texts in southeastern Arabia in the second half of th

third millennium BCE (Blackman and M ir y 1999:F

2; Mkry and Blackman 1999:173; Vogt 1995 ,1996:

123-124; Frifelt 19 95: 165-168; Cleuziou 1 98 4; De C

1997 ; Potts 1 993 c, 199 4). Decorated Indus po ttery

more com mon in tomb assemblages, such as Tombs

and N at H ili (M6ry 1997:Figures 11, 12; A1 Tikriti Mi r y 2000:21 l ) , nd continues to be found in sout

eastern Arabia into the early second millennium BCE

(Potts 1994; Kennet and Velde 1995 :87, 92-93; De

1988:46 and Figure 11).

Additional Indus-related finds from so utheaster

Arabia include stam p seals (Weisgerber l9 8 1:218:Abb

1984 ; Cleuziou 199 2:97), cubical stone weights (P o

2000:128; De Cardi 1 98 8), and ivory combs and fig

urines (Cleuziou 1996:97; Potts 1993d, 1994:Figure

53.6, 2000:102, 13 1; cf. Possehl 1996:1 41). Of cou

the most numerous class of goods imported into sou

eastern Arabia fro m the Indus is beads. Examples in

etched carnelian (Vogt l9 96 :l l 3; Benton 1996:Figu

149-150; Cleuziou an d Vogt 19 85 : Figure 5; Vogt

1996:113; Potts 2000:131; Edens 1 993: 34 8), gold,

silver (Pot ts 1994:620; 2 0 00 5 4 ) are found in tomb

assemblages throughout the Oman Peninsula and h

very close parallels to Indus finds. Most significantl

this study, typological analyses suggest that Indus c

per-base objects, including spearheads and flat axes

were a l so impor t ed in southeas t e rn Arabia (M kryMarquis l998:217, Figure 7; Pot ts 1990b:Figure 3

Weisgerber 1980b:Abb. 78; Fri felt 1975 :Figure 46

Indus contact with southeastern Arabia is observ

not only by imported Ha rap pan goods, but also by lo

produced objects which show Ha rap pan influences. S




i tems include the thumbnail-impressed pottery found at

Maysar 1 and H ili 8 (Cleuziou and Tosi 198 9:40; Potts

1990a:103; Vogt 19 96:12 0), and deeply concave handle

l ids such as found a t Umm an -Nar Island (Edens 1993:

341; al though Frifelt 19 95:17 8 and Figures 245-247

suggests an ac tual Indus origin for these pieces). Oth er

changes in ceramic technology which are seen to occu r

in southea stern Arabia a t the end of the third millenni-

um BCE, such as string-cut bases and the use of rope o r

cord to wr ap large vessels prior t o f i r ing, are thou ght to

indicate influence from the Ind us or Indo -Iranian

regions (C leuziou an d Vogt 1985:272-274; Vogt

1996: l l9 -120) .

T. F. Potts 1 94:28 1) as suggested tha t the distribu-

tion of tin in third m illennium western Asia w as con-

trolled by the Meluhha ns. This hypothesis is based u pon

the pattern of early tin-bron ze use in the region, and pa r-

ticularly its dear th in highland Iran, wh ich Potts sees as

reflecting differential access to m aritime trad e throug hthe Gulf. Certainly, the archaeological evidence for con-

tact between southeastern Arabia and th e Indus Valley

indicates that Me luhha n t in and t in-bronze might have

been accessible to the inhab itant s of southea stern

Arab ia. However, the review of the archaeo logical evi-

dence for foreign m aterial in M agan suggests tha t cen-

t ral Asian t in a nd t in-bronze could also have been t raded

to so utheastern Arabia via Iran o r Baluchistan. These

regions show the st rongest contacts wi th so utheastern

Arabia in the last third of the third millennium BCE in

addit ion to significant levels of interaction w ith the

putative source areas the Indo-Iranian borderlands a nd

central Asia. Admittedly, the evidence fo r t in-bro nze

use in the Indus in the third millennium BCE is much

st ronger than tha t for most areas of Iran, but the

recent analyses of material from Kaftari Period

Malyan indicate signi ficant t in-bronze use, an d Kaftari

vessels have been fo und in the to mb assemblages at

both Tel l Abraq and U nar2 w here t in-bronze i s fre-

quently used. However, as nowhere between Fars

Province a nd the Indo-Iranian b orderlands seems tohave been using t in-bronze at this t ime, the possibil i ty

of Malyan obtaining i ts t in via an overland trade with

the east seems small. In short , a n Indu s origin f or the

tin used in the Gulf region, an d perhaps also in south -

western Iran, seems the most likely situation.

Tin for the Central Gulf

At the moment, the only real evidence for the availa

of tin in the central Gulf in the third millennium BC

the reference from Ebla to the use of Dilmun t in, an

text from pre-Sargonic Lagash that refers to obtain

an-na zabar from Dilmun. The uncertainties associa

with these references have been discussed earlier. T

lack of analyses of copper-base objects from third m

lennium BCE contexts in the central Gulf is a ma jolacuna in ou r understanding of the Gulf metals trad

and prevents a reliable discussion of the tin and tin-

bronze trade thro ugh the region before the early sec

millennium BCE. Indus contacts seem particularly p

sive by this time (th e City I1 Period ) at the Qa la'at a

Bahrain, and include items such as seals with Indus

inscriptions and weights derived from the Indus sys

(Edens 199 3) which were used for the administrat io

aspects of the Gulf trade. (Harjlund and A ndersen

1994 :474). Carnelian beads and ivory form the Qalare l ikely also to have come f rom the Ind us (Bibby

Harjlund 198 9; H~zrjlund nd A ndersen 1994:470-47

and Indus m aterial has been recovered at contempo

sites on B ahrain, including the graves a t 'Ali (Frifel

1986:129-131 and Figure 3 2) and the Saar settleme

(Carter 2001). Further to the no rth, Edens (1993:34

has suggested that a number of seals from Failaka

demonstrate strong greater Indus connections tha

continued into the early second millennium BCE.

Contempo rary D ilmun-related material in the Indus

region is extremely limited, but includes a Dilmun s

found at Lothal (Rao 1963 ).

In the second millennium BCE, Dilmun's excha

ties with more northerly areas such as Mesopotamia

Elam were also close. The small number of Kaftari

(Za rins 19 89 :82) vessels in the ce ntral Gulf is suppl

mented by a limited array of other finds. Notably, f

Dilmun seals have been excavated a t Susa (Amiet 1

in addition to a number of locally-manufactured sea

with elements of Dilmun glyptic, and a cuneiform ta

bearing a Dilmun seal impression (P otts l999 a: 179Furthermore, analyses of the bitumen used at the Sa

settlement in the early second m illennium BCE indi

that i t was Iranian in origin ( Co nna n et al . 199 8 ci

possible sources in Luristan, Khuzistan and Fars). T

once-hypothesized presence at Susa of a temple to t

186 Early Metallurgy of th e Persian Gulf



Dilmunite god Inzak has now been refuted (Potts

1999a:169), but the use of personal names associated

with Inzak by Elamite residents, and the offering of a

gift or tribute of silver to Susa by Dilmun in the late

18 th century BCE (Po t ts 1990a:226-228 ) remain as

indications of the contact between these two regions.

-Furth erm ore, in the no rthe rn Gulf there is significant

archaeological evidence for Elamite contact with

Failaka in the second millennium, in the form of

Elamite pottery and cylinder seals at tel ls F3 and F6

(Pot ts 1990a:274 no te 7 8) . Further south, red-ridged

Dilmun pot tery has been found on the coast of Iran a t

Bandar Bushire (Piza rd 1 9 4:Pl. VIII). Regardless of

the quanti ty of finds in Dilmun and Elam, their nature

suggests that contacts between the two regions were

based o n mercanti le activity. T he Elam ite connections

with Failaka in part icular suggest that this region must

be considered as a potential supplier of the tin and t in-

bronz e used in early second millennium Dilmun.Th e use of Elamite t in in Dilmun might also cor-

relate wi th changes in the t rade routes used to t rans-

port eastern t in to western Asia over the course of the

Bronze Age. As discussed above, the overland tr ade of

eastern luxury goods that characterized the early third

millennium seems to have been reduced in importance

with the incorporat ion of Meluhha into the Gulf t rade

by the later third millennium. T. F. Potts (1994:277-290)

has discussed the increasing role of th e Gulf in the sup -

ply of eastern raw materials an d luxury goods to so uth-

ern Me sopo tamia over the course of the third millenni-

um, and the possibil i ty that the overland trade route

through highland Iran and the Gulf sea-route were

essentially m utually exclusive exchange systems. W ith

the collapse of the Ind us civil ization some t ime aro un d

19 00 BCE, the trade in eastern luxuries may have

reverted to near-exclusive use of the ov erland routes.

Significantly, Susa is regar ded by Po tts as o ne of

very few si tes which m ay have part icipated in b oth

exchange ne twork s (T. F. Potts 1 994 :280 ), an d i t may

have been w ell placed to p rofi t fro m the loss ofMe luhha from the Gulf t rade in the early second mi l-

lennium BCE. Ma terials of central Asian origin once

t raded v ia M eluhha now had to be obta ined through

the overland t rade w i th Iran, and the st ro ng Bact rian

connect ions a t Susa in the early second mi l lennium

attest to the ro le of Susa in the westerly distributio

eas t ern goods (Pot t s 1999a:17 9) . Certainly, al l the

erences to the t in t rade throug h the Gulf ( the t in o

Di lmun, Mag an an d Me luhha ) belong to the thi rd

lennium BCE, wherea s the large-scale t in tra de of

second mi l lennium involving Assur a nd Ma ri seem

have involved t in which reached Susa and

Mesopotamia via overland routes. The significant

increase in t in-bronze use at Susa in the early seco

mil lennium BCE (Malfoy and M enu 1987:Table D

may be a f urth er reflection of this change in acqui

t ion pat terns, and the contemporary use of t in on

Bahrain may indicate contacts wi th Susa rather th

the more easterly regions which supplied t in to the

Gulf in the third millennium. In this co ntext, i t is

est ing to consider the material from the found at ion

depo sit of B arbar Temple 11: the a lab aste r vessels,

bronze bull's head and m irror ha ndle have parallel

the Indo-Iranian or central Asian regions (Potts1990a:204-205 ; Craw ford an d a1 Sindi 1995:3; cf.

Mortensen 1986:184), and may also have arrived

through northe rn exchanges wi th Elam.

Reconsidering the Tin Problem

Th e early t in trade has long been regarded a s probl

ic because of apparent discrepancies between the di

bution of early tin-bronzes, the textual evidence for

trade routes, and the limited geological evidence fo

location of tin dep osits suitable for Bronze Age expl

tion. As outlined above, the evidence from archaeom

lurgy and geological studies has improved dramatica

over the last twenty years, and archaeologists are no

longer forced to rely upon the distribution pa ttern o

earl iest t in-bronzes as a proxy indicator for the loca

of ancient t in sources (cf. Renfrew 196 7:13; Muhly

1973a:170; de Jesus 1978:37-38). Thus, t in sources

the Troa d need no longer be hypothesized, a s the EB

tin-bronzes of the Troa d and the Aegean, once thoug

represent the earl iest in the region, are in fact contem

rary o r later than t in-bronzes in Greater Mesop otamand elsewhere. M odern prog rams of composit ional

isotopic analyses have conclusively s upp orte d these

ings, by demonstrating the non-Anatolian origin of

metal in the earl iest t in-bronzes of the Troad and th

Aegean region (see Cha pter Seven).

Tin an d Tin-Bronze in Early Western Asia



From the very first, the Mesopotamian evidence for

tin-bronze use has illustrated the limited influence that

the geographical distribution of tin ore deposits had on

the utilization of tin-bronze soon after this alloy was first

produced. Basic geological considerations indicate that

the early and mid-third millennium tin-bronzes in metal-

poor Mesopotamia were obtained through long-distance

trade (Stech and Pigott 1986:40-4 1).Moreover, surviving

cuneiform evidence from Mesopotamia indicates that its

tin sources lay to the east, and that in the early second

millennium BCE this tin was traded from Mesopotamia

into central Anatolia. It is increasingly clear that investi-

gating how, why, and by which elements of society the

tin-bronze alloy was adopted is as important to under-

standing its early trade as where it was used and in what

quantities (cf. Philip 1991; Stech and Pigott 1986). Only

by addressing such factors can the "problematic" distri-

bution patterns of early tin-bronzes and Bronze Age tin

sources be reconciled. In the following discussion, thepossible ideological and socio-political aspects of early

tin-bronze use in western Asia are investigated, beginning

with southeastern Arabian evidence.

Tin and Tin-Bronze as Prestige Goods in the Gulf

A large and growing body of data from both the Old

and New Worlds indicates that the earliest copper-base

alloys were often produced and selected based upon

such properties as physical appearance and scarcity

rather than purely on mechanical properties of strength,

hardness, or ease of working and casting (Levy and

Shalev 1989:358; Miiller-Karpe 1991:112; Moorey

1994:253; Hosler 1995; Tadmor et al. 1995 ; Hayden

1998:27). For example, the physical appearance of tin-

bronze has been regarded as important in the initial

adoption of this alloy in upper Mesopotamia. Speaking

of material from the early third millennium site of Qara

Quzaq in Syria, Montero Fenollos (1996:20) stated:

Su be110 aspect0 exterior, frente a1 mis vulgar

del cobre arsenicado, explica la presencia en

una misma tumba de alfileres de bronce, unossimples ornamentos personales, junto a armas

de cobre, donde hubiera sido mis 16gico el

empleo de la aleaci6n cobre-estaiio.

[Its beautiful outer aspect, as opposed to

arsenical copper, explains the presence in the

same tomb of tin-bronze pins, simple personal

ornaments, next to copper weapons, for which

the use of the copper-tin alloy would have been

more logical.]

A similar argument can be made for early tin-br

use in the Gulf. As discussed in Chapter Five, there w

considerable differences in the alloy types used to pr

duce different object categories in Umm al-Nar Perio

southeastern Arabia. In particular, 90 percent of ring

analyzed in this volume contained in excess of one p

cent Sn, whereas objects such as pins/awls and blade

showed a much lower frequency (less than ca. 20 pe

cent) of tin-bronze use. It seems clear that the advan

geous mechanical properties of tin-bronze were not

reason for its adoption. If this were the case, the use

tin-bronze in utilitarian object categories, such as bl

or pins/awls would have been expected. In Chapter F

it was suggested that this discrepancy reflected the p

erential use of tin-bronze for decorative rather than tarian objects in Bronze Age southeastern Arabia, ba

upon its golden color in comparison to reddish copp

andlor the greater value of the alloy, due to its inclu

of exotic tin. Both factors may have made tin-bronz

more appropriate for adornment and display than u

loyed local copper.

While still allowing for the importance of the sur

appearance of tin-bronze in its initial adoption in south

ern Arabia, a more elaborate argument is presented in

following paragraphs. Although surface appearance ma

indeed have marked this alloy as distinct and could hav

caused it to be valued differently than copper, it is sugg

below that its golden color was simply one among a su

properties, both materially and socially determined, th

distinguished tin-bronze from contemporary copper-ba

alloys. This argument recognizes the fact that in prehis

contexts, metals and metal objects possessed unique, so

ly-defined properties partly divorced from their materia

characteristics. These properties are, thus, not amenabl

identification and quantification by archaeometric ana

such as those employed in this volume.In particular, I wish to examine the possible role

tin-bronze as a prestige material in the Bronze Age G

The role of "luxury" or prestige goods in prehistoric

economic and political development has been empha

sized by a number of scholars (Kohl 1975:47; Schne




1977; Renfrew 1986; Sherratt and Sherratt 1991;

Hayden 1998). Following theoretical models developed

primarily in anthropology (e.g. Mauss 1966; Sahlins

1972; Dalton 1975; Ekholm 1977) , the control of the

long-distance trade in prestige goods has been linked to

the construction and maintenance of political power in

societies with developed or nascent hierarchies (e.g.

Friedman and Rowlands 1977 ; Frankenstein and

Rowlands 1978; Hodder 1982:204; Kristiansen 1986;

Larsson 1986; Kipp and Schortman 1989; Earle 1997;

McGlade 1997). According to such theories, prestige

goods act not only as important markers of status, but

also have a role to play in generating and legitimizing

political, economic and other forms of hierarchy (e.g.

Renfrew 1986:144; Appadurai 1986:34) . The point is

succinctly expressed by Earle (1997:144): "power rests

on materialized ideologies".

The importance of luxury o r prestige materials, that

is their potential to generate and legitimize political

power, is linked to both their scarcity and their symbolic

or ideological content (Hodder 1982; Helms 1986,

1993). Scarcity arises from a number of factors, includ-

ing limited natural occurrence (for raw materials) andlor

restricted loci of production (for raw materials and fin-

ished artifacts), in addition to the great distances

involved in the acquisition of such goods. Their symbol-

ic and ideological content would have reflected bogh the

distances from which the goods were obtained, as well

as the ideologically-charged contexts in which they were

consumed at their destinations (Helms 1993; Lamberg-

Karlovsky 2001:280). Furthermore, implicit in the theo-

retical formulations outlined above is the notion that the

long-distance exchange of prestige goods took place

within restricted social and political spheres, i.e.

between the elites of the societies in contact (Earle

l997:198; Helms 1993:3-4; for a western Asian exam-

ple, see Pinnock 1988 regarding Ebla).

The significance of long-distance exchange in prehis-

tory has been down-played by a number of scholars (e.g.

Wallerstein 1993:294; Leemans 1977:s-6), due to thesmall scale of the trade and its limitation t o goods of a

"luxury" nature , which Wallerstein regarded as non-

systemic to early economies. However, if the genera-

tion, maintenance and legitimization of socio-political

relationships relied upon obtaining luxury goods, they

are better regarded as necessities, and the admitted

small scale of the trade in such goods is perhaps n

important as its role. Following Polanyi (1975:135

luxuries can be seen as simply necessities for the r

and powerful. This concept is emphasized by

Appadurai (1986:38), who states "I propose that w

regard luxury goods not so much in contrast to ne

sities (a contrast filled with problems), but as goo

whose principal use is rhetorical and social, goods

are simply incarnated signs. The necessity to which

they respond is fundamentally political." It is inter

ing to note Adams' comments on this trade

1 74: l49) , which he regarded as possessing "con

able socioeconomic force ... n spite of its being larg

confined to commodities of very high value in rela

to weight and bulk because of high transport costs

and in spite of its directly involving only a small p

of the population" (my italics). If this statement is

assessed from the theoretical perspective discussed

it would seem that the prestige goods trade was im

tant precisely because of these factors.

Thus, we can see that prestige goods have thre

important attributes:they are scarce, charged with

bolic content, and circulated with restricted sphere

exchange. It is these three factors that have led ar

ologists and anthropologists to attach such signific

to long-distance exchange in early economies. The

ticular role of metals as prestige goods in Bronze A

exchange systems has been discussed by a number

authors (e.g. Renfrew 1986; Sherratt 1976 , 1994;

Sherratt and Sherratt 1991:360-361; Hayden

1998:27-28). For example, Sherratt and Sherratt

(1991:354) state that items such as exotic metalw

may "embody concepts of value and purity which

a power which is more than just a consequence of

relative scarcity". Although many examples of the

of gold and silver could be cited in this context, it

important to note that other metals such as coppe

and copper alloys could also have been regarded i

such a manner in Bronze Age contexts.As has been noted numerous times in this volum

tin is a foreign object in Gulf archaeological context

analyses discussed in this volume, in addition to a ha

of cuneiform sources, indicate that both tin and pre-

alloyed tin-bronze (the latter probably traded as finish

Tin an d Tin-Bronze in Early Western Asia



art ifacts) were available through the Gulf trade that con-

nected Mesopotamia with the societies of Dilmun,

Ma gan and M eluhha. Based upon objects recovered

from archaeological contexts in the Gulf and the evi-

dence of Mesopotamian texts, it is clear that this trade

dealt largely in materials tha t can be regarded as pres-

t ige goods (e.g. Edens 199 2:122; Craw ford 199 6). Such

goods included gold, silver, textiles, ivory, lapis lazuli,

carnelian, various types of wo od, and exotic vessels of

pot tery and stone (Heimpel 1987, 19 88; Pot ts 1990 a,

1993 b; Ratnagar 198 1). The association of t in and t in-

bronze w ith these materials in the Gulf trade is one fac-

tor that suggests it may have had a prestige status in

Bronze Age southeastern Arabia.

In addit ion to their rari ty an d intrinsic worth, Edens

(1992 :122) has noted that the raw materials of the Gulf

trad e carried heavy burdens of ideological significance

when they reached their Mesopotamian destinations,

where they were consumed as part of cultic or elitepractices. A similar regard for these materials almost

certainly prevailed in southeastern Arabia and Mkry

(199 7:171 ) has suggested th at the deposit ion of so much

foreign material in burial contexts in southeastern

Arabia suggests the retention of a strong symbolic

meaning for objects obtaine d throug h the Gulf trade.

Moreover, the participation of southeastern Arabia in

the Gulf trade almost certainly led to a spread in the

ideology of elite cons ump tion and notions of app rop ri-

ate prestige goods among the societies participa ting in

the trade . Th is reflects the fact th at, in all societies, the

value of raw materials an d finished pro ducts is chiefly a

matter of convention (e.g. Renfrew 1972:370). For

example, Sherratt (1994:337-338) regards the develop-

ment of Bronze Age exchange networks in Europe as

dependent in part upon the emergence of a co mm on ide-

ology of con sum ption reflected in the ex istence of

inter natio nally recognized 'role/status kits ' of prestige

materials. Sherratt 's ideas echo the claim by Stech and

Pigot t (19 86 56 ) that t in was part of a material com-

plex , incorporating also lapis lazuli and gold, that wasimportant in the display of power in third millennium

Mesopo tamia (see also Muhly 19 85a ). Thu s, the sym-

bolic value of tin-bronze in southeastern Arabia was

probably shaped by both local and broader regional

ideologies of consumption, in particular those possessed

by the el i te elements in M esop otam ian society that

ated the principal demand for the prestige goods tr

through the Gulf.

The simple fact that t in-bronze came t o the Gu

from a great distance not only added to its ideologi

wor th (e.g. Lamberg-Karlovsky 2001 :280), but also

ensured th at it circulated in limited spheres of excha

within southeastern Arabia. This is because the Gul

trade seems to have been organized in such a way t

was highly susceptible to monopolistic control (cf.

Peregrine 1991:2). Such control was possible becaus

there were only a few points of articulation between

internal southeastern Arabian exchange system and

trade of prestige goods throug h the Gulf, at coastal

ing sites such as Umm an-Nar Island, Tell Abraq, a

Ra's al-Jinz (e.g. Frifelt 199 1:128 ; Car ter 2001 :196)

almost certain that foreign connections at these site

and the goo ds they introduced into so utheastern Ar

were monitored and controlled by local elites (Cleuand Tosi 1989:33).

As a result of such exchange mechanisms, tin-

bronze may have been regarded as a highly differe

material to unalloyed or local copper. In addit ion t

golden color, and its rarity, access to the alloy was

ited ideologically and practically to the elites in so

eastern Arabian society. Using the theoretical const

outlined above, at the same time as the use of tin-

bronze demonstrated an elite person's access to the

fruits of the Gulf trade, this access and the promin

display that went with it helped to legitimize their

authority in the eyes of the wider community. The

spicuous consumption of t in-bronze thro ugh i ts pre

ential incorporation into items of jewelry, such as

and bracelets, supports such a notion for early t in

tin-bronze use in southeastern Arabia.

Such an explanation contrasts strongly with pr

ous hypotheses regarding alloy use in Bronze Age

southeastern Arabia, which have focused predomi

ly on the mechanical properties of early copper-ba

objects. Specifically, the apparent lack of tin-bronzBronze Age southeastern Arabia was explained by

prevalence of arsenic and nickel-bearing copper in

local metal industries. This natural alloy of As/Ni

per probably had similar working properties to t in

bronze, meaning that from a material perspective




bronze did not "need" to be adopted (Haup tmann

1987:217; Hauptmann et al. 1988). However, more

recent analyses of material from Oman have suggested

that AsINi-copper occurs more frequently in the Wadi

Suq Period than the third millennium BCE, and that

its appearance coincides with the first significant

(though limited) use of tin-bronze (Prange et al.

1999:Figures 5-6). However, the results of this study

and of analyses undertaken on Umm al-Nar Period

material by Berthoud (1979) , Hauptmann (1995) and

Hauptmann et al. (1988) indicate that the co-occur-

rence of As/Ni-copper and tin-bronze also character-

izes third millennium BCE metallurgy in southeastern

Arabia. This CO-occurrence of alloy types, and partic-

ularly the preferential use of tin-bronze in the produc-

tion of decorative items, argues against interpretations

of early alloying in southeastern Arabia focused pure-

ly upon mechanical properties.

In summary, the arguments presented above are

based upon two considerations: firstly, the actual use

that was made of the tin-bronze alloy in southeastern

Arabian metalworking industries and, secondly,

anthropologically-derived theories which stress the

socio-political importance of the long-distance

exchange of prestige goods. Thus, the possibility that

tin-bronze was adopted in southeastern Arabia due to

its improved mechanical properties seems to be ruled

out by the preferential use of tin-bronze in decorative

rather than utilitarian items. One possible explanation

for the use of tin-bronze in the later Umm al-Nar

Period is that the external appearance of the alloy, its

golden color, was important in its adoption. However,

theoretical considerations indicate that the importance

of the non-material, socially-defined characteristics of

tin-bronze in Bronze Age contexts in the Gulf should

not be underestimated. It seems highly likely that tin-

bronze, due to its scarcity and its source in the Gulf

prestige goods trade, had ideological/symbolic quali-

ties and a socio-political value that locally-produced

copper and AsINi-copper could never have possessed.The adoption of tin-bronze in southeastern Arabia

was no doubt conditioned by these ideological consid-

erations as much as by consideration of the mechani-

cal and casting improvements offered by the alloy, or

its physical appearance.

Tin and Tin-Br onze in Wider Western Asia:

Techno logy, Ideology, Trade Routes

In contrast to earlier technologically-based explana

for the development of alloying practices in western

Asia, scholars have recently suggested that the adop

of tin and tin-bronze in third millennium metal ind

tries was governed more by their prestige status tha

their mechanical properties. The strongest statemen

this effect was made by Stech and Pigott (1986; see

Stech 1999; Pigott 1999c) , but realization of the po

ble prestige status of tin-bronze in third millennium

Mesopotamia can be seen as early as the work of

Moorey and Schweizer (l972:185 ). Early tin use in

is also considered by Moorey (1982:98) to have be

conditioned by more than just technological consid

tions. He notes that "it may be doubted that, outsi

the great Elamite urban centers, tin-bronzes were c

mon in Iran much before the middle of the second

lenniumB.C.

and, even in Susa, social and econom

factors may have controlled their production and d

bution". The potential role of these factors in the e

use of tin-bronze across western Asia is considered

the following paragraphs.

In Mesopotamian contexts, the hypothesized "p

tige" status of tin and tin-bronze has been suggested

only by the distances which were involved in the tin

trade and the association of tin with clearly prestige

ury materials such as lapis lazuli and gold (e.g. Muh

1973a), but also by the kinds of objects that tin-bro

was used to manufacture and the archaeological co

in which it was concentrated. The enormous distanc

the tin sources have been clearly established by geol

cal research, with the even the nearest potential sou

the Taurus Mountains located more than 1,000 km

southern Mesopotamia, and the more likely sources

Afghanistan and central Asia well over 1,500 km d

In Mesopotamia, the preference observable in the m

al from the Royal Cemetery at Ur for using tin-bron

produce vessels (Muller-Karpe 1991, 1994:71) has

explained as reflecting the prestige status of the allobecause the mechanical advantages of employing tin

bronze to produce vessels are unclear (Stech 1999).

Likewise, Moorey and Schweizer (1972:185) have n

the preferential use of tin-bronze for vessels and clo

pins, and suggested that its display or "luxury" val






lay at the very end of what was an extremely long-dis-

tance trade route, and there is little evidence for the con-

temporary use of tin-bronze in the neighboring Levant.

Nevertheless, a maritime tin t rade t o Egypt seems to

have been well established by the early second millenni-

um, when eastern tin (i.e. from sources to the east of

Mesopotamia) was regularly obtained through Middle

Kingdom contacts with the Syrian littoral at Byblos

(Muhly 1973a:332). Although similar trade connections

existed in the Old Kingdom, they do not seem to have

brought much tin or tin-bronze to Egypt, even though

Afghan was utilized in Egypt, somewhat sporadically,

from the early third millennium (Muhly 1973a:318).

However, ideological factors could also explain the

dearth of tin-bronze in third millennium Egypt. For

example, Lucas (1934:178) has noted that, while the

Middle Kingdom is the period when tin-bronze really

begins to be used frequently in Egypt, analyses of the

material from the tomb of Tutankhamun reveal more

copper objects than tin-bronzes. Significantly, particular

object categories, such as the implements of shawbti fig-

urines, seem to have been preferentially made only of

relatively pure copper. Such differentiation suggests that

notions of appropriate alloys for particular types of

objects, or of ritual purity, may have existed, and con-

strained the use of particular alloys in early Egypt.

Turning to the third millennium Iranian Plateau, the

very rare occurrence of tin-bronze in the region is more

difficult to explain, especially if tin was coming overland

from Afghanistan or central Asia. One explanation

could be that tin was, in fact, not coming from these

eastern sources at all. The textual evidence from

Mesopotamia has always led scholars to look for tin

deposits in northwestern and central western Iran (e.g.

Muhly 1973b:409), and a possible tin or tin-copper

source has been recently discovered in Luristan, at Deh

Hosein. The utilization in Mesopotamia of tin from such

a region would help to explain the lack of tin-bronze at

sites on the Iranian Plateau and further to the east, if the

tin was traded only to the southwest. However, as out-lined above, the significance of the Deh Hosein copper-

tin deposit is yet to be adequately assessed. Basic data

regarding the possible production of natural tin-bronzes

from the ores are as yet unpublished and, most impor-

tantly, production at Deh Hosein seems to have been

concentrated in much later periods than those under

consideration here. Nevertheless, the very recent dis

ery of the site indicates the possibility that small tin

bearing deposits remain undiscovered, even in regio

well surveyed as the Zagros. Although the Deh Hos

extraction seems unrelated to the issue of Bronze Ag

sources, and more easterly regions have emerged as

most likely third millennium tin producers, the site

lights the limitations of the geological knowledge up

which much of the present discussion is based.

If tin was in fact coming to Mesopotamia from

Indo-Iranian borderlands, we must imagine that it w

either not traded through central and eastern Iran,

that when it was, none was utilized in local metal i

tries. Alternative routes to an overland Iranian Plat

trade include a southern trade through the Gulf, or

northern route across the Caspian Sea. The possibil

of a southern tin and tin-bronze trade through the

is supported by the results of the present study,

although the absence of analyzed third millennium

objects from the central Gulf is still a significant la

in our knowledge. As discussed above, such a trade

route could explain the known distribution of tin-

bronze in southern Mesopotamia and at Susa, and

indeed this has been proposed by T. F. Potts (1994:

This southern maritime route was already long-esta

lished in the supply of copper and other goods to s

ern Mesopotamia and, by avoiding Iran altogether,

sessed a number of advantages in cost and speed.

Possehl (1996:189) has described the Mesopotamia

Meluhha trade as an "end-run" around southeaster

Iran which facilitated the procurement of larger qu

ties of material, more suitable for the scale of dema

generated by contemporary Mesopotamia, than cou

provided by the overland route.

Of course, once tin and tin-bronze reached

Mesopotamia, they could have been further disperse

the west (i.e. the Troad and the Aegean) via overlan

trade through Anatolia. The higher tin-bronze frequ

in the Troad than in central Anatolia is not a signifstumbling block to an overland trade hypothesis, if

regards the trade as directed more towards some co

sumers than others, rather than being simple down-

line exchange. Nevertheless, the possibility of an al

tive nor thern trade route across the Caspian Sea is




at by archaeological evidence from the Caucasus, the

Aegean, and the Troad. For example, the coastal/island

concentration of t in-bronze in the Aegean and the Troad

has suggested to some scholars tha t a m aritime trad e

across the Black Sea may have brought eastern tin into

the Aegean (M uh ly et al. 1 99 1; Mu hly 1999:18-19;

Apakidze 19 99) . The predom inant use of arsenical cop-

per a t the site of Ikiztepe o n the Black Sea coast (e.g.

Gedik et al. 200 2) has proven problematic for propo-

nents of such a tin trade route, but analyses indicate that

abo ut 1 5 percent of the analyzed copper-base objects

from Ikiztepe contain significant am ou nts of tin. As

noted above, the possibility of a Black Sea trade in tin is

further supported by the finds of tin-bronze and lapis

lazuli in third millennium Transcaucasia (e.g. Kohl et al.

2002; Kavtaradze 199 9; Apakidze 19 99; Edens

199 5:5 6), which raise the possibility th at tin from the

Indo-Iranian borderlands may have been shipped west

via a Caspian route, o r that i t may have traveled over-land through northernmost Iran, along the southern

shores of the C aspian Sea. The utilization of such a

route m ight explain the absence of t in-bronze in eastern

Iran, although its absence at a northeastern site such as

Hissar is still hard to explain if the tin was com ing from

Afghanistan. In contrast, central Asian tin from the

Uzbekistan-Tajikistan border region could well have

traveled to the west by a route that ran n orth of the

Kopet Dagh and Elburz Mountains.

In contrast, if tin and tin-bronze were traded across

the Iranian Plateau, then technological or ideological

explanations must be proposed for their absence in

Iranian metal assemblages. A technological explanation

might be supported by the evidence for a developed

arsenical copper metallurgy at most third millennium

BCE sites in eastern and central Iran, including Tepe

Hissar (Pigo tt 1982:Table 3) , Shahr-i Sok hta

(Hauptman n 1980; Pigott 1 99 9b) , Sialk (Berthoud

197 9), Shahdad (Vatandoust 19 99), and Tepe Yahya

(Heskel and Lamberg-Karlovsky 198 0; Thornton et al.

20 02 ). Using this reasoning, the arsenical copp er used atthese sites probably had similar material characteristics

to tin-bronze, and the new alloy was not utilized as it

offered no mechanical advantages over the alloys

already in use and wa s no doub t more difficult and

costly to obtain. However, analytical studies have

demon strated the CO-occurrenceof pure copper and

many varieties of binary and ternary copper alloys i

metal assemblages from sites across western Asia, a

the use of these alloys in ways tha t d o not e xploit th

mechanical potential. Such findings suggest that the

nological advantages of alloys over pure copper ma

always determine the nature of metal use at Bronze

sites. Moreover, e xplan ations wh ich suggest scarcity

alloying elements as an exp lanation for synchronic

diachronic alloy variability may also be underestima

the significance of ideological factors in early m etal

As noted by Ch akrab arti and Lahiri (1996 :207), the

assumption that wha t is considered to be technolo

ly superior mus t also be culturally preferred is ofte

justified by the available archaeological, metallurgic

and ethnographic data.

An alternative interpr etation for the dea rth of ti

bronze o n the Iranian Plateau is offered by Pigott

(1999b:83). He regards tin and tin-bronze as prestiggoods, and suggests tha t the rarity of tin may have

moted its status am ong the Sum erians while the peo

the Iranian Plateau may have rem ained un-influenced

such pressure . However, lapis lazuli from Afghanis

Baluchistan reached Iran in significant quantities, as

for example at Shahr-i Sokhta (Lamberg-Karlovsky a

Tosi 197 3:46) and Hissar (Bulgarelli 197 9) . Lapis la

was also a status material in M esopotamia, and one

ders why the distribution patterns of lapis and tin, b

prob ably fro m a similar source region, are so differe

Furthermore, althoug h the great majority of lapis laz

that reached Shahr-i Sokhta was traded further west

rather tha n used locally (La mberg-K arlovsky and To

19 73 :46 ), it is still highly visible in the a rchae ologica

record of the eastern Iranian sites. Tin-bronze is not

one may question w hether this material w as ever, in

traded overland through the Ind o-Iranian borderlan

the later third millennium BCE.

Other ideological and symbolic factors may hav

role in explaining the non-utilization of tin-bronze i

third millennium Iran. One factor suggesting this isPigott 's (19 99b:8 4) description of the remarkable t

nological conservatism of metallurgical production

Hissar. Such conservatism may not be a reflection o

technological retardation, b ut rathe r of stron g ideolo

o r ritualistic beliefs dictating the use of m etal from




particular mine site, or metal produced in a specific way,

or of a specific alloy type (cf. Chakrabarti and Lahiri

1996:206-207; Hosler 1995; Budd and Taylor 1995).

Where complicated extraction technology was most like-

ly learnt and passed on within a ri tual context (Budd and

Taylor 1995:139) and by analogy with natural and social

processes (Childs and Killick 1993:325), practical barri-

ers to the adoption of new extraction or alloying tech-

nologies and non-local metal are likely to have existed.

Furthermore, elements of social reproduction and identi-

ty may have been tied to metal production, exchange,

and use (e.g. Childs and Killick 1993; Philip 1991;

Hosler 1995). Such factors may have led to the develop-

ment of a highly conservative but reliable extraction

technology, and strong sanctions against "experiment-

ing" with the practical aspects of extraction. Moreover,

once metal was extracted from its ore, it and the artifacts

produced with it no doubt functioned as material mark-

ers of ethnicity, status, religion, and wealth, in additionto their more "obvious" roles as tools, weapons, and raw

materials for trade (Childs and Killick l993:33 1).

As has been noted by a number of archaeologists

(e.g. Chakrabarti and Lahiri 1996:207; Budd and Taylor

1995), such ideological considerations are antithetical to

many evolutionary schemes of early metal production,

which focus upon technological advances dependent

upon the freedom or drive to innovate (e.g. Wertime

197 3). Although the ideological aspects of early metal-

lurgy are probably unknowable from an archaeological

perspective, this does not mean that their potential sig-

nificance can be disregarded or diminished. Among com-

munities that extracted their own copper-base raw

metal, such as those of the Iranian plateau, the adoption

of the new and foreign metal tin-bronze may have been

incompatible with local cultural traditions of metal man-

ufacture and use. Just as in the Gulf, where tin-bronze

appears to have had a socially-defined ideological worth

that local AsINi-copper could not possess, so on the

Iranian Plateau tin-bronze may not have been compati-

ble with the social and political contexts in which localarsenical copper was produced and used.

The discussion presented above points to a high

degree of regionalism in alloying practices across west-

ern Asia. Examples of the use of tin-bronze for ideologi-

cal purposes of status display or elite consumption seem

to characterize some metalworking traditions (e.g.

Gulf, Mesopotamia, and central Anatolia) , while te

nological conservatism or differing ideological sanc

may have prevented the adoption of tin-bronze in o

areas (e.g. Iran and Egypt). In other regions, such a

Aegean and the Indus Valley, the factors that influe

early alloying practices remain uncertain. Thus, the

archaeological evidence does not reflect a simple ev

tionary development of fabrication technology base

upon observation of and experiment with the mech

cal properties of copper and its alloys. Moreover, it

abundantly clear that such overarching "technologi

explanations for the development of early alloying

not simply be replaced by correspondingly broad th

retical conceptions incorporating ideologies of elite

sumption. Rather, early alloying practices reflect th

interaction of a multitude of both enduring and his

cally contingent forces; from mechanical and physi

properties, to the stability of trade routes for metalalloying components and variations in the socio-po

cal and ideological contexts of metal production,

exchange and use.







Summary and Conclusion

Aims Reiterated

This study began with relatively restricted aims, specifi-

cally the investigation of whether the Bronze Age inhabi-

tants of Tell Abraq were unique in southeastern Arabia in

terms of their access to metallic resources. This possibility

was suggested by previous analyses of material from the

site, which demonstrated the routine use of tin-bronze in

the Umm al-Nar Period. This alloy had not previously

been found with any frequency in third millennium BCE

contexts in the Gulf, and given the geological setting of

southeastern Arabia, was clearly imported to Tell Abraq

from a considerable distance.

The hypothesis that Tell Abraq may have had greater

access to foreign metals than contemporary sites in south-

eastern Arabia was supported by additional circumstantial

evidence. This included the prominent position of the site

on the southern shores of the Gulf and its size in relation to

contemporary coastal sites, in addition to material evidence

from Tell Abraq attesting to widespread exchange relations

with regions to the nor th and east. Tell Abraq7sunusual

pattern of metal use seemed to reflect the role played by

long-distance exchange in shaping metal-working crafts insoutheastern Arabia, a region otherwise famous for its

large-scale, indigenous, Bronze Age copper production.

However, the ability to assess the uniqueness of the Tell

Abraq metal assemblages was impaired by the extremely

limited number of analyses of contemporary copper-base

objects that were available for comparison. That is, it was

possible that the Tell Abraq analyses appeared anomalous

simply due to the lack of relevant comparable data.

In order to investigate this issue, analyses of o

from three other tomb assemblages in the northern

U.A.E. were undertaken. The compositional analys

from A1 Sufouh, Unarl , and Unar2 utilized the tec

nique of Proton-Induced X-ray Emission analysis (

and were supplemented by the analysis of a newly

vated group of objects from the Tell Abraq tomb u

the same technique. These new analyses form the c

the present volume and they have facilitated an

improved understanding of alloying technology an

material exchange patterns over the second half of

third millennium BCE in the northern Oman Penin

Furthermore, as the ultimate origin of the tin and t

bronze used in Bronze Age western Asia remains u

tain, the study of the Umm al-Nar Period artifacts

provided important insights into an archaeological

of concern to Bronze Age western Asia as a whole.

The data from the four Umm al-Nar Period sit

have, however, allowed for the investigation of mo

than the Bronze Age tin trade, and the issues addre

in this volume have expanded well beyond the scop

the project as initially conceived. A discussion of c

production in Bronze Age southeastern Arabia repr

ed one primary addition, and provided information

fundamental importance for the interpretation of t

new compositional data. The review of technologic

and mineralogical aspects of Bronze Age copper m

and smelting in Oman indicated that specific alloys

recorded in Umm al-Nar Period tomb assemblages

reflect the geological milieu of the Oman Mountain

and the comparison of the two data sets has allow

assessment of the likelihood of their local manufac

More generally, and moving away from techn

cal issues, a discussion of the organization of cop

production in Bronze Age southeastern Arabia an

impact that this may have had on contemporary s

ty was also presented. Just as the evidence for tinbronze a t Tell Abraq and in other U.A.E. tombs r

ed patterns of trade in wider western Asia, so too

mary copper production in southeastern Arabia

responded t o both internal and external socio-eco

ic factors. In previous studies, the apparent period

of copper production in southeastern Arabia has b

strongly linked with changes in the external dema

the copper of Magan. However, the discussion pre



in this volume indicates that internal demand for Omani

copper, as well as changing socio-economic configura-

tions in Bronze Age southeastern Arabia, also played a

significant role in the development of primary smelting

operations.

The compositional analyses of objects from the four

Urnm al-Nar Period sites were supplemented by lead iso-

tope analyses (LIA) of a sub-set of the objects. These data

provided important evidence regarding the relative and

absolute provenance of the metals used to produce the

copper-base objects, and raised many issues with regard to

the mechanisms and routes by which clearly foreign tin

and tin-bronze reached the Gulf. Comparisons of the LIA

of the four U.A.E. sites to isotopic data for artifacts from

other regions, such as Anatolia and the Aegean, also raised

interesting questions regarding the significance for wider

Western Asia of the early tin-bronze exchange in the Gulf.

Summary of Major Results

The analyses of the A1 Sufouh, Una rl , Unar2 and Tell

Abraq assemblages indicate a number of variations in

metallurgical technology and alloy use. Objects of unal-

loyed copper are used at all four sites, as are copper-base

alloys including As/Ni-copper (containing approximately

one to six percent arsenic andlor nickel) and tin-bronze

(>2percent Sn). However, while the types of alloys used

in southeastern Arabia are relatively limited, the fre-

quency of alloy use changes dramatically over the half a

millennium (ca. 2450-2000 BCE) covered by the tomb

assemblages. Thus, As/Ni-copper was particularly

prominent in the earlier Urnm al-Nar objects from A1

Sufouh, but was rare in the latest tomb assemblage from

Tell Abraq. In contrast, tin-bronze appears with greater

frequency in the later third millennium BCE:a few tin-

bronzes with low tin concentrations (0.5-5.0 percent Sn)

are recorded at A1 Sufouh and Una rl , whereas more

than half of the objects from the latest Urnm al-Nar

assemblages from Unar2 and Tell Abraq were manufac-

tured of tin-bronze, often with greater than 10 percent

Sn. A number of objects, particularly from the Unar2tomb, are ternary alloys with significant concentrations

of both tin and arsenic. Other complex alloys are rare,

but include one example each of the Cu-As-Pb and Cu-

Sn-Pb ternary alloys (with one to two percent Pb), and

one example of a Cu-As-Ag alloy (with 2.3 percent Ag).

Returning to the basic aim of this study, analyse

copper-base objects from the four Urnm al-Nar Peri

sites in the U.A.E. indicate that the alloying practice

recorded at Tell Abraq in previous studies by the au

(Weeks 1997) are not unique in the northern Oman

Peninsula. The patterns of metal-use a t Tell Abraq s

numerous parallels to contemporary Urnm al-Nar P

sites in the U.A.E. A strong contrast remains, howev

between the results of the present study and those u

taken on contemporary material from southeastern

Arabia (Prange et al. 1999) .

The strongest compositional differences in the

U.A.E. objects analyzed in this volume are between

A1 Sufouh and Tell Abraq assemblages. These tomb

assemblages sit at the opposite ends of our half mill

um span, and their observed compositional diversity

might reflect this chronological separation. Howeve

compositional variability of the assemblages is not c

plete, as statistical analyses have indicated that the cper objects from each of the tomb assemblages were

tively similar in terms of their minor and trace elem

compositions. In contrast, the tin-bronzes from Un

Unar2 and Tell Abraq were relatively distinct from

other in terms of their overall composition.

The discussion presented in Chapter Five focuse

the impurities of iron and sulfur found in the Urnm

Nar Period objects, and the concentrations of the p

tial alloying elements arsenic, nickel, and tin. The p

ence of sulfur and iron in the Urnm al-Nar Period o

reflects the ores that were used to produce them, th

smelting technology employed, and the degree of re

that the raw copper received prior to object fabrica

The high iron and sulfur concentrations would have

adversely affected the working properties of the raw

per, and a refining stage prior to fabrication (i.e. sec

ary refining) would have been necessary in order to

duce satisfactory objects. Evidence of such refining

tices has been found in abundance at Bronze Age se

ments in the Gulf region, including sites such as Bat

8, Tell Abraq, Saar, Qala'at al-Bahrain, and FailakaA review of the mineralogical, metallurgical, an

technological aspects of the production of As/Ni-co

objects in southeastern Arabia suggests that they ar

most likely to have been natural alloys inadvertently

duced as a result of the types of ores exploited and






These outlying objects, exclusively tin-bronzes or

copper-low tin objects, make up about one quarter of the

42 copper-base objects that underwent LIA. The remain-

ing objects show a small number of clear isotopic matches

with Omani ores, but nevertheless fall into the (very

broad) isotopic range of southeastern Arabian copper

deposits (207Pb/206Pb ca. 0.838-0.872). Given the limited

nature of the ore database as it currently stands, it is

impossible to determine whether the lack of isotopic

matches between U.A.E. copper-base objects analyzed in

this study and Omani ores reflects a separate provenance,

or merely the limited number of analyses of appropriate

ore sources. Certainly, the isotopic signature of the metal-

lic tin ring from Tell Abraq and isotopic similarities

between U.A.E. objects and third millennium BCE tin-

bronzes from other areas of Western Asia suggest that the

tin-bronzes may be composed entirely of foreign metal,

and that this metal may be difficult to distinguish isotopi-

cally from Omani copper ores.The ultimate source of the tin in the U.A.E. tin-

bronzes almost certainly lay to the east or northeast of

Iran, in Afghanistan, Tajikistan or Uzbekistan. Geological

research and archaeometallurgical studies in Central Asia

have demonstrated the presence of many tin deposits, and

some evidence for their having been worked by the early

second millennium BCE. The situation in Afghanistan is

less clear, due to the inaccessibility of the region for

research over the past few decades. However, the combi-

nation of early tin-bronze use and abundant geological

evidence for cassiterite deposits in a number of areas of

the country make Afghanistan a prime candidate for a

source of tin used in the Gulf region and other areas of

Bronze Age Western Asia. This metal probably reached

the Gulf through a number of intermediaries, and the

archaeological evidence from southeastern Arabia points

particularly to trade with the Indus Valley, and possibly

Iran, as the immediate source of Gulf tin and probably

also tin-bronze. The above claims do not represent a rejec-

tion of the evidence for tin extraction that has been found

in the Taurus Mountains of Turkey, but merely a reflec-tion of the kinds of cultural contacts that seem to charac-

terize the polities of the southern Gulf region. Clearly, any

discussion of tin production and exchange in wider

Western Asia must deal not only with the potential eastern

sources, but also with those in Anatolia.

Generally, the evidence for the inconsistent ado

of tin-bronze across Western Asia suggests that, in

tion to considerations of technology and trade rout

"ideological" aspects of early metal use often condi

tioned the adoption of the new alloy. Indeed, it is c

that technological changes, such the adoption of a n

harder, more easily cast and worked alloy like tin-

bronze, were mediated at every stage by cultural va

To co-opt a phrase used by Hamilton (1991), tin-b

is best thought of as a "cultural alloy", whose ado

and use was conditioned by the social contexts in w

it was produced, exchanged, and utilized.

Prospects for Future Research

Much of the discussion presented in this volume ha

served to highlight the limitations in our understan

of early copper production in southeastern Arabia.

particular, the current understanding of primary co

extraction as having gone through distinct periods intensification and decline requires close scrutiny. A

complete understanding of Bronze Age copper prod

tion in southeastern Arabia will require investigatio

both the earliest metallurgy in southeastern Arabia

the Hafit and early Umm al-Nar Periods, as well a

metallurgical activities in the Wadi Suq Period and

Bronze Age.

The Hafit Period has produced significant evide

for the use of copper-base objects but virtually no e

dence for contemporary copper smelting. Determinin

whether these early copper-base objects are foreign o

local products (as usually assumed) is of critical inte

Analyses of objects from Hafit period sites may be c

in determining whether Hafit Period copper-base obj

were imported, or if they represent the development

copper extraction technology in southeastern Arabia

through direct adoption from neighbouring regions s

as Iran, or a process of stimulus diffusion. Finding a

studying evidence for Hafit Period copper smelting w

of the greatest significance. Smelting sites such as th

al-Batin recorded by Yule and Weisgerber (1996:141with TL dates around the middle of the third millen

BCE and a slag typology different to that seen at lat

Umm al-Nar Period sites, are a hopeful indication th

evidence for early smelting will be recovered in the

archaeological record of southeastern Arabia.




Obta ining secure evidence for primary c opper

extraction in the Wadi Suq Period will require intensive

investigation of the very few sites, such as Masirah

Island, that show some evidence of Wadi Suq Period

exploitation. The investigation of even one such site

could radically alter our understanding of this critical

period of copper production and trad e in the Gulf

region. However, efforts must also be ma de to determine

the exact chronological range of the numerou s O man ismelting sites designated Bronze Age because of their

slag typology. Although dating of such sites can be diffi-

cult, programs of TL dating (H austein et al. 200 3) may

aid in their interpretation. Comp osit ional and isotopic

analyses of contemporary Wadi Suq copper-base objects

from to mb assemblages (e.g. Qa ttara h) will also be

impo rtant in reaching conclusions ab ou t second millen-

nium co pper smelt ing in southeastern Arabia.

Determining the organization of Bronze Age (and

later) copper production in southeastern Arabia sh ould

also be a major focus of future research. Understanding

the impact of copper production on the Bronze Age pop-

ulation southeastern Arabia necessitates an understand-

ing of the w ay in which copper mining an d smelting

were integrated with o ther social and economic activi-

ties. In investigating this issue, detailed field reconnais-

sance at large extraction sites such as Wadi Salh 1 and

Tawi Ubaylah will be critical. Our current treatment of

these sites as homogeneous, indivisible, large-scale col-

lections of extraction residue, means that they are mute

regarding the ways in which Bronze Age com munities

organised production. In order t o understand prod uction

at such sites, factors such as the scale, context, concen-

tration and intensity of extractive processes (Costin

19 91 ) must be investigated. Attention m ust also be paid

to the variability of production regimes that character-

ized Bronze Age southeastern Arabia. Thus, relatively

small sites like Wadi Fizh 1, where coppe r extraction is

integrated within the context of village subsistence farm-

ing, require investigation of their productive processes as

much as the larger si tes mentioned above.Such approaches will allow archaeologists to move

from a primarily technological understanding of early

metallurgy in southeastern Arabia tow ards a m ore

behavioral interpr etation of the archaeo meta llurgical evi-

dence. The large outp ut of copper from Bronze Age

Om an, for 4,000 tonnes of copper is indeed a very

amount, must be contextualised in terms of individu

and group hum an behaviors. H ow m uch copper wa

smelted an d h ow this w as accomplished technologic

are im portan t archaeo metallurgical questions. How

more complex an d intractable archaeological proble

remain to be addressed. These include an u nderstan

of wh o controlled copper production in Bronze Age

Om an, both in organizational (poli t ical) terms and terms of access to the technical (i.e. ritua l) knowled

tha t lay at the h eart of copp er extraction. Such que

raise others, for example the status of those involve

the mining and smelting of copper in Magan. Such

will no do ub t prove difficult to unrave l, but neverth

they lay at the heart of a ny understanding of the w

which mining and smelting were integrated with po

cal, economic, and subsistence activities in Bronze A


With regard t o othe r problems, the question of

metal sources and exchange will only be satisfactori

investigated through greatly expanded programs of

of O man i sources, and sources in the neighbouring

regions of Iran, Pakistan, India and Central Asia. V

important preliminary research along these lines is

undertaken by. the German mining Museum in O ma

(Prange et al . 1 99 9) and in Iran (Chegini et al . 2000

well as by other groups (e.g. Stos-Gale 2001; Sriniv

19 99 ). Of course, such iso topic analyses will only b

compo nent of archaeom etallurgical research a t imp

tant Bronze Age primary produc tion si tes across the

Indo-Iranian borderlands.

Finally, despite the significant advances th at ha

been made over the last decade in the knowledge of

tin sources used in Bronze Age western and central

a definitive understanding of early production cente

and exchange mechanisms has not been achieved. T

basic found ations for the d iscussion of this issue wi

continue to be provided by field research at putativ

sources in Anatolia, Uzbekistan, and Tajikistan. It i

be hoped that related research will soon be possibleAfghanistan, given the enormous significance of thi

region for the resolution of the tin problem . In th

Gulf region, our understanding of early alloying pr

tices would be considerably improved by the analys

copper-base objects from third m illennium contexts

Summary and Conclusion



the Central Gulf. Few assemblages of such date are

known, but material from Tarut Island and from City I

contexts at Qala'at al-Bahrain can be cited, whose study

would be extremely enlightening for the discussion of

early tin and tin-bronze exploitation.

As noted above, all of this metallurgical research

must be interpreted with an understanding of the social

relationships that determined the ways in which tin and

tin-bronze were produced, exchanged, and utilized.

Although we may never be able to satisfactorily address

some of these questions in an archaeological context,

their influence in the shaping of the archaeometallurgi-

cal record is clear. Indeed, the realization of the social

embeddedness of technological systems has been one of

the most significant theoretical developments in archaeo-

metric research in the last few decades. Although the

explanations that can be offered by studies synthesising

metallurgical, archaeological, historical and ethnograph-

ic data are often tentative, limiting our conclusions toissues of materials science can only marginalise archaeo-

metric studies within the wider discipline of archaeology.

Striving to explain human behavior, and to embed our

explanations of technological systems in social processes,

must remain the goal of the archaeometallurgist.




Appendix 1 A.l Analytical Techniques

Analytical

Techniques and

Data Treatment

A . l l . PIXE Sample Preparation

Samples taken for analysis were usually sm all, pre-e

ing fragments. If a sam ple had to be removed from

larger object, a fine-bladed handsaw was used. For

analyses, samples with dimensions of greater than

approximately five mm were taken. Samples were a

inevitably heavily corroded. For analysis, material f

the center of the sample was exposed by abrasion, a

polished using wet-and-dry sandpaper grades 320, 6

800, and 1,200. The samples were cleaned in distille

water and mounted on Cr-coated iron brackets on t

long target stick just prior to analysis.

A.1.2. PIXE Instrumental and Analytical Detailscourtesy of Dr. Grahame Bailey)

1. Samples, mounted on a long target stick, w

positioned a t the center of an evacuated tar

chamber and bombarded w i th 2.5 MeV pro

from ANSTO's 3MV accelerator. A schema

the SR 2 target ch amb er is illustrated in Fig

A.1.

2. Gamma rays and X-rays, produced from pr

interactions within the target material, were

counted simultaneously by two detectors po

tioned at angles of 1 35 and 22 5 degrees fro

the incident proton beam direction.

3. The gamma rays were counted by a large, 6

mm diameter intrinsic Ge detector situated

side the chamber. This detector was su rroun

with 20 mm of lead shielding to reduce con

butions from the natural background.

4. The X-rays were counted by a small 4 m m

diameter Si(Li) X-ray detector, placed close

the target, and situated inside the target ch

ber vacuum to minimise attenuation of lowenergy X-rays. The X -ray detector, w hich is

structed with a fixed 25pm Be entrance win

was fitted with an additional pinhole filter.

pinhole filter consisted of a combination of

47pm Mylar disc, at tached to a 1.68 mm th

perspex disc, which had a small pinhole dri

in the center. Th e M ylar filter, in com binati

with the inh erent Be filter, is required t o pr



Figure A.l SR2 target chamber schematic.

scattered protons from the target surface reach-

ing the sensitive volume of the X-ray detector.

The pinhole filter is used to reduce the count-

ing rate in the X-ray detector to manageable

levels (set at a figure of about five percent dead

time) by preferentially attenuating low energy

X-rays from the light elements such as A1 and

Si, which are often present in samples in high

concentrations.

5. Samples were exposed to a fixed proton charge,

together with a number of standards and car-

bon blanks, which allows for calibration of the

two detectors.6. The calculation of element concentrations from

the X-ray spectra was done using the ANSTO

PIXAN X-ray analysis software package, which

has be adapted for use on a fast unix-based

computer (Clayton et al. 1987).

A.1.3. Sensitivity, Precision, and Accuracy

of the PIXE data

The sensitivity of the PIXE technique is represented

quanti ty known as the Minimum Detectable Level

(MDL), which is calculated for each quantified elem

in each analyzed sample. The MDL is the theoretica

minimum amount of an element that can be discerne

the PIXE analytical technique, and is dependent upo

the atomic weight of the individual element, the com

sitional matrix of the analyzed sample, and the parti

lar instrumental set-up employed in individual labor

ries (Fleming and Swann 1986).

The effect of atomic weight on the MDL for a pticular element is illustrated in Figure A.2, which sh

the average MDLs for every element for the Umm a

samples analyzed in this volume. However, matrix e

can also be observed in these data . The MDLs for th

three elements closest to copper (CO, Ni and Zn) ar

204 Early Metallurg y of th e Persian Gulf



Atomic Number and MDL

100000

Pm

S. SnL

10 15 20 25 30 35 40 45 50 55

Atomic Number

Figure A.2 The relationship be tween PIXE sensitivity and atomic n umb er.

higher than elements of similar atomic weight, which

reflects the difficulty in measuring low concentrations ofthese elements in high-copper samples.

MDLs can vary greatly between laboratories as a

result of instrumental set-up. For example, the MDL for

silicon in this analytical program is commonly between

one and two percent, whereas the MDL for arsenic is

generally less than 100 ppm. Detection limits for these

elements at the MASCA laboratory, University of

Pennsylvania, are 1 7 ppm and 160 ppm respectively

(Fleming and Swann 1986 : 146). The large difference in

Si detection levels between the laboratories results from

the use of a pinhole filter for the ANSTO analyses (see

section A. 1.2, point 4 ) which severely attenuates the

low-energy electron signal from light elements such as

A1 and Si.

The MDL values presented in Chapter Four for each

element are a statistical simplification of the large

amount of raw MDL data collected during PIXE analy-

ses, and represent an average MDL value calculated

from the MDL data for all the analyzed samples.

However, significant variations can be seen between

samples from different sites, which reflect the differingperformance of the ANSTO PIXE system on a day-to-

day basis.

The higher the concentration of a particular element

above the MDL, the better the precision that can be

associated with the measurement. The relationship

between MDL and precision for samples from Tell

Abraq analyzed on the ANSTO PIXE system is illused in Figure A.3. As can be seen, values below the M

although frequently produced by the quantification

ware, are highly unreliable. Percentage standard dev

tions are commonly in the range of 40-10,000 perce

concentrations below the MDL. At levels of one to

times the MDL, percentage standard deviations are

erally in the 15-40 percent range. At concentrations

more than about five times the MDL, precision is be

than ca. 210 percent for most elements.

As noted in section A.1.2 (point S , each analyt

run involved the calibration of the PIXE detectors u

standards of known composition, which are used to

rect for possible systematic errors such as offset in t

target current measurement. The standards used for

0.01 0.1 1 10 100 1000 10000

St. Dev. (%)

Figure A.3 The relationship b etwee n PIXE precision and eleme

concentration.

Appendix 1



analyzeds of archaeological samples were tw o AN STO

in-house geological standa rds GSR3-A and GSR3-B.

The overall experimental error of the A NSTO PIXE sys-

tem is ca. 210 percent (Dr. R. Siegele, ANSTO, personal

communication).

A.1.4. Problems Measuring Chromium Concentrations

As noted in Section A.l . l , rchaeological samples were

mounted on chromium-coated i ron brackets for PIXE

analysis at ANSTO. F ollowing the analysis of the majo r-

i ty of samples presented in Weeks (2 00 0a ), an interest-

ing pat tern w as found in the C r concentrat ions. The Cr

data for al l objects analyzed in Weeks (2 00 0a ) are i l lus-

trate d in Figure A.4. They sh ow a strongly bimo dal dis-

t r ibut ion wi th modes at 0-500 pprn Cr and 4,500-5,000

pprn Cr.

Exa mina tion of the pu blished analyses of Bronze

Age and Iron Age copper-based objects from Western

Asia indicated that C r concen trations of greater than c a.2,000 pprn were extremely rare, an d close scrutiny was

subsequently given to the Cr data provided by the

ANS TO PIXE system. To test the validity of the A NSTO

results, 8 samples with high concentra tions of mo re than

5,000 pprn Cr were re-analyzed using mou nting brackets

coated wi th nickel rather tha n chromium. One sample

wi th relat ively low Cr concentrat ion (ca. 16 0 ppm) was

also re-analyzed on the different brackets.

The results proved conclusively tha t the high Cr con-

centration s recorded in the init ial analyses were spuri-

ous. All samples with high Cr con centra tions reported

Cr levels of less than 2 00 pprn u po n re-analysis. Th e

sample wi th low C r concentrat ion of ca. 1 60 pprn was

foun d to contain ca. 70 pprn Cr up on re-analysis. Upon

cons ultat ion with ANS TO technical staff, i t seems l i

that the sp urious Cr concentrat ions resul ted from p r

lems in proton -beam alignment, whereby a part of th

beam wa s hitt ing the bracket holding the archaeolog

sample rath er th an just the sample i tself.

The possibil ity th at some of the iron recorded in

lyzed samples was a by-produ ct of po or beam alignm

was also considered. PIXE compos it ional analysis of

Cr-coated iron bracket suggested tha t the possible ir

contaminat ion was appro ximately 1 0 percent of the

contam ination. This finding allowed fo r the correcti

iron con centration s given by the PIXE analyses usin

formula: Femodified Feoriginal 0.1 Cr

All Fe concentra tions presented in this volume h

been corrected in the above manner prior to norma l i

t ion. Such findings a re obviously of impor tance for p

ous PIXE analyses undertaken at ANSTO. As an exa

ple, the high C r concen trations repor ted in the analy

pre-Islamic copper-based co ins from A rabia (Gra ve 19 96 b) are alm ost certainly false. The findings sugg

that the nickel -coated brackets employed a t ANSTO

shou ld be used in preference to Cr-coated brackets, a

aperture through which the beam ca n pass is larger o

Ni-coated brackets (1 0 mm as opposed to f ive mm ).

larger aperture of the Ni-coated brackets reduces the

sibil ity of contam ination throug h po or beam alignm

A.1.5. LIA Sample Prep aration and A nalytical Details

(courtesy Prof. Ken Collerson)

TIMS: All archaeological objects from Tell Abr aq w e

analyzed a t the facilities the Advanced Cen ter for

Que enslan d University Iso tope Research E xcellence

(ACQ UIRE ) of the D epartm ent of Ea rth Sciences,

University of Q ueen sland, using TIMS. Small shavin

from each a rtefact were retrieved and stored in clean

teflon SavillexB beakers. Each samp le was cleaned u

deionised water a nd acetone in ultra sonic bath prior

dissolution with hot HC1-doped 7 N H N 03 . Followi

evaporat ion to dryness on a hot plate at -75 C shav

were conv erted to chloride using 7pl of 6 N HC1.Samples were taken u p with 3pl HBr for loading o

0-500 1000- 2000- 3000- 4000- 5000- 6000- 7000- ion-exchange columns. Lead separa tions were carried1500 2500 3500 4500 5500 6500 7500

using stan dard HBr-HCl chemistry o n columns fi lled wCr ( P P ~ )

1 0 0 m1 A G -1~ 8 , 200 -4 00mesh an ion exchange resin Figure A.4 Chromium concentrations in all analyzed PIXE samples.

procedures of Til ton (1 73) .

2 6 Early Metal lurgy o f the Persian Gu lf





the median rather than the average as a measure of cen-

trality, as it is less affected by outlying data. Percentiles

are preferred to standard deviations as a measure of dis-

persion for a similar reason; standa rd deviations contain

little descriptive power in situations where the data are

strongly asymmetrical. The particular use of the tenth to

ninetieth percentile range to describe the dispersion of

the data is arbitrary, but offers a reasonable middle

choice between the absolute range of the data (whichcan be strongly affected by outliers) and more common-

ly cited percentile-based me asures of dispersion such a s

the interquartile range, which represents only the middle

50 percent of the data dispersion.

A.2 .3. Previous Analyses Summarized

The summarized previous analyses of Umm an-N ar

objects (2700-2000 BCE) incorporate material from

Umm an -Nar Island (Berthoud 1979 ; Frifelt 1 975a ,

1991; Hauptm ann 19 95) , Hi li , Jebel Hafi t and Qarn

Bint Saud (Berthoud 197 9), Maysar 1, Maysar 4 and

Maysar 2 5 (H auptm ann et al . 19 88), and Tell Abraq

(Pedersen and Buchwald 19 91 ). Analyzed ingot an d

raw copper fragments (2700-2000 BCE) come from

Maysar 1, Wadi Bahla (Al-Aqir), Umm an-N ar Island

and Ra's al -Hamra (H auptm ann 1987, 1995;

Hauptman n et al . 1988 ; Craddock 1981 ). The previous

analyses of Wadi Suq and Late Bronze Age material

(2000-1300 BCE) incorporate objects from Masirah

Island, Maysar 9, and Suweiq (H aup tma nn et al.

19 88 ), Shimal settlement area SX and Shimal tomb

SH1 02 (Weeks 2000 a). A significant amoun t of previ-

ously-analyzed metal comes from tomb assemblages of

mixed Wadi Suq to Iron Age date (2000-30 0 BCE).

Summarized analyses include those from Shimal tomb s

1 and 2 (Craddock 1 985) , Sharm (Weeks 2000b), Jebel

Buheis and Al-Qusais (Weeks 2000a) and Qattarah

(Ab u Dha bi Na tional Oil Company: n.d.). Previously

a n a l ~ z e d ron Age mater ial (1300-300 BCE) comes pri-

marily from the IbriISelme hoard (Prange and

Hauptman n 2001; Hauptmann 1987) , t he Qidfa tomb(Im-Obersteg 1987 ; Weeks 200 0a) , the collective tomb

at Bithnah (Co rbou d et al . 19 96 ), the settlement of

Muw eilah (Weeks: forthcoming b), Tell Abraq

(Pedersen and Buchwald 1 99 1) , and the si te of Maysar

9 (H auptm ann et al. 198 8).

A.2 .4. Frequency Histograms

Data are summarized graphically in C hapter Four in

form of frequency histograms (e.g. Figure 4.1). The

tograms are presented in ei ther percentage terms o r

on a logari thmic (base 10 ) scale, with each order of

nitude divided into four geometric intervals correspo

ding to the squares of the fourth roo t of 1 0 (=1.78 )

an example, the divisions from 0.1 thro ugh to 10 pe

on Figure 4.1 are divided into the ranges 0.101-0.170.179-0.316, 0.317-0.562, 0.563-1.0, 1.01-1.78,

1.79-3.16, 3.17-5.62, and 5.63-10.0. O n the his-

tograms, the bar delineated by gray stippling ing rep

sents all samples for which the elemental concentrat

was below the MD L. This MDL column is placed o

histogram at the position it would occupy in the fre

quency distribution. Thus, fo r sulfur with a MD L of

0.1 percent, the MD L column is in the 0.056-0.1 pe

range (see Figure 4.1).

208 Early Meta llurgy of the Persian Gulf



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Index 'Arja, 12, 20, 22, 25-27, 29, 32-33, 42, 54, 110, 119,

134-136,143,155-156

Anatolia, 3, 16-17, 41, 113, 116, 133, 135, 140, 152,

160-163, 165-169, 172, 174-176, 179-181, 192-193,195, 198

Anau, 176

Andronovo, 171, 176

Assur, 179, 181, 187

Bactria, 65, 176, 179, 181-182, 185, 187

Bahla, 39, 56, 152, 208

Bahrain, 1, 5, 14, 43, 64, 67, 74, 84, 88, 107, 113

Bayda, 12, 22, 26, 28, 33, 42, 57, 110, 134, 136, 143, 135,

155

carnelian, 15, 60-61, 65, 67, 179-181, 185-186, 190

Cyprus, 12-13,17,22,52-53,111, 134-135,161

Dilmun, 1, 4, 14-16, 22, 37, 41, 43, 57

Dushanbe, 171

Ebla, 15, 174, 179, 180, 186, 189

Elam, 182, 184, 186-187

Failaka, 14, 182, 186-187, 198

Goltepe, 161, 168-169, 179-180

Gujarat, 15, 159, 172, 179

Hafit, 1, 3, 8, 24, 36, 55, 82, 125, 142, 200

Harappa, 37, 41, 177, 185, 192

Hili, 21, 25, 36, 42, 52, 54-57, 78, 82, 94, 96, 113, 118, 125,

138,182-183, 185-186, 188, 195, 198 ,208

Indus, 1, 3, 4, 15, 22, 34, 36-37, 41, 44, 46-47, 49, 50,

53-54, 58

Iran, 1-2, 16, 20-21, 36-37, 43, 55, 58, 60-61, 64, 67, 110,

111, 116, 127, 138, 158-159, 166, 169-170,175, 179

Italy, 172

KaneshIKiiltepe, 179, 181

Kargaly, 40



Karnab, 171, 176, 181

Kastri, 160-163, 175

Kish, 18, 173, 192

lapis lazuli, 15, 60, 67, 176, 179-180, 185, 191-191, 193-194

Lasail, 12 ,2 2, 25-26, 28, 33, 42, 53-54, 57, 110, 119,

134-136, 142-143, 155

Levant, 6 , 112, 138, 160, 166

Lothal, 37, 177, 185, 186

Magan, 1 , 14-16, 21-22, 37, 41, 43, 51, 57, 124, 137,

180-184, 186-187, 190, 19 7, 20 1

Mari, 17, 179, 187

Masirah Island, 1, 10, 13-14, 17, 22,24-25, 27-31, 37, 39

Maysar, 46-50, 52, 88, 108, 111, 119, 125, 139, 152, 186,

208

Mediterranean, 17, 123, 132, 135, 138-141, 160-161, 167,

172-1 73

Meluhha, 14, 15, 37, 41, 124, 179-182, 186-187, 190, 193

Mesopotamia, 1, 3-4, 14-18, 21, 36-37, 39-41, 43, 45, 51,

55, 57-58, 6 4,66 , 107, 123-124, 135, 138, 141, 160,

165-166, 170, 173-175,179-183, 186-188, 190-194

Mohenjo-Daro, 176, 185

Mundigak, 176

Mushiston, 18 1

Namazga, 176

Old Assyrian trade, 181

ox-hide ingot(s), 132, 139

Poliochni, 133, 160-163, 174

Qara Quzaq, 174, 188, 192

Ra7s al-Jinz, 38-39, 50, 52, 55, 183 , 190

Rajasthan, 159

Raki, 12,25-26,43, 53, 57 , 110-111, 135-136, 156-157

Ricardo7s Law of Comparative Advantage, 38-39, 52

Saar, 74, 76, 78, 82, 84, 88, 90, 10-108, 113, 152-154, 156,

160, 177-178, 186, 198-199

Samdah, 20, 22, 26, 28, 30, 54




Sarazm, 176

Sar-Cheshmeh, 159

Saudi Arabia, 1, 15, 160-161, 166

Shahdad, 36, 116 ,17 5,1 84, 194

Shahr-i Sokhta, 20, 116, 175, 184, 194