CHAPTER-IV

DROUGHTANDAGRICULTURALPRODUCTnnTY

The histo~ of droughts in Kalahandi can be traced to the days of princely rule, when the

first severe food scarcity reported in 1856, which is otherwise known as Chhapan Salar

Durbhikshya (the drought/starvation of fifty six), of the severest of all droughts. The

first official reporting on food scarcity and drought starts only in 1868. The district has

experienced another devastating drought in 1897, when famine deaths were reported at

the rate of 81 persons per square mile.185 In 1897 another drought occurred, foiiowed by

frequent droughts in 1899, 1919-20, 1922-23, 1925-26, 1929-30, 1954-55. Again after

ten years in 1965-66, in 1974-75 and the last devastating drought 1985 consequently

foiiowed by severe floods, when 1978 mm rainfaii was recorded. For that reason, it has

got a common proverbial expression, "Jala behune srusti nasha, Jala behule srusti

nasha" (too much rains spell disaster and too little spell disaster). It is a common

phenomenon in Kalahandi that drought occurs along with floods. Despite a good year of

monsoons Kalahandi hits the head lines in both print and electronics media for repeated

droughts and sever famine. However, there has been no famine, at least officially after

1947.

Stories h~lVe appeared in news papers, concentrating on certain individual cases.

Many of these attracted considerable attention especially following two cases that shook

the nation and Kalahandi become synonymous with drought, famine, starvation, child

selling and the like. Case one- Deba Majhi (35) and his wife Kamla (29) of village

Chhata (Koinna block) lost both their sons, Durbal (3) and Piladhar (1). After starving for

185 • Rao, R.S, Towards Understanding Semi-Feudal, Semi-Colonial Society, Studies in Political Economy,

1995, p.240.

165

days, they fed their children with boiled, 'wild roots' collected froni the forest nearby.

Kamla said: 'I was crying with him (pointing to the younger child) while forcing him to

swallow the roots and leaves.' In case two, Pa.D:sa punji of village Amlapali, who sold her

sister-in-law Banita Punji to a blind person Bidya Podh for Rs. 40, on July 1985. And

Pansa was widely quoted in the press as saying: 'My own two children are starving. What

could I do?' 186 The story shook the entire Nation, rocked the Parliament and the State

Assembly. Horrified by the news, Rajiv Gandhi, the then prime minister, visited

Kalahandi. These stories draw the attention of the nation to Kalahandi. But the question

remains. What in Kalahandi did it draw attention to? It left a deep impact on Kalahandi

and occasionally the media reinforced it with its often 'selective' and 'impressionistic'

reporting. 187

4.1. Drought Cosmological and Institutional

In the institutional discourse, drought is perceived as a 'natural phenomenon' that is

beyond human control. Consequently, it undermines the confidence and capabilities of

the people and making them a passive recipient of state aids. By calling it a natural

phenomenon the state not only refuses to acknowledge its responsibility but project itself

to be the only redeemer. Overlooking the mechanism other then the state, it believes that

its' actions are in the best interest of the people. Social resilience is undermined leading

to beliefs that nothing else is possible, that there is really no remedy that will promote

186• Farzand, A, (31st July, 1985), 'Face of Starvation', India Today. Also see Sainath, 1996.

187 .A study by Dan Banik (University of Oslo) of ownership patterns of newspapers in Orissa shows that virtually every newspaper is either owned and/or edited by a politician. Such persons include former Chief Ministers and Cabinet ministers, past and present members of the State Legislature and close relatives of prominent politicians. Consequently, news reports suffer from problems of credibility on account of ownership patterns and ties to political parties/specific individuals. Journalists based in the state capital, Bhubaneswar, seldom travel to remote areas ofKalahandi as a result, most reports are very impressionistic. Also the State Enquiry Committee (1993) pointed out that media sensationalize issues of poverty and hunger and the true picture experienced by the victims is generally ignored. During my field study I came across a correspondent who is usually responsible for covering two or three districts. Most news reports that he filed from Kalahandi are never published unless thy are sensational criminal cases, poverty or incidence of unnatural deaths. As a result many other factors get nowhere near the attention they need. Ever growing land alienation, deteriorating health syst~m, illiteracy, migration, distress sale of agricultural products and marginalisation of the poor are among the many issues that go unreported. Media the fourth pillar of democracy is an important stake holder in protection and promotion of rights, exposing and fighting injustice. It is one of the most powerful tools to fight socio-political evils/ injustice, affect empowerment and facilitate development. But when fictional stories hit the headline there could be a little chance of understanding and addressing the genuine problems ofKalahandi

166

self-dependence. This IS the top-down scheme of administrations construction of

droughts in Kalahandi.

However, locating drought as natural phenomenon is poles apart from the local

cosmological construction of drought. Whereas people perceive the drought in

cosmological terms. On the basis of the construction of local significance, they perceive

drought as a socially and morally produced condition. Consequently, droughts were

occasions for collectively addressing the social and moral order of the society. First we

examine the 'cosmological droughts,' and local 'coping strategies' and subsequently the

'methods to tackle' the droughts and their 'consequences'.

4.2. Cosmological Drought

Before the onset of monsoon, some fortune tellers, pujaris (tribal head or priest), gunias

(witch doctor or traditional medicine man) and astrologers foretell the percentage of

crops production in Anna (16 anna, that makes an old rupee and the term is used to

indicate 100 percent). The villagers did not attribute the droughts, to declining rainfall,

climatic change or global worming but to the occurrence of 'bad years,' after 'good years.

The good years are called 'SouZa anna,' where there was 100 percent production. But the

'bad years' are again divided into different categories, like bara anna (75 percent),

Aathana (50 percent) and less than 50 percent harvesting is called Makar

(drought/famine).

According to its severity, the locals divide droughts into 4 different categories

namely Saan Malair, Makar, Bad Makar, and Cher Makar. The drought of 1985 is called

baad markar wherein the drought of 1965 is called 'Cher Makar'. The 'Cher Makar'

was the severest ·of all where the locals abandoned their farms due to severe scarcity of

rain. Usually the names children 'born in the year of Makar or the following year are

associated with Makar. I could fmd at least some men from each community in the

village aged between 35 to 40 with name such as Makaru, Makar, Makara, that roughly

coincide with the drought of 1965.

167

Drought years bring perpetual crisis, when everything falls apart, the villagers

depend on Dhami Khunti (a sacred tree trunk) and the locally available methods and

perceptions. At the middle of the Kond Para (resident of kond) stood the trunk of a tree

garlanded and stained with vermilion and worshipped as a goddess. She is the only

saviour the villagers know who can save them from disaster. She counters diseases like

meningitis, maa (chickenpox and smallpox) and droughts and famines. On all these

occasions the villagers seek her blessings and offer sacrifices like chicken, goat and

sheep. She is their sole protector in times of dire need and in emergencies.

There was a general difference of opinion conflict within the comlnunity, centered

on the question of a lack of interest in agriculture and inclination to migrate. The, village

elders considered these to be rooted in the moral failure of the youth and usually

complained about the moral degradation of the present generation. They commented that

the younger generation was lazier and less intelligent than them or their own parents.

They had stopped taking their advice. All that they were interested in was drinking and

making quick money. No young man in the village want to engage in agriculture either he

prefers to migrate or do small business.

During drought years 'gathering and selling of fire wood' is an important

occupation, now very few practice it. Makarnanda Naik, narrated the tedious process of

the job. At dawn he used leave his house and walk 8 to 10 km to collect firewood. He

would reach home in scorching noon. The next day he carries the firewood to the nearest

market. These two days works fetch him Rs. 30. Again, though it become extinct, there

were cases of charcoal making as well. Villagers practicing such occupations also have

the advantage of.procuring wild roots and fruits from the forests. The~e were some roots

and fruits that are included in normal diet structure but there were some others like peet

or kulia kanda consumed only during acute scarcity. Collective hunting and fishing

become day to day activities in the village since there were declining activities in

agriculture field.

168

In this way, there is a link between the crisis and the dietary structure. People ate

less frequently, and usually less amount, as Sabar recalled those olden days. Due to fear

of a long spell of drought, people used to eat less rice, millet and maize and used to eat

more wild food. Approach such as this, overlooks the dynamic of dietary structure and of

food behaviour in the society. Given the situation, it is possible the victims chose to

remain hungry. After all, access to 'staple food' was only one priority; among several

others. The small savings they accumulate by starving is spent on seeds for the next

season and fodder for their cattle.

Drought and scarcity have given birth to numerous forms of labour contracts and '

mortgage system. Such as, kalibhuti -purchase of labour by the lender giving certain

amount before harvesting and coll~ting double this rate in the form of labour service

during harvest time. The labourer borrows usually foodgrains from the big farmers in the

time of food scarcity and obliged his labour in exchange. Jamisahaji,. is a method of share

cropping, where the borrower offer the exclusive right to cultivate his land the creditor

till the amount borrowed paid back.

The above discussion serves to understand the underlying ~onflict between the

local and the external interpretation of drought. By drought they not only meant the

shortage of rain consequently shortage of production, but also collectively addressing the

degrading social and moral order of the society especially of younger generation.

4.3. Discourse on Institutional Drought

The official explanation of Kalahandi's crisis veers around the hypothesis of insufficient

agricultural production, caused by two factors, one, meteorological drought (scanty and

erratic rain fall), two, traditional faulty methods of cultivation and mono-cropping.

Alongside there is a popular perception and prejudice about the district and the

inhabitants that 'people in the region are lazy, indolent, innocent and superstitious.' This

prejudice is still prevalent among the state officials especially who comes from the

coastal district of Orissa. Since local ·agricultural practices are seen as haphazard,

essentially low in productivity and non-progressive. The government introduced

169

agricultural policy with a more modem outlook to increase production. In the following

discussion I will consider these three factors.

4.4. Meteorological Droughts Drought is a complex phenomenon, more so in Kalahandi. For instance, there could be

agricultural drought, even when there is no meteorological drought. Yet again, you can

have hydrological drought where precipitation decreases and some time after that the

water level of rivers, streams, reservoirs, aquifers and of the ground water level may

come down. The reasons for these are well known but seldom addressed. It is easier to

put the blame on nature. Meteorological drought is defined as fall in the precipitation as

compared to the average precipitation over a given period of time in a specific

geographical region.

year Jan

1983 -1984 -1985 33.00

1986 23.00

1987

1988

1989

1990

1991

1992 5.00

1993

1994

1995 44.00

1996 8.00

1997 20.00

1998

1999

2000

2001

2002 -Average 6.65

Table No. 4.1: Monthly Rainfall Distribution of Last 20 years of Bhawanipatna Block of Kalahandi (1983-2002)

Feb Mar April May June July August Sept Oct Nov Dec

49.40 5.40 35.80 34.80 121.00 353.60 507.00 239.80 40.80 - -10.00 66.30 10.40 191.60 477.00 280.00 245.20 19.10 - - -3.00 9.00 3.00 19.00 315.00 278.00 687.00 484.00 147.00 - -23.00 7.00 105.00 20.00 520.00 373.00 296.00 88.00 48.00 22.00 -

38.00 10.00 51.00 135.00 264.00 203.00 290.00 102.00 48.00 - -15.00 19.00 68.00 23.00 266.00 248.00 176.00 293.00 57.00 - -

9.00 5.00 57.20 362.00 191.00 303.00 197.00 4.00 18.00 - -29.00 93.00 63.00 273.00 345.00 370.50 401.00 371.00 596.00 172.00 -

30.00 31.00 134.00 710.00 654.00 153.00 66.00 33.00 - - -41.00 54.00 386.00 452.00 544.00 147.00 31.00 1.00 - - -

- 3.00 22.00 66.00 227.00 411.00 232.00 174.40 101.00 - -19.00 31.00 76.00 296.00 533.00 549.00 240.00 7.00 4.00 - -- 2.00 2.00 99.00 82.00 371.00 532.00 140.00 45.00 82.00 -

42.00 32.00 12.00 112.00 341.00 255.00 55.00 23.00 .6.00 - -19.00 - 65.00 7.00 70.00 228.00 382.00 176.00 18.00 39.00 87.00

25.00 63.00 12.00 22.00 172.00 298.00 118.00 213.00 45.00 27.00 -

- - ~ 154.00 169.00 334.60 188.00 263.00 36.00 4.00 -

97.00 8.00 70.00 254.50 328.00 216.00 133.00 20.00 - - -17.00 65.00 567.50 1202.00 464.00 79.00 - - - - -

54.00 37.00 60.00 202.00 62.50 20.00 - - - - -13.52 15.87 30.405 59.92 238.13 391.185 359.45 202.195 71295 16.90 5.25

Source: Dtstnct Collect orate Kalahand1, Bhawampatna

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Annual

1387.60

1299.60

1978.00

1525.00

1141.00

1165.00

1146.20

2613.50

1811.00

1661.00

1236.40

1755.00

1399.00

886.00

1111.00

995.00

1148.00

1126.50

2394.50

435.50

1410.74

However, in conventional knowledge drought has been ~ single major factor

threatening food security, affecting economic consequently leading to starvation in

Kalahandi. Oppose to the popular believe that rain is the single mbst factors to produce

drought do not hold truth anymore. The lowest rainfall that Kalahandi has had in the past

twenty years was 978 mm. that is what some districts get in 'normal' years. Otherwise,

Kalahandi's annual rainfall has been on an average, 1, 250mm188., From 1983-2002 the

average annual rainfall of the district is 1410.47mm.189 From 1995-2001 the district had

an average rainfall of 1, 294 mm of rainfall. This is the average rainfall (1200 mm) shows

in the official document but the data from collected from the district headquarter shows

200 average annual rainfall more.

4.4.1. Hydrological Drought

Hydrological drought is associated with the effects of periods of rainfall shortfalls on the

water levels of rivers, reservoirs and lakes, and aquifers. There could be hydrological

drought when there is unseasonal or erratic rainfall. 190 Again the ~ound water level in

the region is quite normal and there is no scarcity of ground water in the region. On an

average, in depth of 5.32 meters the ground water is available across the seasons and land

types. The seasonal variation in the water table is relatively constant, so is the case of low

land and upland. Except for a few districts in the coastal region, the ground water table

throughout the state is more or less the same. Utilisation of ground w~ter is relatively low

in Orissa as well as in Kalahandi as well, which is 14.79 and 12. 83 respectively.191 There

are no signs of any hydrological drought as it is clearly mentioned in the table below. The

following table shows the average level of ground water in the Bhawanipatna block.

188 Sainath,P. (1996), Everybody Loves a Good Drought: Stories from India's Poorest Districts, Penguin, ~.318 .

89• Watershed Mission Bhawanipatna, Micro Watershed Pariagaon, Code no. 5-03210203, p. 56.

190 Hydrological droughts usually are noticed some time after meteorological droughts. First precipitation decreases and some time after that, levels of rivers and lakes decrease. This kind of drought affects uses that depend on the levels of rivers, reservoirs, lakes, and aquifers, such as: hydroelectric power production, recreational uses, ecosystems, industry, urban areas, irrigation. Also See Linsley, et al., (1975). 191

• See Website, orissawater.com.

171

Dug Well Location

Upland

Medium Land

Low Land Monthly Average

Table No.4.2: Ground Water Table (Average Depth in Meter of Open Well)

Jan Feb Mar Apri May June July August Sept. Oct.. Nov. Dec. I

4.16 4.80 6.40 7.12 7.64 8.10 7.48 6.50 3.70 2.93 3.40 3.80

3.54 4.70 6.10 6.21 7.48 8.05 7.27 5.95 4.95 2.63 3.00 3.50

3.98 4.63 5.60 6.29 7.30 7.90 7.20 5.62 2.60 3.43 3.70 3.80

3.89 4.71 6.03 6.54 7.47 8.16 7.31 6.02 3.75 2.99 3.36 3.7

Source- Collected from D1stnct Collectorate Bhawan1patna.

Besides, Kalahandi produces more food per person than both Orissa and India as a

whole.192 The River Tel is flowing throughout the year, there is a stream besides five

ponds, in the village. Although there are occasion droughts but there is no permanent :·:.

scarcity of rain or any complaint of water scarcity in the region. Despite all natural

resources this there is 63 percent ofBPL.

4.4.2. Agricultural Drought

Such drought occurs when there is not enough water available for a particular crop to

grow in a particular time. Agricultural drought is typically evident after meteorological

drought (when rainfall decreases) but before a hydrological drought (when the level of

rivers, lakes and reservoirs decreases). In short it is metrological drought to agricultural

impacts.193

However, instead of going by the technical definition, we can see the over all

production and per capita production of foodgrains. For last 20 years, the per capita food

production of ~lahandi is more that of state average, in some years it has gone over

even national average. In 1989-90 when Kalahandi was realign under drought, the per

capita production of food for all of India was 203 kg per citizen, for Orissa it was 253 kg

and for Kal~andi in the same year the per capita production of food was 331 kg. look. In

2001 the district produced more than both state and national average per person.

192 See Sainath, 1996. 193 It doesn't depend only in the amount of rainfall, but also on the correct use of that water. A plant's demand for wat~r on prevailing metrological conditions, the biological character of plants and its stage of growth, and the physical and biological property of the soil. Also See Laikhtman and Rusin, 1975 and T.Singh, 1995.

172

Aver age

5.50

5.28

5.17

5.32

However, there are other circumstantial evidences that Kalahandi produces

surplus food. There are many be a shit in agricultural pattern as big farmers adopting cash

crops _ but Kalahandi still produce enough of good grains. On the one, the district

frequently capture news headlines for drought and starvation on the other the same

district is one of the highest numbers of rice mills in Orissa. The number of rice mills in

the district was around 150 in the year 2004-05. A simple reason if there is no surplus

rice production than why there would be so many rice. In fact, these rice mills are doing a

lucrative business in the district as reported by scholars like Currie. He found that trucks

load of rice is exported from the district while more than 60 of its inhabitants are not able

to meet their two meals a day.

Right after harvest foodgrains are cheaper in the village but within few months it

becomes expensive. Price increase in foodgrains is a common feature in rural Kalahandi;

the poor suffer whether there is a good harvest or bad one. In the peak agricultural season

food items are relatively cheaper and there were wage labour available but in the lean

season there is scarcity of employment and the price of foodgrains rises steeply. This

intermittent price fluctuation caused food insecurity among the poor which causes mass

exodus. The four basic food items (staple food) which are grown in the village and

consumed by the village poor are rice, daal (green pea, masur), vegetables (Onion,

Tomato, Bean) and cooking oil (Mustard, and teel).

Table No. 4.3: Price differences of basic food items in the month of November to December and July to August 2004-05: (the price are counted on Rs./per Kglltr)

Food Items Particular Nov-December July-August Price variation Rice Rice 6 8.50 2.50 Daal Dry Peas 08 12 04

Masur 15 20 05 Green peas 05 08 03

Vegetable Onion 08 12 04 Tomato 02 20 18 Beans 05 15 10

Cooking oil Mustard 40 45 05 Own source

173

Degree of food deficiency has strong seasonal dimension. The problem becomes acute

during two times periods in a year. Most of the households reported problem of food

deficiency during the time of post harvest of rabi crop to kharif sowing period (moth of

May to July).194

It is an accepted fact that even in a good monsoon year with abundant harvest

Kalahandi district hits the headlines for its infamous poverty and malnutrition caused by

drought. For instance, there was report and set of photographs from the drought-affected

villages in Koraput, Kalahandi and Bolangir in 1990.195 The Food Corporation of India's

(FCI) godowns might be overflowing but in the villages of Kalahandi is- still suffering

from desperate hunger. Indeed, there appears to be a general consensus among successive

ruling parties in the State to avoid the terms 'poverty' or 'starvation' in referring to

Kalahandi. The preferred word is 'drought' because it is occurs not just in Kalahandi but

in other parts of India as well. By calling it a drought attention can be diverted away from

institutional failures to natural causes. Precious natural resources that can mitigate the

human suffering to a large extent have remained unexploited.

4.4.3. Ecological Drought

Currie, Sainath and Jagdish Pradhan of Sahabaghi Vikash Abhiyan (a community based

organisation) all agreed in one position that water scarcity in these regions has very little

to do with poor rainfall. There is no scarcity of rain in Kalahandi, it gets average annual

rainfall above 1, 250 mm, along with it there is abundance of ground water, which is

available under 5 meter. Even during years of insufficient rainfall, the farmers used to

save the paddy crop with one or two irrigations using traditional sources like tanks. In a

study on drought. in Western Orissa done in October of 2000 by the Sahabaghi Vikash

Abhiyan, reveals that even during years of insufficient rainfall, the farmers used to save

the paddy crop with one or two irrigations using traditional sources like tanks. However,

this traditional water tanks are vanishing or silting up. The study also pointed out that the

water retention in the soil was higher earlier, due to the use of organic manure and

194 Radhakrishna, R, Ray, Shoven (eds), Handbook ofPoverty in India: Perspectiv~, Policies, and Programmes, Oxford University Press, New Delhi, P.25 195 See also Frontline, Vol. 18-Issue 21, Oct.13-26, 2001.

174

compost. However, the excessive use of certain variety fertilizer such as Urea has

gradually degraded water retention capacity of the soil. Furthermore, cattle rearing was a

supplementary source of income during times of stress, but due to water scarcity and

scarcity of fodder and pasture land and scheme like Jersy cow, there is a declining trend

in keeping cattle. 196 Along with it, there is a political crisis where the government only

interested in short term drought relief and rehabilitation package rather than looking for a

long term solution of the water scarcity. While the available ground water and the

traditional tank irrigation can minimise the drought distress this is not been seriously

address by the state.

'Modernisation of agriculture,' is the catch word of the state agricultural policy.

Due to modernisation, possibly state institutions overlook the significant contribution of

traditional knowledge in water harvesting and agriculture. "They said... that he is so

devoted to Pure Science ... that he would rather have people die by the right therapy than

be cured by the wrong. 197 The time has come to reconsider some traditional, sustainable,

water-harvesting and management practices which hold the potential to change the future

of millions of suffering poor in the resource-rich but poverty-ridden western districts of

Orissa. Western Orissa has been a resource-rich region and also a region with a long

history of good and sustainable practice to manage these resources. One can easily find

that one of the prime reasons for increasing frequency of drought is the neglect of

western Orissa's traditional water-harvesting' structures. Given the undulating topography

of the region, these tanks stored water that was latter used during the dry months. So a

failure in rainfall never caused drought, of course, it might have been the cause of some

scarcity of water.

Another similar study reveals that the decay of these structures have taken a

heavy toll. There is not an iota of doubt about it. It is a myth that failure of rain has made

western Orissa a drought- prone zone. Rather, it is failure to understand the potential of

this traditional phenomenon in combating drought and providing a sustainable livelihood

196 See Chapter-III, and V. 197 Sinclair Lewis, Arrowsmith in James C. Scott (1998), Seeing Like a State: How Certain Schemes to Improve the Human Condition Have Failed, Yale University Press, London, p.339.

175

support system to the poor. Take Kalahandi for example. Official records and reports of

British travelers reveal that the first drought occurred there in 1898. They have also

referred Kalahandi as the mass of jungles and hills. The vast degradation of forest

resources and dying traditional water harvesting structures has given Kalahandi its

present scenario of unbounded poverty and accompanying misery of the people. Despite

the fact that it receives more rainfall than Punjab, the people live in penury.

The tradition water-harvesting systems developed during the Gond period and

other subsequent and parallel regimes were known to be socio-economically and

ecologically suitable and sustainable models.198 These sustainable institutions and the

management structures have now become extinct. Hundreds of thousands of physical

structures still exist in the districts of western Orissa but the modem irrigation system and

agriculture based on high external inputs have slowly put aside these people's sustainable

eco-friendly systems.

(

During colonial time abolition. of tribal authority and pursuit of more revenue

caused a serious series of disturbances resulting in the decay of the traditional irrigation

works. However, during the Gountia system in this part of Orissa, it was mandatory for

198 Th · · · d . 0 . 1 f t h" . I ese 1mgat10n systems an structures are common m western nssa as a resu t o a grea 1stonca wisdom inherited from these regimes. Bandh is a traditional pond that is usually located in the lower ridges. The water conserved is used for drinking and bathing purposes. Almost every village in western Orissa has its own bandh. Munda is a semi-circular structure found on the upper ridges of a village just above the agricultural fields. It is used for percolation purposes and to retain the moisture level of the fields. Water running away from upper areas enters this structure and the semi-circular embankment stops it from running away. It resembles the johad and each village has anywhere between five to ten such structures. Kata is a variation of the munda. It collects water from a larger catchment area. It has embankments on three sides. This is also used for percolation, but in case of rainfall failure, the embankment is breached for irrigation. In its catchment areas, farmers grow paddy and a second crop of pulses using the moisture content. Chahala is a rectangular tank dug within a paddy field but without any embankment. This water is used when water is insufficient for irrigation. Sagar is a structure measuring around eight hectares and situated just below hills and mountains. It catches rain water gushing from these hills. This is a community­owned structure and kings used to give incentives for their construction. These systems were evolved keeping in mi:J;1d the unique topography of the region. They were adopted for harvesting and managing rain water and were so skillfully designed that the sustainability factor in relation to ecology and biodiversity always got the prime emphasis. The uses of the water bodies were defined season-wise, and management terms and systems were framed in such a way as to benefit the largest possible number of people with existing resources at minimal costs. The methods of soil erosion control, wastage control, irrigation and so on were praiseworthy. Each village had its own way of managing but a commonality could be visualised, viewing at a macro level. Also see-Chapter-1.

176

the Gountias to construct tanks, kattas and mundas and look after their maintenance.

However, the succeeding exploitative British rulers framed all policies with the sole

objective of revenue maximisation, and hence these traditional systems and institutions

governing them were not promoted. 199

The decline of traditional technology continued in the post independence phase.

Problems started as the ownership of these water bodies went to the Government and

these were then handed over to the panchayats. Virtually, the ponds were overused or

misused by profit-making pisciculture and the like. Further, encroachment by the

influential people on the catchment areas has become another major problem. Large-scale

deforestation has also been responsible in degrading these water resources?00In study, I

found that the 3 major Bandh in the village Paria is exclusively used by the Gountia

which indeed one belonged to the village. However, there is a need to recognize the

potential of the people, regain their faith in themselves and in their traditional wisdom

and revival of a sustainable ecological culture.

4.5. Faulty Traditional Method of Agriculture The productivity in the village is very low because of over utilisation of agricultural land,

inadequate and untimely application of manure and fertilizers, lack of irrigation facilities,

use of traditional varieties of seeds, lack of knowledge of P!Ofit from crops, faulty

methods of cultivation, land use and mono-cropping. 201 "Improper land use and

management, farming practice and low fertility of the soil are the main problem in

. agriculture lands ... primitive method of farming technology decreases the productivity of

land."202

Farming systems· in Kalahandi was reservoirs of a huge variety of crops, many of which

are still undocumented. The indigenous practices are interlinked with animal-forest-farm

resources. Recent introduction of high yielding variety (HYV) of food and fiuit crops has

199 Pradhan, J. (1993), 'Drought in Kalahandi,: the Real Story' Economic and Political Weekly, 29 May, p. 1085. 200 See Chapter-1. 201 Watershed Mission Bhawanipatna, Pariagaon, Code no. 5-03210203, p.39. 202 Ibid. 38.

177

subsequently diverted the farming systems from mixed crop cultivation to mono-crop

cultivation leading to the loss of agro-biodiversity. The region had a rich agricultural

tradition of its own which has now vanished. 'Modem agriculture' and 'progressive

agriculture' have become synonymous with the spread of the high yielding variety of

crops (HYV) requiring ever-increasing doses of (often imported) chemical fertilizers and

pesticides. Wherever the new crop varieties have spread, traditional agriculture has been

harshly uprooted. This choice, however, has not been made willingly by most farmers,

rather it has been forced on them by a package of government policies, subsidies and

selective price incentives. Many of their successful practices have been look down upon

although some are still prevalent. The term traditional ~r primitive agricultural systems

are associated with the socio-cultural values of farmers. n is not only agriculture but also

the entire socio-cultural practices have been under inspeetion. Traditional knowledge can

be overvalued or romanticized, but that is better than despising or ignoring it.

To corroborate the above cited statement, I carried out interviews of officers and field

workers in department viz., the District Agriculture Department and the Department of

Soil Conservation including some senior members of Cooperative Society, Karlapada.

The agriculture department is certain that illiteracy, ignorance and superstitions are the

causes of the backwardness of agriculture in the region. The DAO attributed the low

level of agricultural production and food scarcity to the local socio-economic practices

ritual and cultural practices. He said "more than science the farmers of the region believe

on their tradition of land ritual". He added, "they consider the land as sacred and to reap

a good harvest the land god must be pleased, so they' perform land ritual than use

pesticides or fertilizers" he said. "Any attempt to implement modem agriculture

encounters all these local constraints as people are not ready to accept this time tested

science. Instead they believe in supernatural events" he added.

Again there might be few policies designed by the state which the people failed to

recognize the benefits but the development institutions almost sure that people need to be

educated in the lines of state to overcome their unprogressive traditional practices. They

just simply qverlook the socio-economic constraints a farmer faces in the village.

178

Development in Kalahandi is like white man's burden where state officials scrutinize the

socio-cultural practices of the villagers and then prescribes some new values, culture and

ideas inculcation purely from a technical standpoint. We inherit not only the British

model of bureaucracy but also the development model where the top-down approach is so

entrenched within the system itself. The problems about development is that nobody

knows how do develop the region, regardless of all ideological positions, and theories

stemming from them.

4.6. Indolent Inhabitants and Culture of Dependence

The seed of prejudice and stigma about the people was sown long back, during the tenure

ofUdit Narayan Deo, the king. A conscious policy was adopted to encourage the Kultas

to occupy the agricultural spaces of Kalahandi. They were needed to provide the state

with far greater resources, than the 'unproductitive' and 'lazy' Konds.203 A deliberate

policy which successfully labelled the Konds as 'unproductive' and 'lazy' consequently

they were replaced gradually by the Kultas. Again, the statement made by the Panda

Commission has strong impact on the entire region. Development does not excuse

stereotypes. The Public Interest Litigation against the Government of Orissa brought by

two social workers from Kalahandi. They drew attention to the impoverished condition of

many people within the district, and the failure of government of Orissa to fulfill its duty,

as specified in the Orissa Relief Code. 204 The petitioner drew attention to shortfalls in the

effectiveness of the safety net provided by the state. He drew attention to the legislation

that exists in Orissa, designed to prevent cultivators from being forced to sell their crops

at distress prices. The farmers are compelled to sell their product much below the

minimum rate. Although a state-regulated minimum price obtains in Orissa as it does in ;

other States to counteract precipitous declines in prices. The petitioners suggested that,

the merchants concerned are in fact employed by the government as procurement agents

203 Elliot's Report on Kalahandi State, 28 July, 1856, cited in Senapati and Kuanr, Orissa District Gazetteers: Kalahandi (Cuttack, 1980), as supplement, pp.457-482. Going by the Report the Kultas were already a distinct caste during his visit, who later dominate the agriculture in the district. 204 Sri Kishan Pattnayak and Sri Kapil Tiwar, brought the Litigation on 21 October 1985, (Writ Petition (Civil) No. 12847).

179

for the Food Corporation of India.205 Such a situation leads to land mortgage which in

turn leads to land alienation and bonded labour.

205 Ibid, para. 4.

180

In response to the petition the Supreme Court of ,India appointed the Panda

Commission. The Investigating Officer, on the basis of his single handed inquiry refuted

all these allegations and ruled that the government had made extensive efforts to combat

poverty and exploitation. Strangely enough, he suggested that the persistence of poverty

and hunger was primarily the fault of the people themselves for failing to take advantage

of the opportunities provided by government schemes. This, he stated, was principally

because of their own laziness and reluctance to take an interest in their own self-·

improvement. "It is widely known in this area that the liquor vendors and shopkeepers

are only benefiting and persons who are getting loans with the provisos of subsidy for

their economic development are not using the same and as such it is felt that these people

are not taking an interest in their own economic development.206 He argued that

'labourers mostly in this part are lazy', many of them depend on state-managed food

kitchens established to provide free food. Consequently, the free kitchens wen:

generating a culture of dependency among the people. No government, he suggested,

could realistically 'lift' people who were not genuinely interested in their own socio··

economic development. The conclusions of the Panda Commission were met ·with

widespread skepticism and embarrassed the toiling mass. Several scholars and journalists

have criticized the report and subsequently the Mishra Commission was appointed to find

out the truth that either starvation or malnutrition death has taken place. Although Mishra

Commission blamed the state government for its inaction to prevent the poor from such

distress situation. 207 The prejudiced statements made by the Panda Commission about

the region and the inhabitants as 'lazy', 'indolent,' and do not want to develop but 'ever

willing really on state assistance' is still remain among few bureaucrats.

The above mentioned piece of evidence does not; match with the grassroots

reality, even at times it is contradictory to the reality. Development institutions construct

Kalahandi as a particular kind of object of knowledge, and have created a structure of

206 Panda Commission, 1988, p.251. ! 207 The Mishra Commission confirmed the allegations made by the petitioners that; one, land alienation was taking place from adivasi family in Kalahandi and the government officers had failed to implement the legislation designed to protect the poor (Mishra Commission (1990), para.&); two, it suggested that the administration Jacked initiative in addressing the problem of money lending that eventually Jed to bonded labour and land mortgage; three, it conformed the reports of the petitioners that banks and co-operatives were adopting coercive methods to recover loans from borrowers.

181

knowledge around it. In this way the world came to know about the underdeveloped

backward Kalahandi. The government formulates policy on same lines, as it generates the

information. The global aid community is mobilised into fighting drought in a district that

gets 1,500 mm of rainfall annually. It is true that much of the information disseminated

by the state institutions like DRDA, Agricultural Extension Office/Office of Soil

Conservations are either partially in some cases it is false, (see the following headlining).

The institutionalized production of certain kinds of ideas plays an important role in the

production of certain sorts of structural change. That may also create a prejudicial image

about the geographical region and the people as indolent, lazy and passive.

4. 7. Orissa Agricultural Policy 1996

The emphasis of the ongoing debate upon the agricultural sector has been made for a

number of reasons. Firstly, the importance of agriculture in Kalahandi's economic well­

being. This cannot be understated as it continues to be the largest single employer where

food production, at both the subsistence and cash crops, constitutes the foundation of the

economy of Kalahandi. Thus it exerts a major influence over the success or failure of the

government's agricultural policies. Secondly, it has been the target of the largest share of

National and International funding, such as World Bank, United Nations Development

Programmes, and NGOs like OXF AM, Action Aid. Thirdly, of all the sectors of the

economy, it is the one that impacts directly upon the well being of the people. While

many people have survived in Kalahandi without the benefits of industry and other

development but food scarcity always threatens the poor of poverty and starvation.

50 years down the line from independence the elusive chimera of food security

still troubles millions of Indians. There is extreme agrarian distress leading to migrations,

starvations, and even deaths in states like Orissa, a glaring example of food scarcity.

However, in some other states like Andhra Pradesh, Kamataka, Maharastra there are

numerous instances of farmers' suicides. Indicating a complex problem comprised of

subsidies, debt, poor market, poor seeds, lack of irrigation, insecurity and other agrarian

issues. Although the statistics of Government of India indicates positive trends in self­

sufficiency in foodgrains but the creeping crisis of food scarcity has been getting worse.

182

In Orissa, the distress and food insecurity stretches across several districts especially the

infamous district KBK, where even one year of rain fall shortage leads to distress

migrations on a massive scale. The issue of hunger and starvation along with overflowing

godowns have long been discussed but without any amicable solution. In the midst of it

Kalahandi produces surplus foods but still 63 percent of its population are reeling under

below poverty lines. Amidst all these the state has come out with a new agricultural

policy.

The ambitious 'State Agricultural Policy 1996,'208 was formulated in the midst of all

agrarian issues. As per the policy document goes, "adopted a bold and unique Agriculture

Policy for the first time in the country to increase investment in agriculture, bring in a

shift from subsistence agriculture to commercial agriculture and accorded status of

industry to agriculture." The focus of this policy has been outlined below:

~ Shift from subsistence farming to commercial operation for self-employment.

~ Industry status to Agriculture

~ For better land use, diversification of cropping programme from uneconomic

paddy to remunerative non paddy crops is advocated.

~ Increasing the seed replacement rate (SRR) to 30% in a period of 5 years (by

2005) by producing more foundation and certified seeds through seed village ., ~ -

programme.

~ To take the knowledge of modem farming system available at the door step of the

farmers and increased use of fertilisers.

~ Farm mechanisation for increasing productivity.

~ Self sufficiency in foodgrains, vegetables, fruits, flowers, egg, milk ,fish and meat i

production.

~ Expansion of irrigation to 50% of cultivated area by exploiting ground water

potential through bore wells, shallow tube wells and direct lift from rivers.

~ Increase soil quality, amelioration of problemati~ soils

~ Entrepreneurship in agriculture and export orientation.

208 Orissa Reference Annual- 2005, Government of Orissa, Chapter-1, orissagov.nic.in/e-magazine/ orissannualreference/ORA-2005.

183

Following are thrust areas recognised by the new policy:

• Dry land agriculture on watershed basis

• Production of commercial crops - cotton, sugarcane, potato

• Argil. Intensification with water management in irrigation command

• Quality seed production through seed village approach

• Small farm mechanisation & agro service center

• Creation of farmer's market ( Kissan mandi)

• Information Technology in Agriculture

• Infrastructure development (Agro-processing, Cold storage, Seed

processing etc.)

Modernisation of agriculture with scientific inputs has been given most priority in

the policy. True to this policy, the state has made giant strides in commercialisation of

agricultural lands, and weaning agricultural lands away from subsistence cropping to cash

cropping. The state has also set up an "exclusive organisation The Agricultural Promotion

& Investment Corporation of Orissa Limited (APICOL)" with the objective of translating

the above objectives into reality through undertaking various promotional roles such as

providing counseling and escort services, entrepreneurship building, extending

consultancy services, disseminating information amongst entrepreneurs and above all act

as a single window channelizing agency for various incentives under Agriculture Policy.

Capital Investment Subsidy to commercial agri-enterprises @ 20% of the capital cost

subject to a limit ofRs.20.00 lakhs is one amongst other incentives under this policy".

The new agricultural policy indicates the official response to the growing crisis of

agrarian Orissa . .'Crop diversification and commercialisation of agriculture, modem

technology and inputs in place of traditional ones, establishing a linkage between the

local product with global market and the like constitute the main components of the

ongoing policies. The most important agricultural development programme is more and

more food production. The new policy especially concentrates to increase the agricultural

production through different means. In this way procurement, distribution and

agricultural marketing and credit for agriculture have been overlooked. Soaring prices of

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pesticides and fertilizers which is now an unavoidable part of agriculture in Kalahandi,

distress sales agricultural products and intermittent price fluctuations in essential

commodities are nowhere attracted the attention of the government except

occasionally.209 Incentives and concessions are taken over by the rich farmers leaving

the poor in the hands of nature. After studying the situation in KBK, Agragamee an NGO

state that the agricultural policy has severe impact upon the poor and marginal holders in

the region.210

4.8. The Impact of Agricultural Policy on Kalahandi

Agricultural development called for an explicit policy to counter the recurring

food crisis in Kalahandi. Over hundreds projects such as DPAP, DRDA, WM, have been

evolved to increase agricultural production over the decades, since early 1970s. Since

1985 Kalahandi has been often in the news for drought related distress. Ever since there

have been numerous rural development projects to increase agricultural production to

overcome drought. The agenda project agricultural growth and employment generation

through such programmes. The state initiative to modernize Kalahandi's agriculture has

long been operating with different forms and in different intensity. The objective of state

behind the programmes is to solve lingering agrarian food scarcity of Kalahandi. In the

209 See Sub-headlining 'Agriculture and Marketing,' in this chapter. 210 The state seems to have overlooked some of the essential components that deserve priority in the policy, such as food security, livelihoods, production, and sustainability. Within a short space of introduction of this policy, however, we find that distress and poverty have gone up manifold in the different districts over the last few years. In Bolangir and Kalahandi, where more than 25 thousand hectares have been brought under cotton cultivation, unemployment and loss of livelihoods is so rampant that people have left their homes in lakhs looking for work elsewhere. In other districts where commercial cropping has been introduced, food stress has gone up manifold. Studies and past experience indicates that commercial cropping does little for enhancing the livelihoods of the local communities. Very often, commercial cropping requires much larger investments, and a scale of operation that very few people in underdeveloped regions can afford. It also involves mechanisation on a large scale, depriving the small, marginal farmer and the land less labourer of supplementary employment as wage labourers. The subsidies that organisations like APICOL would give would benefit the better off, who could once again use it to deny the poorer sections what little benefits they had out of agricultural labour. Such processes have been initiated in almost all places within the state, in a small or big scale with introduction of high yielding varieties of seeds, subsidies for mechanisation, and have caused the alienation of the poorer sections, and minority groups like the tribals more and more. All this would result in decrease in self-employment, and increased casualisation. This is corroborated by macro-level studies which indicate an over-all decline in employment in agro-industries, accompanied by a considerable increase in capital investment. Clearly there has been a substitution of capital for labour. See http://www.agragamee.org/discussion foodsecurity.htm

185

following pages, I shall also show how the state has attempted to change the agricultural

practice by from "subsistence" crops to the cultivation of cash crops.

The policy on the food security of the Indian state had two essential components

viz: the policy of increased agricultural production and the policy of food distribution

system. The second was more instantly recognized part of its welfarist orientation. Thus,

increased agricultural production and an efficient Public.Distribution System (PDS) were

seen as important components of an over all strategy against food insecurilfu. The

development projects in Kalahandi have been involved' with a number of programmes

that encounters dissatisfaction and fails to meet significant outcomes. The proposition

here is to show how more careful consideration of local socio-economic practices and

political structure in the region could have easily avoided the reproduction of failure.

There is no disagreement regarding the need of development in Kalahandi to

counter the existing crisis, but what definitely needs attenti.on is to learn from the past and

plan for the future. The normal annual rainfall in Kalahandi is on an average between

1,200 mm to 1,300 mm. However, last 20 years ofland record shows that the district had

more than 1,400 mm, on an average rainfall in a year. The average rainfall of different

district of Orissa varies between 1,200 mm and 1,400 mm. Besides, Kalahandi produces

more food per person than both Orissa and India as a whole do. 212 People face starvation

and hunger (62% BPL) for the simple reason that they cannot afford to buy the food they

produce.

Despite producing surplus Kalahandi has been . experiencing food scarcity

starvation. It is not to say that everyone has produced a surplus but indeed they contribute

to overall surplus production. The village study shows that, by exploiting the local state

of affairs, the big farmers and landlords are thriving in the village while the situation of

the landless and marginal farmers is deteriorating. The growing demand for cash crops

211 Gopal, Jayal Niraja (2001) "Democracy and the State", Oxford University Press, (OUP), New Delhi,

fi~2Sainath,P. Everybody Loves a Good Drought: Stories from India's Poorest Districts, Penguin, 1992, p.318. also See Currie B. (1993, 1996).

186

has <;hanged the entire cropping pattern of the village where only the small and marginal

farmers are growing crops for immediate consumption. The big and medium farmers

have been expanding their area of cash crop cultivation; the poor are struggling to grow

subsistence. According to NGO Agragamee, there have been striking changes in cropping

pattern in undivided KBK region especially growing cotton. In just the last three years,

the area under cotton has gone up from 8205 to 10194 hectares in Rayagada, from 5675

to 24010 hectares in Kalahandi, and from 3306 to 16060 hectares in Bolangir.213

The state's attempt to replicate the 'green revolution technology' in Kalahandi has

faced serious infrastructural problems. Moreover, the green revolution technology is not

ecologically suitable for Kalahandi. Although some of them have relative perform well

but they face different kinds of problems, such as credit constraints, selling their products

in mandi and the like. This ought not to be the model for Kalahandi climatic conditions as

well. The unregulated Semi arid areas are facing crisis of food production due to

unregulated extension of green revolution technology to Kalahandi is threat the food

production and ecology. Now, this technology is harmful to ecology everywhere.214

Kalahandi, really need an alternative technology to boost production and the organic

agricultural practice may only offer succour to the poor from extreme poverty but not to

all.

Yet again the logic of green revolution based on the betting-on-the-strong strategy

with little benefits really percolating to the poor an~ marginal! farmers. While fertilizers

subsidies, hybrid seeds, pumps sets and other new agricultural equipment are being

provided to the rich farmers, the poor continue to remain at the mercy of nature on the

one hand and at the mercy of the state, on the other. In other words, the subsidies being

denied to the farming community who really grow crops to consume adds to the agrarian

crisis instead of mitigating it. However, agricultural holding in Kalahandi become

uneconomical. The issue of increasing in productivity is becoming irrelevant, unless a

radical land reforms that includes shifting population to non-agricultural occupations.

213 See http://www.agragamee.org/discussion foodsecuritv.htm 214 See Aurora 1991.

187

4.9. Impact in the Village under Study

Documents prepared by the watershed management could be a case in point to explain

the objectives of the State to promote agricultural development. The document

prescribes, "the villagers use local low yielding varieties of crops and [adopt] single

cropping. They are not well acquainted with improved agricultural technologies and

HYV s. Most of the people grow paddy and face drought situation ... through the project

double cropping and improved technologies will be encouraged. The villagers are not

well acquainted with improved agricultural technologies and new high yielding varieties

of crops. So it is necessary to take crop diversification programmes in this watershed to

increase production and productivity of crops.'ms This is not the only document that

prescribes changes in the traditional agriculture. Al! rural development in general and WP

documents in particular defme the region and the villagers as 'traditional,' 'primitive' and

'underdeveloped' as a result remote from development.

The government circle along with the watershed documents have given special

attentions on the adoption of modern agricultural technologies and crop diversification

that alone will bring a ready made solution to the ongoing crisis in Kalahandi. The

planning document further stresses that to avert hunger and starvation, modem

agricultural practices will have to be promoted. The cultivation of traditional rice, wheat

and other subsistence crops do not yield high prices. If instead, cash crops (cotton,.

ground nuts, sugar cane, sunflowers, fruits and vegetables) are grown, that fetches higher

prices and these have a bigger marketing potential. The villagers have been bombarded

with this kind of message for at least last a decade. Overwhelming production of cash

crops means decline in the availability of foodgrains required for subsistence. For

decades big farmers (OBCs) in the village increase their income by such diversification

of crops216• Over the time, it has created a 'dual economy,' where the rich producing for

the market and the poor wallowing on the margin of subsistence.

215 Watershed Mission Bhawanipatna, Code no. 5-03210203, p.43. 216 Take for an example ofUgra Sen Sahu an OBC by caste, a thriving rich farmer-cum-trader. He was just a village trader· some years back, having no cultivable land. Today, he has more than fifteen-acres (unofficially) of fertile land and he has been doing well in his business as well. Cash crops and prevailing

188

But small and marginal holders have not be able to adapt themselves to the

changes and have consequently suffered severe losses. For instance, some rich farmers

(Sahus) in the village have started growing cotton and grouildnuts in some 30 to 40

percent of their land (out of, on an average 45 acres). These farmers are traders and

moneylenders. Their experiment fetched a good return and consequently they extended

their cultivation to more land. They get such huge profits that they have either bought

more land or taken more land on lease. As far the information from the Regulated

Market Committee (RMC) Bhawanipatna (2005), seven farmers from the village have

earned more than one-lakh of rupees from the cash crops in the year 2004-05. Although

some middle farmers attempted to emulate them lack of capital and their unviable

holdings that too in the uplands, constrained them. For instance, Balar Haripal a medium

farmer, cultivated cotton on his 4 acres ofland. He invested Rs. 15, 000 borrowed money

from the village moneylender Jadumani Sahu. All he harvested from the field was 5

quintals of cotton, which comes in market price Rs. 9, 500. ~oreover, his cotton was

graded 'B' which fetch lesser price than the prevalent market price. Eventually Balar sold

his cotton to the moneylender in a throwaway price instead of selling it at mandi. He not

only incurred loss from the failure of crops but also the borrowed money that he invested

in growing cotton. The benefit of cash crops is relatively confined within the rich

farmers. In this way, all are not so fortunate to take advantage of the change; they are

condemned to the cultivation of traditional subsistence crops.

Droughts and drought related scarcity hardly affects the big farmers, since they

use traditional as well as modem irrigation systems. In fact they even benefit from the

droughts. For example, in the drought years the mortgage of land and properties by the

poor were relatively high. For which the rich farmers extend the credits with exorbitant

rate of interest, as mush as 250 percent to 300 percent in 1985~ the villagers recalled. It

was in the drought 1985 the village Gountia accrued maximum land, I was informed by

the villagers. At present, 5 sons of the village Gountia have more than 200 acres of land.

In the village cultivation of food grains is proportionately not increasing as with the

distress sell by small and marginal farmers are the two significant basis of his success. Again there is a problem about subsistence crops which is substantially declining from the village agriculture. Even if they are available now productivity may decline because nowadays manures are not available in quantities. And the traditional varieties are also denying many small and medium farmers to get the advantages of making profits in the market.

189

growing population. This possibly could be one of the reasons of food scarcity in the

village.

The village experience shows that marginal and small farmers cannot grow cash

crops. "If there is additional income, it is better to keep sheep/goats, chicken or even

cow, it may supplement the family income", I was told. The switch to cash crops

definitely benefited the rich farmers richers; there are, at least 7 farmers owning

multistoried buildings, tractors, and with 25 acres of fertile lands being registered in their

names besides operating thriving agro-business enterprises. ·

Table No. 4.4: Cropping Pattern in Village Paria

Sl.no Name of the crops Local Name AreainHa. Percentage of Productivity total land Qtls/Ha

1. Local variety Up land Paddy ( Chhetkadhan, 65.30 15% 14.00 BhataDhan)

··-2. Local Variety Paddy (Jutri Dhan, 154.00 35.41% 15.00

San khalkhali, Pya gee, Jhaliamenjo)

3. High Yielding variety of Lalat, Surna, 43.50 10% 17.00 Paddy* Basmati.

··-4. Black Gram Beeri 14.00 3.2% 7.00

··-5. Green Gram Mung 13.00 2.9% 6.50

6. Arhar Kandul 5.00 1.14% 5.50

7. Horse gram Kaloth 9.80 2.25% 9.00 8. Sesamum Rasi 5.00 1.14% 3.00

··-9. Groundnut* Mungfully 56.00 12.8% 10.00

10. Cotton* Kappa 59.00 13.5% 8.00

11. Vegetables• PaniPariba 11.00 2.5% 10.00

12 Coarse grains Jharee/Gurj eel 20 4 6.00. Mandia

I

13 Sunflowers* Surjya Mukhi 25 5 3.00 14 Others 18.4 3.68 --

··-Total 100 -

500.00 Source- VLW,.Chhehamal. *Cash Crops

As we have seen foodgrains production in the village has been dropping gradually in

recent decades following a continuous shift towards other commercial crops. "Till late

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early 1990s the village used to grow subsistence crops in all land that was available for

crop" I was informed by a senior member of Credit Cooperative Society, Karlapada.

Again he added, "the village agricultural economy has undergone a structural

transformation from the early-90s by switching over a large proportion of its traditional

areas which were devoted for subsistence crops like rice, pulses and serials to more

remunerative crops like cotton and groundnuts," the statement was corroborated by the

village elders. The table (4.4) shows, in 2005, more than 30 percent best land of the

village has been utilized for growing cash crops. Gross cropped area comprising food

crops like rice, pulses, and minor millets have declined. "Once the ·upland of mountain

sides and the river sides were grown pulses, cereals and coarse grain, but now it is only

cotton and groundnuts", said an old farmer in the village. The traditions of growing

pulses, millet are still practice by few small and marginal farmers.

Cotton crop was brought in to the village by the Gountia, an OBC (Sahu/sundi) in

the 1990s, later some other farmers of the same community started cultivating it. Ever

since, there is no looking back, some cash crops again started growing in the village and

as a result more land and labour are being diverted to cash crops. According to the

Regulated Market Committee, Bhawanipatna, in 2005 there were 110 farmers growing

cotton in the village. All together there were 184 farmers in the village who are growing ~ .

different cash crops including Cotton, Groundnuts and Sunflowers. This means little

more than half of the farming households in the village are cultivating one or the other

cash crop. Even the medium and small farmers have reaped benefits from switching to

cash crops, despite the constraints they went through. Incid~ntally, farmers are not

interested in growing food grains because in times of scarcity, they don't get a high price

because the government controls the price and in time of abundance the price would go

down anyway. Cash crops do not necessarily come under government regulation

although some States consider even onions as essential commodities and bring them

under the regime of price control by including them as essential commodities. Find out

which of the non food crops are considered to be essential~ commodities under the

Essential Commodities Act of Orissa.

191

Table ( 4-4), represents growmg trend of the cash crops in the village and

subsequent decreasing in subsistence crop farming. Substantial portion of the village

fertile land is under cash crops cultivation. Apart from small and marginal farmers, all the

big holders turned in to cash crops. The large numbers of small holders are engaged in

subsistence crops. Groundnuts, cotton, sunflowers and high yielding variety of Paddy

covered one-third of the cultivated area in the village. The farmers in the village

recognized the relative unimportance of subsistence crops in the market economy.

Soaring prices of the essential consumer goods like cloths, even food items like dal and

cooking oils, sugar, salt have encouraged many farmers to grow cash crops in a portion of

their land. In 2005, the area under paddy was 60 per cent, cott~n 13.5 percent, groundnuts

12.8 percent are highest areas under individual crops. The areas under paddy were

highest since many small and marginal farmers have grown paddy for consumption. Even

rich farmers are cultivating hybrid paddy both for home consumption and for sell, since

the price of hybrid paddy is more than that of the local paddy. Although, more than 60

per cent of the area is still under 'traditional crops', the producers of surplus like big and

some medium farmers have been shifting to cash crops. Consequently, there is a lack of

food surplus in the village and forcing more and more villagers to relay on Public

Distribution Systems. Again, due to the gradual shift in the cropping pattern, the poor art::

being pressed hard to increase in their total income on food which already hovering

around 70 percent of their income.

The government report land utilisation and cropping patterns in the village is

somewhat impressionistic and are simple exaggeration. Data from the village shows that

every farmer in the village has at one time or the other tried to grow the cash crops in the

last 10 years. Some of them were successful while the others about 60 percent incurred.

But many carry it on hoping that, one day it will fetch big money. The reason behind

practicing cash crops a modem farmer told me that "Good investment brings lucrative

returns". Rich Sahu farmers in the village became richer but for many small and marginal

farmers the economic situation remains same, at times it even worsened, due to debts and

the losses suffered from the switch to cash crops, as we have cited the case of Balar

Haripal. While cash crops are lucrative, paddy cultivation is not lucrative because of

192

labour constraints, lower price and low productivity. With the changing food

consumption pattern, rice has becoming the only staple food except a few households

consuming pulses and some others coarse grains. The gradual decrease in the smplus rice

in the village is one of the causes of price rise in food items. The landless and poor in the

village especially women have got some wage labour but the overall impact staple food

has badly hit the poor who suffered the most adverse outcomes. The price fluctuation and

price rise in foodgrains hit the poor hard, since they spend a major portion (67%) of their

income on food. The food scarcity and price rise in the region is a complex whole that

has to be understood with the changing socio-economic situations. Right after harvest

there were smplus food items available in cheaper rate but during June to August the

foodgrains prices increases up 50 to 100 percent (latter I have this examine it in details).

At the same rate the expenditure on f~od also goes up that keeps the poor on the

tenterhook under malnutrition, under-nutrition and starvation. It has pushed the poor to

migration and other jobs to earn supplementary wages.Z17

4.10. Consumption of Fertilisers

The following discussion highlights the reasons for consumption of fertilizers. To make

an assessment on fertilizer consumption among the village farmers, I have interviewed

114 farmers that make up one third of the farming community in the village, taking 38

samples from each community with the appropriate proportion in different socio­

e~onomic strata. Since Urea is most commonly used fertilizers, I have taken it as a

standard of measurement. Although Potash is also used frequently the word Urea has

become a synonym for fertilizers in the village. The use of urea gives a pleasant look of

the crops. The excessive use of urea because it relatively cheaper is a well known

problem in India. Fertilisers have to be used in a balanced blend due to lack of

information and improper guidance from the VL W. Excessive use of urea creates more I .

problems than it solves.

The table ( 4.5), presents the status of using fertilizers in the village Paria. Among

the interviewee, there was not a single farmer in the village who did not use fertilizers at

217 See Chapter-Til

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least once in the past. Out of 114, there are 42 farmers who seldom use fertilizers who

offered different reasons for their low consumption of fertilizers. STs are highest among

the low consumer of fertilizers and reason apart from other is their livestock who usually

use manure. Cutting across caste and community, the highest numbers of farmers (59)

were often user of fertilizers for selective crops. Among them OBCs are highest in

numbers followed by SCs and STs. As we have seen, th~ highest numbers of successful

cash crops growers in the village were OBC who also have engaged in agro-business .. For

cash crops like cotton, groundnuts and even for hybrid paddy they use fertilizers. Since

most of the STs are small and marginal holders who depend on subsistence crop, as a

result their over all fertilizer consumption is lower than other community. Consumption

of fertilizers for every crop is lower than any individual category. While it is highest

among the OBCs, the STs and SCs are far behind. In overall consumption of fertilizers in

the village the OBCs are the highest consumers of fertili2iers, followed by SCs and STs.

There is a sharp division in consumption of fertilizers between two OBC communities the

Gouda and the Sundi. All seven low consumers of fertilizer among the OBC belong to

Gouda caste while 8 maximum users of fertilizers belong to Sundi. The patterns of

consumption of fertilizers tell a partial story of crops growing pattern in the village. By

and large cash crops growers are the regular consumer of fertilizers while the low

consumers of fertilizers are usually depend on subsistence crops. This also clearly revel

the economic hierarchy in the village, the rich are certainly use more fertilizers than the

poor in the village. The table ( 4.5) shows community wise use of fertilizers.

Table No. 4. 5: Consumption of Fertilizers in the Village

Status S.C. S.T. O.B.C. Total Used Seldom 16 19 7 42 Used only for cotton, hybrid paddy 19 17 . 23 59 Used for every crop 3 2 8 13

Total 38 38 38 114

Source- own source

Opposed to popular beliefs among the government circle and prescribed report

like the above mentioned watershed management, that the villagers are superstitious,

ignorant, as a result they do not modem agricultural inputs. Consequently, they remain

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backward. When a region is underdeveloped the state institutions easily attribute such

backwardness into socio-cultural practices of the people as we can see in Kalahandi. All

farmers are painted with the same brush as inrfocent, ignorant and suppositious who

practice primitive agriculture in twenty-first century. It becoming increasing important,

as state's often unsuccessful quick-fix solution brings pressure and frustrates the

implementing agencies, which in turns, tries to fmd fault in among the farmers to pass the

buck. The paternalistic and directive government seeks remedies of every wrong through

a subsidy, a quota, or a scheme, for one that creates more dependable people than

unleashing new zeal in them. This will require a change in the approach of the state

institutions towards the farmers. Government in Kalahandi adopted a path of quick-fix

solution for its ongoing crisis. Invariably, the path realized has been different from the

one intended, with growing pressure on the state institutions.

Table No. 4.6. Reasons for the low Consumption of Fertilizers

Reasons S.C. S.T. O.B.C. Total Lack of Money/Cannot afford 4 6 1 11 Use Manures 5 5 2 12 Because of Sacredness of Land 0 1 0 1

Not available/ Very Expensive in season 7 8 3 18

Own source

The table (4-6) has offered the responses of the 42 farmers whose consumption

level of fertilizers is low. There is only one elderly an elderly (aged above 60) ST farmer

w~o refused to apply fertilizers on his land because he considers it sacred. He also said

that he manure of his animals. One wonders how this one case can typify the farmers'

response for the administrators. Out of 42 low consumers of fertilizers 11 farmers

responded that since they do not have a regular source of cash income they had to give up

using fertilizers. Equal number of farmers replied that in agricultural season the fertilizer

prices would go up and that some times it is so high that they cannot buy it. Although all

farmers in the village more or less use manure, there are 12 farmers who have enough

cattle, sheep/goats to supplement manures with fertilizers especially when they grow cash

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crops like cotton. "For adhunika chasa (modem crops) every one uses adhunika sara

(modem fertilizer), so do we" I was told by a farmer. The highest numbers of farmers

(18) use low quantity of fertilizers because of its non-avalibity in and because of high

prices in the peak agricultural season. The gap in fertilizer use reflects the gap in fertilizer

prices in different regions. The price of fertilizers in developed region is much less than

those of dry region like Kalahandi. In the district in the peak season of agriculture the

price goes many folds high. For instance, the urea at maximum retail price was Rs. 250,

although the government has fixed its price at Rupees 200 for 50 kg. The price of urea

can go up to more than Rs. 250 during the peak season.

The farmers offered different reasons for their low consumption of fertilizers viz.,

non availability, soaring prices and lack of suitable type of fertilizers. Since the poor do

not have money to buy them in the peak season they easily give up. It is not just a matter

of sacredness instead availability of right kind of fertilizers and pesticides, accurate time

of using them in crops etc. also equally important. Though the use varies caste and

community wise but in case of cash crops cultivators all agreed to use pesticides and

fertilizers.

The reason behind low consumption of fertilizers are numerous and equally

important for the villagers. Cutting across caste, community, consumers and non­

consumers there were skepticism among the farmers about using fertilizers. There was an

apprehension that the fertilizers and pesticides may give rise to unanticipated or unknown

effects. All these risks are not imaginary; some risks are real, like the emergence of

'Super Pest' called 'Bollworm.' These is entirely new for the villagers, having unknown

properties that creates danger for animal and plants. There are Insect Pests even the VA W

conformed that has evolved resistance to the insecticidal toxin by using again and again.

In 2002-03, the super pest was widely recognised in the village. The villager recalled that

crops like cotton and paddy severely damaged by the super pest, as both crops are grown

in same season. To combat its menace, India used to import huge quantities of pesticides.

"Since all cotton growers frequently use chemical pesticides, the pest temporary shelter

on paddy field or other crops for some time and gradually developed resistance to

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pesticides," the VAW Mr. Nial, narrated. To chase them (since they cannot be killed) all

farmers started spraying pesticide even for paddy which they never did before. This is not

only expensive affairs for the poor farmers but also ecologically unsuitable.

Another common fear among the small and marginal farmers was, "once we use

it, we need to use it always; we are not ready for this". Part of the problem is the lack of

infrastructure and transportation where in rainy season much of district road get

problems, paralyzed the transport system. Road from Bhawanipatna to Raipur where the

village is located a 4 km away became paralyzed. Many rivers and streams flow above

danger mark and supply of goods becomes impossible with the result the prices of

essential items shoot up.

Still, price is not the only reason farmers do not use f¥rtilizer- farmers' crop mix is

also an important factor. Farmers tend to use fertilizer on cash crops like cotton,

groundnuts and hybrid paddy. Some crops respond more to fertilizer, and some crops

have more value, making it more worthwhile for farmers to fertilize them. Surprisingly,

farmers growing these cash crops are also more likely than. others to fertilize crops like

maize, rice, and vegetables, perhaps because they have more cash or better access to

credit.

Why don't farmers avoid paying high fertilizer prices by simply adding organic

matter like manure and crop residues, to soils? Indeed it is an important question but

without a simple answer? The organic method more economical to the small farmers,

where the natural ingredients that they are familiar with and that they are sure have no

uncertain side effects. But this is no more a feasible option to the farmers. There is drastic

decrease in the numbers of cattle in the village due to lack of pasture land. There are only

170 households in the village who keep cattle, which the manure is not even enough for

one-quarter of their own land. Despite having cattle all farmers have been using chemical

fertilizers especially in the cash crops. Manure has become short in supply and expensive

as well. Not only that the old traditional varieties are no longer available. Even in

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economic term the organic method is more expensive for the poor than the inorganic one

in the village.

Moreover organic farming is unlikely to solve the problem on a large scale in the

district because it requires so much work in the peak season of agriculture. There is lack

of some nutrients, such as phosphorus that needs a huge quantity of manure which is

getting short supply day by day. Because of the shortage of land raising both crops and

livestock together are becoming fewer and fewer and all organic materials are in short

supply. And organic farming is not a mechanized system and one has to do it by hand it is

quite a tedious job. Moreover, migration is putting agricultural labor in increasingly short

supply.

Over all fertilizer consumption in the village is reasonable good although it is

directly link with the socio-economic of the fanners. Consequently, there are different

reasons like non availability pesticide, fertilizers at right time and absence of VA W is

also important.

Besides pesticides and fertilizers, the important change I found in the village is

switching over to cash crops. Although, the department of agriculture have been

proposing for corps diversification however, it is the department which is encouraging

mono cropping. For instance, the two important crops the department encouraging are

namely, 'cotton' and 'groundnuts'. As I mentioned, the crop diversification is the

traditional forms of cultivations in the village. However, such indiscriminate

diversi?cation is bound to pose a serious threat to food security. Figures of per capita

availability of land use for substance crops already show a declining trend. The ongoing

trends indicate the gradual declining of overall area of food crops that matters most to the

poor because major portion of their income spend. on food. As we seen almost half of the

farmers are growing cash crops despite their small holding.

Policy priority on Kalahandi is always tilted towards production as we have

discussed above. The new initiatives have been more or less focused on promotion and

adoption of new technology, crop diversification and utilisation of fertilizers and

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pesticides. The new agricultural package brought the village under the market system. As

per the 'package guidance' the inputs like HYV, pesticide and fertilizers brought from the

market. In return, the agricultural products are also need to be sold in the mandi. In

general, the farming community of the village benefited from the process. However, few

farmers who could utilize the opportunities perform very well but the majority of the rest

marginally benefited. Since the policy makers are enthusiastic about the increasing the

production although in most of the cases it failed to do so; without questioning its social

relevance for the concerned communities. The combination of agrarian crisis and a series

of poor monsoons, led to such change especially by adopting a market friendly approach.

There is stress on increasing productivity of land, there is stress on micro projects-of

watershed management, on selection of appropriate package of seeds and crops is also

important for region like Kalahandi. Moreover, it is unfair to impos~ these policies on the

people. The latest strategy is to work with Panchayati Raj institutions in implementing

development. It should make a big difference but it may take some time. This is where

the differences lies between the 'top-down' and the 'bottom-up' approach.

The 'development' had its base in new technology and high yielding verity seeds

to increase production of crops from existing land and subsequent gains in farmer's

incomes. This was designed to overcome limitations of food production that relied upon

increasing the amount of fertile land available for crops as the only means of expanding

output. From the policy makers' point view; it represents a major contributing factor to

gain self-sufficiency in food in Kalahandi. But despite all these efforts the home grown

food for average households last for six months besides there is. unabated -migration,

distress sell and credit burden is pervasive. No doubt through decades state policy few

prosper but many have still remain in poverty. It is evidence from RMC that that overall

agricultural output have been increased, an overall increase does not necessarily mean

that all agricultural producers have expanded their individual output, rather the same

figures could be the result of fewer producers generating greater output, for instance the

seven farmers I cited above. While the majority are unable to increase their yields

relatively well.

199

Three important points are worth mentioning to evaluate the state initiative and it

outcomes. The state initiative to promote modem cultivation through HYV s of food crops

and other inputs like pesticide and fertilizers. converting the largely subsistence peasants

into dependent farmers has had severe adverse consequences. Development institutions

promised high yields and brought in 'green revolution' technology to semi-arid region

like Kalahandi. The package is a capital intensive one that needs in time use of pesticide

and fertilizers, irrigation and of course HYV. Although a few rich farmers could afford

irrigation either by lifting water from the river Tel or by digging wells attempts made by

several others were not so successful. These small and marginal farmers now depended

on external agencies for supplies of all inputs like HYV seeds, pesticide and fertilisers,

privatized electricity or diesel to make use of lift-irrigation. This is unfortunately the case

with modem agriculture. Traditional systems of agriculture yielded only subsistence.

Linking the village with the larger system seems work against the interest of the

small and marginal holders. Kalahandi provides a ready market for the all kind of

companies, may it be fertiliser products, seed companies, or market for the other

consumer goods. The road indeed facilitate and reduce the transportation cost from

village to market, but soon the ''village to market" scheme, tum into "market to village"

where the villagers are more than producers became consumers of different products

including HYV, pesticide and fertilizers. Many of these companies and their products,

apart from proving expensive economically and environmentally, failed to produce the

promised benefits. This was not exclusively a problem in Kalahandi, but all over India

and many of the third world country with a similar climate, showed little or no benefit

from the widespread use of fertilizers. Popular complaints have been about spurious

fertilizers and pesticides sold by shady dealers. Expenditure incurred through pesticide

and fertilizers are new to the villagers which they were unknown' years ago. There is

popular saying as it goes, "when it does not rain, we are crushed by the drought and

poverty, and when it does rain we are crushed by paying the debts". Investments such as

this no more a choice but a compulsion consequently many small and marginal farmers

getting into debt trap though, we will come to that later in this section.

200

In village Paria there used to only shop of Gountia now the village have at least five

shops selling such goods. This has been booming and becoming a profitable business in

rural Kalahandi, and many traders and money lenders are exploiting the situation to the

most. Despite the scarcities and inequalities the farmers have little option but to continue

to adopt the 'development programmes' and the subsequent reform program as well.

Many a time the socio-economic circumstances demand the farmers to use pesticides and

fertilizers, as narrated by Nanda Sabar. He said, "the use of pesticide and fertilizers are

like communicable disease, it is transferring from one farmer to another". He asked me,

"what if, your grain fields look dry and unattained, the growing crops look ugly in

comparison to the adjacent field and villagers gossip about your uncared crops"? "Its a

disgrace for a farmer, so you also want your growing field look good and hopeful, but the

manure and cow dung not going to provide this to you, you have to relay on 'adhunika

sara', (modem fertilizers), at least it will give your crops a pleasant look", he added.

Regarding pesticides he gave his explanation, as he goes, "those days people used to

worship village deity when some pests or weeds attacks the crops, but now applying

pesticide is unavoidable part of all most all crops, although it start with the cash crops.

"After the arrival of the new cash corps, this has been a perennial problem, many new

weeds and pests appeared with the new crops, which do not die or go away with just one

spray of pesticide, it needs at lest two-three courses to chase them away. You see, once

you chased them away they will go to someone else crops, and again to some one and

keep on spreading all over the village crops," he dismayed. "This is how p~sticides and

fertilizers are becoming a part of village agriculture", he said. In a pessimistic tone he

said, "even if the rain or crops do not kill, the soaring price of pesticides and fertilizers

one day kill all the farmers", a very widely shared opinion.

Traditional agriculture proved to be unviable and uneconomic. Traditional animal

husbandry that relied on traditional crops with long stems and the new dwarf varieties

compelled the farmer who kept cattle to buy fodder from the market. The consequent

shortage of farmyard manure forced the farmer to buy chemical! fertilisers that also

promised higher yields. The new hybrid varieties with their shorter growth cycles were

more attractive because it reduced the risks of unforeseen losses due to weather

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fluctuations. The farmers believe that while traditional organic farming did indeed make

for better tasting and more nutritive food grains, they feel they are condemned, under the

changed circumstances, to the cultivation of inferior hybrid varieties. Rural social life lost

its organic unity partly as consequence of modem agriculture initiated by the state. The

villagers also stopped consuming different kinds of leaves, plants and other natural

vegetations as food. The loss of biodiversity associated with the destruction of significant

forest areas and the concentration upon a limited number of select crops is cause for

concern, "The loss of every species and gene limits our options for the future."218 The

new agriculture has overlooked the social and the environmental impact. Such costs

include; the erosion of the genetic ba8e for plants and animals, the loss of secondary

strains in the event of disease or environmental change, the dependency upon industry

produce such as pesticides and fertilizers. In addition, there is a loss of 'secondary' foods

such as fish that used to habitat the paddy fields and fodders for animal.

Since a common model of agricultural practice is brought in by development

institutions, there is decreasing in the alternative food security. Once there were 100

varieties of local paddies, cereals, pulses and coarse grains grown in the village, I was

informed by the villagers.

The standardized pattern of cultivation has minimized the duration of sowing and

harvesting that result jobless to wage labourers in the village in returns that cause

migration. Take for example, the cotton cultivation, that starts in the region in last week

of June or first two weeks of July clash with the peak season for sowing paddy and other

crops. The wage labourers are in great demand in the month; afterward the weeding and

transplanting job is mostly done by women. Changes like this have larger consequences

on the wage labourers. For instance, Keshaba Sabar own two acres of cultivable land

which hardly support five members of his family for two months. But with his hala

Zanga/ (pair bullock with ploughshare) he managed to feed his family by just working on

others' fields, which earns him double the amount of an agricultural labour. However,

things have been change, ever since the ploughing is done by tractors and employed him

with his ploughshare for a month or so. He sold out the pair bull and became a wage

218 Swaminathan, M.S., "The Problem" in Seminar, p.l2.

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labour. As he goes, "the method and practice of cultivation in the village has been

changing. Adhunika chasi (modem farmers) cultivate their land in very systematic way.

Ploughshare takes long and it is not as good as ploughing by tractor. Moreover the cash

crops growers do not prefer ploughshare, instead they prefer' tractors which ploughs the

land in a short period of time and there is plenty of it in and around the village. Since

barely I get any employment with the bullocks what is the use of keeping them." He sold '

out his means of livelihood and completely dependent on wage labour. During sowing

and harvesting he gets works in the village but rest of the time he migrates to earn wage

labour in different places. He also find difficult to cultivate his tiny plots of land since

there is dearth of ploughshares and he not ready to employ tractor.

Definitely commercial agriculture brought in by the development institutions has

served in widening the gap between rich and poor in the village simply because the

benefits of such could only be gained by those who could afford it. As I have discussed

above that at least 7 cash crops growers earned more than rupees one lakh. However, we

also saw the example of Balar Haripal who incurred severe losses from cotton cultivation.

No doubt the benefit was ripped mostly by the OBC farmers who consolidate their

economic position through cash crops and agro-business. The benefits might not reach to

the poor but certainly the changes brought in by different 'development institutions' has

long term consequences in socio-economic life in the village.

'

In the village there are 145 landless and 277 are tiny 4olders, which reflects the

policy is not suitable for such people. Officials land record does not show real picture of

landholding pattern in the village. People made a point about the official land record

which worth mentioning that in the land record there are names of those who genuinely

do not own the land. Often, the landless were given pattas ( d~ed) for land; but not the

actual land. Dhansar Kata, a landless labourer, like as many as 145 households in the I

village. He was oveJjoyed when he received a tiny plot of land in the land redistribution

programmes of the state but he never got to cultivate the land since it is located inside a

big plot owned by the village Gountia. Every one in the village. knows about it, Dhansar

was disinclined to talk to anyone about this. This is not an exceptional rather there are

203

many similar cases where the big fish are eating up the· small ones. Everyone in village

has a story. Without significant land redistribution, the agricultural development projects

have led to increased inequality in the agricultural sector .. While gaining support amongst

the wealthier land owners, such projects have done little directly for the landless. The

Land Ceiling Act, implemented in western Orissa in 1970, could salvage only wasteland

and scrub forest for distribution and the good land remain intact, a process once rejected

by Nehru, " ... because the poor lacked the ability to take advantage of the opportunities

offered to them."219

The perception that has emerged from such occurrence is lasting and devastating.

Perception, however, are not static and may shift over time or are expressed differently

under altering circumstances. But interestingly enough, it does not happen in case of

Kalahandi, not even among the academic community, who still perceive the notion and

unwilling to accept the changes that has taken place in kalahandi in last two decades. Not

necessarily changes come through development institutions but it has been made possible

through alternative method. It is not to say that Kalahandi is 'problems' free but facing a

problems of different kinds than what is being perceived.

219 Parekh, B., "Jawaharlal Nehru and the Crises of Modernisation" in Baxi, U. & Parekh, B., Crises and

Change in Contemporary India, (New Delhi, Sage, 1995), p.SO.

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