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8/3/2019 Draft 2 Rsem Proposal Final
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LIVING IN LIMBO: UNDERSTANDING THE EXPERIENCE OF LOSS OF
FILIPINO FAMILIES OF THE DISAPPEARED
A Proposal
Presented to
the Faculty of the Graduate School
Ateneo de Manila University
In Partial Fulfillment
of the Requirements for the Degree
Masters of Arts in Counseling Psychology
by
Ma. Kristine G. Carvajal
22 September 2011
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CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
It is the crushing reality of loss coupled with the unreality of death that
afflicts the families of those who have disappeared. The result is a form ofmental torture brought about either the suspension of bereavement or the
feeling of helplessness and paralyzing uncertainty about what to do to
protect their loved ones. (Amnesty International, 1982)
Until now, the practice of enforced disappearance, a means to stifle and repress
political dissent (Moraleda et al, 2011) persists to plague the Philippines. Though the number
of incidence has fluctuated through the years, it has afflicted an indelible pain among the
victims who survived and those who were left behind. Families of the disappeared have
marched and fought against human rights violations, so that justice is served to the victims
and to their families. For more than 25 years now, the fight still continues and petitioning for
a law against the human rights violation never ceased.
Aside from the aim to enact a law against enforced disappearance, many of the
human rights groups saw the need to address the psychological well-being of those who were
left behind. They have created rehabilitation programs to help victims and others who were
affected. The programs were based on usual grief work for individuals and post-traumatic
stress disorder (PTSD) interventions (Families of victims of involuntary disappearances
[FIND], 1998; Asian Federation Against Involuntary Disappearance [AFAD], 2010). The
goal of the programs was to assist people in gaining resolution and recovery. With such bases
and objective, the programs efficiency was questionable for it did not attend to the special
situation ambiguous loss that the families of the disappeared have experienced.
It is the purpose of this study to address the gaps in the current literature and the gap
between research bases and practice in the Philippines. As such, the study looks into the
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subjective experience of the families of the disappeared, who experienced ambiguous loss.
This study also takes into account the time frame of the experience of loss, from the onset of
the disappearance to current status of the grieving family.
Review of Literature
The main body of the review includes the history of enforced disappearance practice,
a human rights violation and the literature regarding ambiguous loss and those who were left
behind. The history will provide an understanding of the previous and current political
situation that the country and its constituents has experienced thus far. Detailing the context
of the practice allows better conception of the issue revolving around the ambiguous loss in
this particular context. Subsequently, the review of literatures on the disappeared and the
ones who were left behind is presented. A substantial literature revealed that kin of the
disappeared suffered and were known to be prone to several psychological and social
difficulties as they struggle in understanding and coping with their loss which is ambiguous
in nature. The review ends the presentation of the theoretical framework, interpretative
phenomenological analysis (IPA) and its use in the study.
Enforced Disappearances
History of Enforced Disappearances
In Article 2 of the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from
Enforced Disappearance adopted by the General Assembly of the United Nations (UN),
enforced or involuntary disappearance is defined as:
the arrest, detention, abduction or any other form of deprivation of liberty by
agents of the State or by persons or groups of persons acting with the
authorization, support or acquiescence of the State, followed by a refusal to
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acknowledge the deprivation of liberty or by concealment of the fate or
whereabouts of the disappeared person, which place such a person outside the
protection of the law (United Nations High Commission on Human Rights[UNHCHR], 2006).
The roots of the enforced disappearance practices can be traced back during the
World War II. In December 1941, the German Nazi regime issued a decree called Nacht und
Nebel (Night and Fog), a strategy aimed to make arrests by secret forces without any legal
notice. According to the decree, relatives were to be left uncertain about the fate of the
victim. This established the practice of enforced disappearances and it proved to be an
effective measure as it presented more horror and fear than that of the death penalty
(Seidensticker, 2010). Kietel, the person in-charge with the implementation of the Nacht und
Nebel decree explained, efficient and enduring intimidation can only be achieved either by
capital punishment or by measures by which the relatives of the criminal and the population
do not know the fate of the criminal (as cited in Finucane, 2010). Through this tool, the
alleged and actual threat against the regime or administration is effectively silenced.
The Nazi regime provided an exemplar for such military practice and since then,
thousands of people have become victims of enforced disappearance all over the world.
Seidensticker (2010) stated the UN Working Group on Disappearances gave an account of
more than 50,000 cases from 90 countries with which the working group assumed a high
degree of underreporting, especially from countries in armed conflict. During the 70s, this
military practice became rampant in many countries in Latin America such as Argentina,
Chile, and Colombia. Also during that same decade, Philippines President Ferdinand Marcos
declared Martial Law and made full use of the military which resulted to hundred of cases of
enforced disappearances and other human rights violations.
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Past and Present: Disappearances in the Philippines
In the Philippines, the military practice of enforced disappearances started during the
administration of Ferdinand Marcos. A year before Marcos mounted himself as a dictator, the
very first documented case of enforced disappearance was recorded. On the 19th of March
1971, Charlie de Rosario, a professor of the Polytechnic University of the Philippines and a
Secretary-General of an activist group Kabataang Makabayan, disappeared (Isaac, 2008).
This was followed by several abductions of prominent leaders among the left-leaning
organizations. After Martial Law was declared, the Marcos dictatorship and the military
gained more power over the people. Hence, the political repression was at its height. Many
were forced to go underground and the number of human right violations spiked. An
organization called Families of Victims of Involuntary Disappearance (FIND) was able to
document 860 cases of enforced disappearances during the Marcos regime (Isaac, 2008).
In 1986, the People Power Revolution ousted the dictator and shed new light for the
country. It was during the Aquino administration when the Commission on Human Rights
(CHR) was founded. Despite promising the restoration of freedom during the Aquino
administration, the performance of human rights organizations showed slight improvement.
A total of 821 reported cases and 621 documented cases were made (FIND, 2010). Under the
Ramos administration however, the numbers were reduced to 87 cases. In the succeeding
administration which lasted for three years after Estrada was ousted, documented cases
further declined to 58 cases (FIND, 2010).
After the ouster of Estrada, Arroyo assumed the presidency. The administration
seemed to be a newfound hope for the country at the on set. It, however, became the total
opposite after the administration became involved in corruption and electoral fraud. These
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political dilemmas have brought the Arroyo administration oppositions from many political
and social factions and parties. As a result, the Arroyo administrations stability was in peril.
There were many attempts of coup dtat to take over the government and rallies to demand
for her resignation. As a response to these problems, Arroyo relied on its allies in the Armed
Forces of the Philippines (AFP) to ensure the administrations survival and to end
insurgency. With the administrations campaign against insurgency, human rights violations
escalated once more. The violations were not only limited among actual and suspected
activists but also included human rights defenders, non-government organization (NGO)
workers, children and media men (Hilao-Enriquez, 2005). As for the number of enforced
disappearance incidents, there was a significant increase in number. According to FIND,
there were 304 reported cases and 168 documented cases. For the first year of the Aquino
administration, FIND has documented four cases of enforced disappearances.
In the current political context, however, the Philippine government showed that the
present administration strives to answer the needs of the victims of human rights violations
and to end state terrorism. Organizations like FIND, Desaparecidos, Asian Federation
Against Involuntary Disappearances (AFAD) and Karapatan have been lobbying in the
Congress and Senate for a law against enforced disappearances. In June 2011, the Senate Bill
No. 2817 or the Enforced or Involuntary Disappearance Act of 2011 was presented but it is
yet to be signed and enacted by the President. Furthermore, the president has yet to sign and
ratify the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced
Disappearance.
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The Disappeared
The victims of enforced disappearance is called as the disappeared or
desaparecidos. The term was first used in Latin America during the 1960s to describe
people who were abducted and vanished without leaving any trace. Most of the disappeared
are members of left-leaning groups, human rights defenders, lawyers, NGO workers and
media men. They are usually abducted to intimidate and silence opposition groups since they
post threat to the government. The practice of enforced disappearance usually happens
through the aid of military or paramilitary groups assigned by the government or an official
to abduct an alleged or proven activist against the government. During the abduction and
detention, the disappeared suffers different kinds of torture as the perpetuators also use these
methods to punish the disappeared and to extract information about his or her activities and
organization.
There are three major categories of the disappeared still missing, surfaced alive,
surfaced dead(FIND, 1998). The categorystill missingis composed of disappeared victims
who has yet to surface whilesurfaced alive are those who appeared after 48 hours or more in
a detention camp or is set free. The disappeared victim who surfaced dead after 48 hours or
more are those classified assurfaced dead. The so called salvaging practice, killing of
prisoners or political dissenter after severe torture, falls in this category (Amnesty
International, 1982). A special type under the third category was also made to accommodate
the continuing search for the disappeared. This type is called exhumed victims. Most of the
disappeared are categorized as still missing and very few have surfaced. In latest the Human
Rights report in the Philippines, from 1971 to 2010, there are about 2131 reported cases and
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of which 1785 were documented. Of the 1785 documented cases, 1,114 are classified as still
missing, 418 have surfaced alive and 253 were found dead.
The Experience of Loss and the Families of the Disappeared
Loss is one of the major experiences that humans undergo throughout their lives. It is
a state, by which a person is deprived of something one has had or the failure to keep or have
something (Humphrey and Zimpfer, 1996). Freud (1971) stated that experience of loss,
which he then named melancholia, is the removal of attachment to the lost object (as cited in
Littlewood, 1992) and when these ties are broken, humans respond to it with anxiety and
protest (Bowlby, 1980). Following the loss is the occurrence of grief, an experience of pain
and suffering. Both loss and grief cause the bereaved to experience psychological conflict.
Individual functioning is affected and emotional turmoil ensues, as the grieving is stripped of
security and safety and personal boundaries becomes indistinguishable.
Typically, when people experience a loss, they undergo a grieving process to enable
them to adapt and recover. However, the kin of the disappeared experience loss that is
different from the normal clear-cut loss. There is more clarity and the opportunity to honor
and dispose remains (Boss, 2004) and letting go is unattainable unless those who were left
behind participate in the honoring practices and farewell rituals that begin the process of
detachment (Bowbly, 1980) for clear-cut losses. Having the remains and honoring it are
requirements for proper grieving, as it paradoxically enables people to let go of the departed
(Boss, 2002). Since the whereabouts of the body is uncertain, such in the case of enforced
disappearances, mourning rituals are not performed (Blaauw and Lhteenmki, 2002). P
erez-Sales, Duran-Perez, and Herzfeld (2000) noted that the process of grieving for a
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measurable fraction of the relatives of the disappeared is incomplete due to their unusual
circumstance (as cited in Blaauw and Lhteenmki, 2002). Families of the disappeared who
experience ambiguous loss are left in a state of limbo where members have no choice but to
live with the paradox of absence and presence (Boss, 2006) and live with frozen grief (Boss,
2004).
Ambiguous Loss
In 1975, Boss coined the term ambiguous loss to refer to a phenomenon which
involves unclear loss situation which arises from unavailability of information regarding
whether a loved one is dead or alive, absent or present (Boss, 1999). The phenomenon of
ambiguous loss can occur in two different situations. In the first situation, a loved one is
physically present but mentally absent such as the case of families of Alzheimer patients. The
second situation of ambiguous loss happens when a loved on is physically absent but kept
psychologically present because his or her status as dead or alive is unavailable (Boss, 2004).
In the case of the families of the disappeared, their experience of ambiguous loss falls within
the second category.
The phenomenon of ambiguous loss generates a high degree anxiety and distress on
the grieving. It impedes emotional understanding and coping mechanisms; thus prompting
the grieving to deny the loss and to continue hoping. The process of grieving, in ambiguous
loss, is blocked; hence resolution and recovery can never be attained (Boss, 2006).
Consequently, the grieving person or family is immobilized. Situations of ambiguous loss
can further bring more crises to the grieving. It can create psychological problems when they
lead to feelings of helplessness, depression, and anxiety, relationship conflict, and
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somatization and can become sociological and structural problems for families when they
lead to boundary ambiguity (Caroll et al, 2010; Boss, 2002; Boss, 2006). The occurrence of
these negative consequences is brought about by several reasons: ambiguity is confusing;
cognitive grasp of the loss is unachievable and uncertainty of the loss loved ones return
hampers the reconstruction of the family (Boss, 2002).
Impact on those who were left behind
The goal of enforced disappearance is to inflict terror and to silence not only the
direct victims but also the relatives and friends of the disappeared. Similar to the experience
of the victim, the ripple effect of being a family of disappeared persons is profound (Sluzki,
1990). The family of the disappeared feels the same permanent experience that the
disappeared underwent. Furthermore, they undertake additional burdens of ambiguous loss.
The family members of those who disappeared are distressed and their emotional,
cognitive and behavioral functioning is affected. In a controlled study in Honduras, Quirk, G.
and Casco, L. (1994) showed that families of disappeared persons experienced twice as many
stress-related symptoms as compared to families of accident victims and families which have
not experienced a death of member in the last ten years. A range of studies (Boss,
2004, 2006) have indicated that situations of ambiguous loss predict
symptoms of depression, anxiety, and family conflict. Their experiences
include prolonged inability to accept disappearance, continuous yearning, persistent
flashbacks, and intrusive memories, extreme anger, anxiety, impaired functioning and
psychosomatic ailments (Moraleda et. al, 2011).
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However, each individual in the family responds to the event differently. Spouses of
the disappeared are burdened to handle personal emotional demands and familial
responsibility. Afflicted by depression, anxiety and haplessness, they are required to adapt
and adjust quickly with the loss. They, especially for homemakers, are overwhelmed with the
two tasks that they have to fulfill doing their maternal roles and making up for the loss of
the father. They also become the sole breadwinner of their family. However, for those who
do not have the means or capability to provide, that tasks become allocated to the older
children. In the cultures like Nepal and Timor-Leste, wives anchor their status with their
husbands and with the disappearance, their status also precipitate. They are usually
considered by their in-laws as another mouth to feed (Robins, 2009). To cope, they opt to
remarry even though it causes them anguish over being stigmatized by their community
(Robins, 2010).
De Young and Buzzi (2003) stated that parents of children who were abducted or
murdered often blame themselves for the loss. This is similar to the experience of parents of
the disappeared (Amnesty International, 1979). The guilt arises from the notion that they
should be able to protect their children. As a means for coping, they start to search
obsessively for the child with their beliefs that their child is alive and that they can still
provide protection.
Children are equally affected. In a study conducted by Estrada-Claudio, Bartolome
and Dalisay in 1991 about children exposed in armed conflict, children were found to be in
constant state of stress. They experience a multitude of psychological and social difficulties
caused by the stress. Children of the disappeared are considered children caught in armed
conflict experiences the same dilemma. The effects of disappearance strip the protection and
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security in the family such that children are rendered vulnerable. They are denied to
experience the love and care of their parents and to grow normally (Moraleda et al., 2011).
They have been found to suffer the psychological trauma of abandonment, loneliness,
insecurity and permanent sense of fear (Amnesty International, 1979). In the study in Chile,
the statistics show that 70 percent among the children of the disappeared experienced
depression, 78 percent showed symptoms from social isolation and 78 percent had high
levels of fear generated by environmental stimuli such as sight of uniformed men and sirens
(Allodi, 1979a). The incidence of behavioral crises is also apparent among children.
Regressive behavior, diminished school performance and excessive dependence on their
living parent are often the behavioral manifestation of their loss (Allodi, 1979a). In the case
study of Sluzki (1990), there was also a presentation of cognitive discord between reality and
far-fetched beliefs regarding the disappeared among children. As for physical manifestation,
children also exhibited symptoms of loss of appetite, loss of weight and deprived of sleep.
Psycho-physiological problems usually result from the implicitly stressful conditions
(Estrada et al, 1991). Sluzki (1990) stated that somatic symptoms display an inexpressible
emotional anguish stemming from the loss. Marzolla study in 1979 reflected the same results,
as these somatic symptoms were also observed in Argentine families. Furthermore, the
drawings of the Argentine children illustrated distorted image of family structure (as cited in
Amnesty International, 1979) depicting the childrens personal perceptions of families and
their experiences.
In the absence of both parents, as both disappeared, the relatives act as the guardian
for the children (Sluzki, 1990). The eldest child or older children may also opt to be the
caretakers of their younger siblings (Amnesty International, 1979). As result, they are forced
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to grow more mature than children of their age. Moreover, the disappearance takes away not
only their parents but also their future as they would have their plans, hopes and dreams
suspended for the welfare of their siblings.
As a group, the family of the disappeared appeared to have an unusual dynamics and
response on dealing with the loss. Families of the disappeared are stigmatized by the
community and experience shame, tension and conflict. Robins (2009) stated that the
stigmatization is due to the communitys perceived association, factual or not, with leftist
group as in the case in Nepal, victims are linked to the Maoist group. It is assumed that the
disappeared member had been guilty of activities against the government. The public often
has an untoward stance and indifference on those who were left behind, albeit, the sufferings
of the families of the disappeared. Moreover, to admit and recognize their loss exposes them
to feeling intense shame, helplessness and fear (Sluzki, 1997). Aside from the external
factors, the family also struggles daily to keep the disappeared alive in their memory
(Amnesty International, 1979). This is due to the assumption that without proof of the death,
the disappeared is still alive.
It was also found out that families of the disappeared adopt the mystifying and
secretive style of the political regime a code of silence, toward their daily lives (Droeven &
Crescini, 1987, as cited in Sluzki, 1990). The system followed by the family, whether
externally or internally ascribed, ensures silence. The families inaction and silence was due
to the perceptions of the military and fear of inadvertently causing the death of their loved
ones by speaking up (Amnesty International, 1979). This continues until an opportunity for
them to speak without apprehensions happens. Within the family, many older family
members have sought to prevent children from learning the truth and thus, telling children
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different reasons to answer for the absence of the missing parent (Robins, 2009).
Furthermore, family members of the disappeared utilized euphemisms and semantic code in
their means to communicate political taboos and emotionally loaded issues (Sluzki, 1997).
The structural stability of the family is also threatened. The confusing nature of
ambiguous loss and the lack of information about the situation of the disappeared member
place the family in dilemma of choosing between change and retention of its shape (Sluzki,
1990). The unclear situations not knowing who is in and out of the family (Boss, 2004)
hampers the ability of the family to make decisions regarding roles and rules that will govern
the family system.
In summary, previous studies provide a roster of effects brought about by the
disappearance, the ambiguous loss experience of the family. The literature appears to be
inadequate since studies about the second type of ambiguous loss especially, the ones due to
enforced disappearance or other human rights violations are often overlooked. However, it
still enlightens and emphasizes the importance of understanding the experience of ambiguous
loss in this context and its impact on peoples lives. It also provides a baseline for this study.
With the limited literature gathered, a major bulk of the literature focused much attention on
having a list of effects and on the impact on children and wives who were left behind. Little
is known about the how the individuals involved make sense of the experience and about the
experience of other family members and of the family as a whole. There were only two
studies that provided insights about its impact on the family and other members.
Furthermore, most of the studies were conducted mostly abroad particularly in Argentina,
Nepal and Timor-Leste. In the Philippines, there was also very little literature. The center of
the studies was mostly about children in armed conflict; thus, this includes direct or indirect
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victims of political violence and human rights violations. The concerns about those exposed
in enforced disappearance were not clarified. The other two resources about effects and
experience of the disappearance were based only on encounters during rehabilitation
workshops. There appears to be a need to research on the topic further.
Theoretical Framework
The limited studies from both international and local fields and the failure to examine
other subjects, such as other family members and the family as a unit, and their experience
and influence appear to be the gaps in the literature. Given these gaps, the researcher
proposes a phenomenological means to understand the experience of ambiguous loss of
families of the disappeared. It is the intent of this study to examine the whole phenomenon
from the participants unique frame of reference and to have an in-depth analysis about it.
Therefore, among the phenomenological approaches, the researcher believes that
interpretative phenomenological analysis should be used, as it provides the right framework
and methodological tools to tackle such complex phenomenon.
Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis
IPA and its theoretical underpinnings
Unlike the established quantitative and deductive psychological research approaches,
Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis (IPA) is a version of the phenomenological
approach that is concerned with rigorous exploration of subjective experiences with
implications of the participants view and the researchers own view of world (Smith et al,
2009). Phenomenology and the attempt to build a science of consciousness, hermeneutics,
which concerns interpretation, are the theoretical touchstones of IPA (Smith & Osborn,
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2003). It is also influenced by symbolic-interaction approach, which involves how meanings
are constructed by individuals within both a social and a personal world (Smith et al, 2009).
This concept is drawn from the belief that human beings interpret and understand their world
by creating their own biographical stories into a form that meaningful to them; hence, they
are active and involved perceivers in an objective reality (Brocki & Wearden, 2006).
IPA is considered phenomenological as it concern with individuals perceptions of
objects or events, as opposed to an attempt to produce an objective statement of the object or
event itself (Smith & Osborn, 2003) and thus, grasping the insiders perspective of the
phenomenon in question. Both Husserls and Heideggers phenomenological perspective
provided ideas to understand the lived experience. Husserls perspective proposed that
focusing our experiencing gazes inwards in our own psychic life necessarily takes place
through reflection (as cited in Smith et.al, 2009 and in Shinebourne, 2011). As applied in
IPA, researcher systematically and attentively reflects on lived experiences. As for
Heideggers influence, he asserts that persons are embodied and embedded in the world and
the meaning of the phenomenon lies in the interpretation. Hence, in the context of
psychology, IPA operates within these intellectual flows of phenomenology to understand the
insiders perspective of the experience and the meanings attributed to these experiences
(Shinebourne, 2011).
In relation to this, the participants lived experience is coupled with a subjective and
reflective process of interpretation, in which the analyst explicitly enters into the research
process (Reid et al, 2005). Smith et al (2009) asserts that it is possible to combine a
hermeneutic of empathy with a hermeneutic of questioning so long as it serves to draw out
or disclose the meaning of the experience. For this reason, the interpretation in IPA
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involves two stages, a double hermeneutics the interpretation of the researcher regarding
the participants understanding of his or her world and the participant interpretation of his or
her own world (Smith & Osborn, 2008).
Characteristics of IPA
There are three characteristics of IPA idiographic, inductive and interrogative. It is
an idiograpghic approach, as it aims for an in-depth and fine-grained analysis of a particular
instance (Shinebourne, 2011). This implies that in an IPA study, the researcher will be using
a sample size in order to for detailed analysis to be feasible. Thus, according to Smith,
individuals can become a unit of study, since they offer a unique perception as they engage in
the phenomenon. In such case, it is common to see a single case-study or studies of small
group cases.
Like other qualitative approaches, IPA is an inductive process (Smith, 2004). Instead
of inquiring about hypothesis based on established and existent literature, it is an approach
that allows unpredicted data to materialize in the study. Unrestrained by hypothesis testing,
extensive and detailed data can be uncovered. Also, like other research approaches, IPA is
interrogative, as it aims to contribute to the psychological body of knowledge. The in-depth
and emerging data is used to interrogate or illuminate extant studies and theories (Smith,
2004).
IPA and the current study
IPA provides the right theoretical outline for the study as it provides the researcher
and the participants to see through the phenomenon as seen in the participants perspective
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and context. Using IPA, ambiguous loss is framed as the phenomenon in question and the
incident of enforced disappearance becomes the context with which the family operates.
Seeing ambiguous loss as phenomenon connotes that it consists of facets of experiences
which interlocks and influence each other. Such complexity entails the researcher and the
individual to dive into the experience. Staying true to IPAs idiographic commitment, this is
done through eliciting in-depth information from the individual as he or she and the family
was engaged in the experience of ambiguous loss. Embedded in their lived experiences are
their views about the incident, personal reactions and behaviors, family dynamics and
influence and social environment. Besides inquiring about each facet that may influence the
individuals experience, the researcher will also see how these experiences unfold within the
family and across time. Hence, the whole process, including their affect, cognitions and
behaviors and the meaning of the experience becomes unveiled.
In order to comprehend the dynamics of the phenomenon, the researcher will need to
perceive the experiences through the lens of the individuals involved and through their
process of meaning making. For instance, a family member of the disappeared may harbor
feelings of being victimized. This is how the participant makes sense of their situation and
the researcher moves into an interpretative stance while still grounded in the participants
statements.
Statement of the Problem
The proposed study asks, What is the subjective experience of ambiguous loss of
Filipino families of the disappeared? The research problem is stated in such a way that it
encompasses the three main domains the experience of loss in situations like enforced
disappearance, the experience from the Filipino context and the experience of loss as
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experienced by a group, in this case, a family. As such, the following research sub-questions
are asked:
1. How do Filipino families make sense of their ambiguous loss?
2. How do they experience the psychological consequences of ambiguous loss?
3. How do they cope as they deal with the ambiguous loss?
Significance of the Study
This study hopes to contribute to the awareness of ambiguous loss in the context of
enforced disappearance as a social problem and a counseling predicament. By defining and
highlighting ambiguous loss and its effects, the difference between normal and ambiguous
loss is acknowledged. As social problem, the study attempts to raise awareness to the public
about the special case of such predicament. It allows the voice of a stigmatized group to be
heard and be recognized amidst the alleged opinion on the victims and their families. As a
counseling problem, the study aim to provide therapists groundwork in understanding the
experience of ambiguous loss in the context of families of the disappeared and Filipino
perspective. It will provide a different theoretical basis and therapeutic route to address
ambiguous loss case than the traditional use grief resolution work and PTSD intervention,
which do not fit such cases. Also, it may provide new insights regarding therapy of grieving
families and new implications about the Filipino grieving rituals and process. The application
of the results may eventually lead to practical contributions and implications to service
providers, health professionals, social workers and human rights organizations.
As for its theoretical significance, the study aims to add new information in the body
of knowledge regarding the topic and to address the gap between the literature and practice.
First, it aims to attend to comprehending the experience of loss among the families of the
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disappeared since few literatures have been published about it here and abroad. Second, the
study intends to explore and understand loss and grief from a stand point of a group a family
and from the Filipino culture. There have been many studies regarding individual
experiences but few for relational cases. Lastly, the study hopes to provide a foundation in
understanding other forms bereavement.
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CHAPTER II
METHOD
The whole inquiry process is outlined in this chapter. This comprises information
about the participants, process of selection and its criteria, method and instrument that will be
used in the conduct of this investigation. This study, which will be qualitative in nature, will
consist of semi-structured interviews with family members who have experienced ambiguous
loss due to the enforced disappearances. Following the essential information about the
participants, a section on the details about the data-gathering procedure and analysis
interpretative phenomenological analysis is also presented. Also in this section, a discussion
will be dedicated to the ethical considerations that will be observed in the study. Finally,
limitations of the study are also presented.
Participants
In line with the IPA framework, the participants of this study will be purposively
selected as this will provide homogenous sample. IPA aim is to select participants based on
their experience of the phenomenon in order to elucidate and understand a particular research
inquiry, and to develop a full and detailed interpretation of the data (Brocki and Wearden,
2006). Hence, to achieve this, the researcher will opt to have a small sample size. It is
suggested that 5-10 respondents will be enough for an IPA study (Smith & Osborne, 2003).
Participants will be recruited through the assistance of different human rights
organizations which deals with victims and families of enforced disappearance. From these
organizations, the researcher will request a list of families of victims from which information
regarding the year of the incident, family members, home addresses and other relevant facts
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about the disappeared will be obtained. Only the families who experienced the
disappearances in 2000 to 2010 will be approached. This criterion is due to impact of time.
Tubbs and Boss (2000) emphasized that the family system exist through time and that life
course concerns affect the perception of ambiguity, loss and adaptations and vice versa.
Taking this consideration, the researcher will select participants whose family member
disappeared within the last ten years, as this can be regarded as recent this type of loss.
Furthermore, it is also in this decade that there was a skew in the number of disappearances
in the Philippines as accounted by FIND.
There will be a total of six individual participants which will consist of a
parent/guardian and an adult child or two siblings from three families; hence a set from three
families. Instead of getting one individual per family, the researcher will opt to get a set
parents/guardian and adult child, as this will rope in the possibility of getting information
from two different perspectives. This criterion entails three possible set of participants. First
possible set will be those who lost their spouse or a parent. For their case, the living partner
and one of their children may be considered as participants. The second possibility will be
from cases of families with a disappeared son or daughter. The researcher may pick one
parent and a sibling. Lastly, for cases wherein both parents disappeared, two children may be
counted for the study. A guardian, an extended family member or social worker, may be
considered if available. The researcher aims to have each of the set to provide diversity of
experience; however, the availability of participants may hinder this goal. Hence, any of the
set criteria may be used to complete the three set of participants (or six individual
participants).
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The families will also be chosen according to the years of experience of the loss. It
has been decided that a three year gap after the disappearance for the first family and three
year gap in between the other two families will be used. The gap will account for the
different experiences of families across time. A three year gap was chosen since the
participants will be coming from the last ten years. The gap length is appropriate as it will
provide adequate time spacing for changes in the experiences of the families. Also to be
included, participants must be of legal age. The researcher will deliberately exclude children
from the study, as the procedure may put them in risk of trauma and other psychological
stressors. All information regarding children will be probed from the older family members.
Prospective participants will be offered free counseling and/or a modest honorarium for their
partaking in the study.
Measures
Smith (1995) suggests that semi-structure interviews are employed to gain a
comprehensive image of the respondents reports of a particular subject matter. Furthermore,
this method allows flexibility and opportunities to probe the responses. Hence, individual
interviews, using semi-structured schedule will be the data-gathering tool for this study. The
researcher will develop a semi-structured interview which comprises open-ended questions.
Item questions will center on the experience of loss of families of the disappeared from the
moment of the disappearance to their current state. The questions are formed in a manner
which elicits the experience of loss of the family as a group and not just as an individual
account of the experience. The conduct of the interview will follow a general flow however
the researcher may interject probing questions when the need arises. Variations and
departures from the interview schedule are also allowed provided that the main questions are
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answered and the center of the interview is still the phenomenon in question. The general
flow of the interview is as follows:
Part 1. Details about the family and the disappeared
1. Describe your family. Who are the members of your family? (Maari ninyo bang
ilarawan ang inyong pamilya. Sinu-sino ang mga miyembro ng inyong pamily?)
2. Please describe to me the family member who disappeared. (Maari niyo bang
ilarawan sa akin ang inyong nawawalang ka-anak.)
Part 2. Disappearance
3. Please tell me what happened to your parent/sibling/child. (Maari ninyo bang ikwento
ang mga pangyayari noong nalaman niyong nawawala ang inyong ka-anak.)
4. What was your familys reaction to the news of your parent/child/siblings
disappearance? Individual reactions towards the disappearance? (Ano ang nagging
reaksyon ng inyong pamilya sa balitang pagkawala ng iyong ka-anak? Ano ang
reaksyon ng bawat miyembro?)
5. What did your family feel when you first heard the news about the disappearance?
(Ano ang naramdaman ng buong pamilya noong una ninyong nalaman ang balita
tungkol sa pagkakawala ng inyong ka-anak?)
6. What were you thinking then? (Ano ang inyong mga iniisip noong itoy mangyari?)
7. What were the measures or actions that you did? (Anu-ano ang inyong mga ginawa?)
Part 3: Experience of families across time
8. Can you recount to the events that happened after realizing that one of your family
members disappeared? (Maari niyo bang isalaysay sa akin ang mga pangyayari
matapos niyong mapagtanto na ang inyong ka-anak ay nawawala?)
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9. While looking for the disappeared family member, what were you experiences? How
did your family and its members respond to the situation at this point? (Habang
hinahanap ninyo ang nawawalang ka-anak, anu-anong mga karanasan ang inyong
pinagdaanan? Papaano tumugon ang buong pamilya at ang bawat miyembro sa mga
pangyayari sa puntong iyon?)
10. After (a month/ six months) of searching, what has happened to each member of the
family and the family as a whole? (Pagkalipas ng [isang buwan/ anim na buwan],
ano na nangyrari sa bawat miyembro ng inyong pamilya at sa buong pamilya?)
11. (A year, Three years, Six years) after the disappearance, what has happened to your
family and each member? Please recount the experiences you encountered related to
the disappearance. ([1, 3, 6 na taon] mula noong nawala ang inyong ka-anak, anon a
ang nangyayari sa pamilya niyo at sa mga miyembre nito? Maari niyo bang
isalaysay ang mga karanasan na may kinalaman sa pagkawala ng inyong ka-anak.)
12. What is now happening in your family? (Ano na ang nangyayri sa inyong pamilya
ngayon?)
13. During these times (mention markers/timeline), what were you (family and each
individual) feeling? What were you thinking? How did you act on these situations?
(Sa mga panahong ito [markers/timeline], ano ang naramdaman ng bawat miyembro
at ng buong pamilya? Ano ang nasa isip ninyo? Paano kayo umaksyon o anu-ano
ang inyong mga ginawa?)
14. Was there a closure for your family? If yes, what brought about that closure? If no,
what do you think has keeps you from having a closure and what will give you the
closure that you need? (Mayroon bang closure ang inyong pamilya? Kung meron,
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anong nagdulot para magkaroon kayo ng closure? Kung wala naman, anong
pumipigil sa pagkakaroon ng closure and ano ang magkakapagbibigay ng closure?)
Part 4. Issues encountered
15. What was the effect of the disappearance in your family and its members? How did
this shape your family? Were there any changes? (Ano ang epekto ng pagkakawala
na inyong ka-anak sa inyong pamilya at ang bawat miyembro? Papaano nito
hinubog ang inyong pamilya? Maryoon bang mga pagbabagong naganap?)
16. Were there issues/concerns your family and its member encountered the news of
disappearance? During the (mention markers/timeline), what concerns have you
encountered? (Anu-ano ang mga isyu or problema na naranasan ng inyong pamilya o
ang bawat miyembro noong nawala ang inyong ka-anak? Noong nagtagal
[markers/timeline], mayroon bang mga problemang naranasan ang pamilya?)
17. How did you manage to solve these concerns? (Paano ninyo nagawan ng solusyon
ang mga problemang dumating na dulot ng pagkakawala ng inyong ka-anak?)
Part 5: Meaning of the ambiguous loss and family
18. How did your family see the disappearance/loss when you first found out about the
incident? (Ano ang pagtingin ninyo sa pagka-wala noong una niyo itong nalaman?)
19. How did your family see it now? Was there a change in perception? (Ano na ang
pagtingin niyo ngayon sa pangyayaring iyon? Mayroon bang pagkaka-iba sa
pagtingin noon at sa ngayon?)
20. How do you see your family back then and now? (Ano ang tingingin/pananaw niyo
sa pamilya niyo noon at ngayon?)
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Procedure
Pilot Phase
A pilot interview shall be conducted to ensure the accuracy and effectiveness of the
interview schedule. The researcher will approach a family member of a disappeared and
request for his or her participation for the pilot phase. The participant will undergo the every
procedure that will be used in this study. Results generated from the pilot will be reviewed by
the researcher. During the review of the pilot interview, the researcher will note the questions
that are not effective and appropriate and the possible concerns that could cause negative
impact on the respondents. Changes, adjustment, and improvement will be implemented
during the actual conduct of the interview procedure.
Recruitment
The researcher will contact several human right organizations and seek assistance
from them. A formal request will be given to gain access to the organizations database of
enforced disappearance incidents. Based on the criteria for selection, the researcher will
search for possible participants. Upon completing the selection process, participants will be
contacted though phone call, letter or email. A written or verbal informed consent will be
provided for the possible participants to give them a detailed account of the study. In the
written consent, the aims of the study, methodology and ethical consideration will be
presented. After obtaining the consent, the interview sessions will be scheduled. The
researcher will set the session at a time and place convenient for the participants and at a
setting that is conducive for data-gathering.
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Interview
The interview will take place in the schedule and place of which the participant and
the researcher had agreed upon during the initial contact. The conduct of interview will be as
follows:
The researcher will introduce herself as a counselor who aims to gain understanding
of the experience of ambiguous loss in the context of a disappearance of a family member.
Before the main interview is conducted, the researcher will restate the background of the
study, and provide an overview of the questions to be asked. The researcher will also
encourage the participants to ask clarifications regarding the study. Reassurance of the
confidentiality and professional conduct of the process will also be provided. Furthermore,
the participant will be reminded of his or her right decline an inquiry if he or she feels
uncomfortable providing an answer. After reiterating the details about the study, permission
to record the interview will be solicited.
Subsequent to the initial dialogue, the researcher will commence the main interview.
The entirety of the interview will be in accordance to the planned course of the interview
schedule. Since the topic is emotionally loaded, the researcher will be prepared to manage the
participants predicament when the need arises. If the interview schedule is not interrupted,
the researcher will proceed to debrief the participants and thank them for their time and
contributions. The researcher will also initiate an informal conversation with the participants
before finally terminating the meeting.
The estimated duration of the interview will be at least 90 minutes. A second or third
session may be scheduled, as a possible sudden discontinuation or unexpected situation may
occur.
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Ethical and Psychological Considerations
The level of sensitivity of this study is intense. Hence, the researcher will be mindful
of the conduct of the procedures of the study. There are several concerns that will be
considered during the implementation of the procedures. First, there is a need to help
participants understand the study and a need to secure an informed consent from the
participants. The study will be explained thoroughly to the participants. This is to foster a
better understanding of the participants involvement in the study. Additionally, the informed
consent will remain as the main reminder of rules that govern the methodological procedure
of the study. In this manner, the participant will be aware of his or her rights and that he or
she may able to assert these in uncomfortable circumstances during the interview.
Second procedure concern is the content of the responses. The responses of the
participants may contain political issues and certain personalities involve. This may be
threatening for the families as this will be against personalities in the government. Access to
such information will be handled with caution. To attend to this concern, the researcher may
use codes or concealment of identities and reassure the security of the collected data.
Therefore, a thorough screening of transcribers will be executed.
The last concern is the management of psychological crisis that may occur during the
study. The interview may trigger traumatization or re-traumatization of the participants. It
may also provoke other possible psychological problems like depression, anger and anxiety.
Addressing this situation, the researcher will devise a course of action. The researcher will
also ask a counselor to assist during the interview to handle cases of participant emotional
collapse. An immediate counseling plan will be prepared for this circumstance.
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Preparation for Data Analysis
The researcher will employ psychology students to help transcribe the data. These
transcribers will be screened and will be asked to sign an agreement to ensure security of the
data. All of the interviews will be recorded and transcribed. In IPA, the transcript should be
generally semantic and not prosodic (Smith and Eathough, 2007). Hence, the transcript
should present a detailed recollection of every spoken word, significant reactions such as
laughter and pauses, and other important features worth noting. Once transcribed, the raw
transcript will be sent to the participants for verification and clarification of their responses.
Upon validation, the researcher will prepare the raw transcript for reading and analysis. The
formatted transcript will be read and re-read by the research per case. In this manner, a
thorough review of each case will be made.
Data Analysis
Following the framework for this study, the methodological analysis for IPA will be
the procedure for analysis. Smith provided a four-stage process as a guide for the conduct of
analysis (Willig, 2001). First stage us the researchers initial encounter with the text. This
stage requires the researcher to read each case and notes remarks suggesting his or her initial
insights and observations. The second stage is the identification of meaning units and
creating themes. Here, the researcher conceptualizes a label that reflects the essential
characteristics of the section of the transcript and moves to the third stage which is making
clusters of themes. Lastly, the fourth stage involves organizing a summary table of the
clustered themes. The summary table includes cluster labels, themes, quotations and
references of extracts.
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The whole analysis is an iterative process. The researcher will have to move back and
forth between the stages of the process to secure the integrity of the data and analysis of a
case. Until such time that the researcher reached a saturation point, then the analysis can
move forward to the other cases. After the intensive analysis, an overall integration of themes
across all case will be generated to capture the essential content of the experience of
ambiguous loss in the context of disappearances. A list of master themes will be created out
of the integration of all cases. Patterns of similarities and differences among the experiences
of the families will also be accounted.
Limitations of the Study
Since the study is qualitative in nature, the applicability of the findings is
limited and relevant only among contexts that are similar with the study. The researcher will
also recognize the importance the role of the researcher and the reflexivity procedure. These
methodological aspects will be reported in the study, as it has implications on the validity and
reliability of the method and analysis.
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