35
Does a Picture Paint a Thousand Words? Evidence from a Microcredit Marketing Experiment Xavier Gine ´ *, Ghazala Mansuri, and Mario Pico ´n Female entrepreneurship is low in many developing economies partly due to con- straints on women’s time and mobility, often reinforced by social norms. We analyze a marketing experiment designed to encourage female uptake of a new microcredit product. A brochure with two different covers was randomly distributed among male and female borrowing groups. One cover featured 5 businesses run by men while the other had identical businesses run by women. We find that both men and women respond to psychological cues. Men who are not themselves business owners, have lower measured ability and whose wives are less educated respond more negatively to the female brochure, as do women business owners with low autonomy within the household. Women with relatively high levels of autonomy shown the male brochure have a similar negative response, while there is no effect on female business owners with autonomy shown the female brochure. Overall, these results suggest that women’s response to psychological cues, such as positive role models, may be mediated by their autonomy and that more disadvantaged women may require more intensive interventions. JEL codes: G21, D24, D83, O12 Women in developing countries face numerous barriers to participation in economic life. In addition to constraints on time and limited access to capital, women’s exposure to markets and business networks is often also limited by * Gine ´ (Corresponding author): Development Research Group, The World Bank (e-mail:xgine@ worldbank.org). Mansuri: Development Research Group, The World Bank (e-mail: gmansuri@ worldbank.org). Pico ´n: Development Research Group, The World Bank (e-mail: mpicon@worldbank. org). We are indebted to three anonymous referees for extremely insightful comments which have substantially improved the paper. We also thank Jonathan Zinman and Tahir Waqar for valuable discussions. We are especially grateful to the following for their help and support in organizing the experiment: Shahnaz Kapadia, at ECI Islamabad, for her help with designing the brochure; Irfan Ahmad at RCONs, Lahore, for managing all field operations and data collection; Dr Rashid Bajwa, Agha Javad, Tahir Waqar and the field staff at NRSP for implementing the intervention; Qazi Azmat Isa, Kevin Crockford and Imtiaz Alvi at the World Bank Office in Islamabad, and Kamran Akbar at the Pakistan Poverty Alleviation Program (PPAF) in Islamabad for their support and encouragement. This project was jointly funded by the World Bank (Development Research Group, South Asia Region, Poverty Reduction and Equity Network, Gender Group), the PPAF and the Kaufmann Foundation. Santhosh Srinivasan provided outstanding research assistance. The views expressed herein are those of the authors and should not be attributed to the World Bank, its executive directors, or the countries they represent. THE WORLD BANK ECONOMIC REVIEW, VOL. 25, NO. 3, pp. 508–542 doi:10.1093/wber/lhr026 Advance Access Publication July 10, 2011 # The Author 2011. Published by Oxford University Press on behalf of the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development / THE WORLD BANK. All rights reserved. For permissions, please e-mail: [email protected] 508 Public Disclosure Authorized Public Disclosure Authorized Public Disclosure Authorized Public Disclosure Authorized Public Disclosure Authorized Public Disclosure Authorized Public Disclosure Authorized Public Disclosure Authorized

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  • Does a Picture Paint a Thousand Words? Evidencefrom a Microcredit Marketing Experiment

    Xavier Giné*, Ghazala Mansuri, and Mario Picón

    Female entrepreneurship is low in many developing economies partly due to con-straints on women’s time and mobility, often reinforced by social norms. We analyzea marketing experiment designed to encourage female uptake of a new microcreditproduct. A brochure with two different covers was randomly distributed among maleand female borrowing groups. One cover featured 5 businesses run by men while theother had identical businesses run by women. We find that both men and womenrespond to psychological cues. Men who are not themselves business owners, havelower measured ability and whose wives are less educated respond more negatively tothe female brochure, as do women business owners with low autonomy within thehousehold. Women with relatively high levels of autonomy shown the male brochurehave a similar negative response, while there is no effect on female business ownerswith autonomy shown the female brochure. Overall, these results suggest thatwomen’s response to psychological cues, such as positive role models, may bemediated by their autonomy and that more disadvantaged women may require moreintensive interventions. JEL codes: G21, D24, D83, O12

    Women in developing countries face numerous barriers to participation ineconomic life. In addition to constraints on time and limited access to capital,women’s exposure to markets and business networks is often also limited by

    * Giné (Corresponding author): Development Research Group, The World Bank (e-mail:xgine@

    worldbank.org). Mansuri: Development Research Group, The World Bank (e-mail: gmansuri@

    worldbank.org). Picón: Development Research Group, The World Bank (e-mail: mpicon@worldbank.

    org). We are indebted to three anonymous referees for extremely insightful comments which have

    substantially improved the paper. We also thank Jonathan Zinman and Tahir Waqar for valuable

    discussions. We are especially grateful to the following for their help and support in organizing the

    experiment: Shahnaz Kapadia, at ECI Islamabad, for her help with designing the brochure; Irfan Ahmad

    at RCONs, Lahore, for managing all field operations and data collection; Dr Rashid Bajwa, Agha Javad,

    Tahir Waqar and the field staff at NRSP for implementing the intervention; Qazi Azmat Isa, Kevin

    Crockford and Imtiaz Alvi at the World Bank Office in Islamabad, and Kamran Akbar at the Pakistan

    Poverty Alleviation Program (PPAF) in Islamabad for their support and encouragement. This project was

    jointly funded by the World Bank (Development Research Group, South Asia Region, Poverty Reduction

    and Equity Network, Gender Group), the PPAF and the Kaufmann Foundation. Santhosh Srinivasan

    provided outstanding research assistance. The views expressed herein are those of the authors and should

    not be attributed to the World Bank, its executive directors, or the countries they represent.

    THE WORLD BANK ECONOMIC REVIEW, VOL. 25, NO. 3, pp. 508–542 doi:10.1093/wber/lhr026Advance Access Publication July 10, 2011# The Author 2011. Published by Oxford University Press on behalf of the International Bankfor Reconstruction and Development / THE WORLD BANK. All rights reserved. For permissions,please e-mail: [email protected]

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  • low mobility and lack of education. Weak decision-making power within thehousehold often reinforces these disadvantages, further limiting women’sability to secure time or resources for their own productive activities. Onemanifestation of this is the comparatively low prevalence of female-ownedbusinesses. Even as entrepreneurs, however, women operate businesses that arefar smaller in scale and profitability than male businesses.

    The recognition that women may therefore be most in need of credit forsmall businesses has played an important role in the woman-centered microcre-dit movement of the last two decades (Yunus, 1999). In Pakistan, however,microfinance as well as other support for micro-entrepreneurship has focusedprimarily on men while women remain at the margins of economic life.

    This paper reports on an experiment designed to encourage female uptakeof a new microcredit product that allowed eligible borrowers the opportunityto borrow up to four times the typical loan size.1 In cooperation with themicrofinance institution, we designed two different brochures that providedinformation about the characteristics of the loan and described the applicationprocess. The brochures were identical, except for the cover page: one featured5 different businesses with men operating them, while the other had the exactsame five businesses, but with women entrepreneurs, instead. Groups of bor-rowers targeted to be offered the new product were randomized to receiveeither the brochure with the female or the male pictures.

    We find that this form of marketing affects both male and female clients butquite differently. In the full sample of clients, the brochure has little impact onloan demand among either men or women. When we focus on businessowners, however, we find that exposure to the female brochure substantiallydecreases demand for the larger loan among women clients but has no impacton male clients. Importantly, this is not an artifact of business scale. Whilewomen typically operate much smaller businesses, we show that women whooperate businesses which are comparable in scale to male businesses also reactnegatively to the female brochure. However, once we allow the response to thebrochure picture to vary by individual characteristics, we find that this negativeeffect is concentrated among women business owners with low decisionmaking power. For this group of women, we conjecture that it is the maledecision maker’s reaction to the female brochure that matters. We find thatmen also react negatively to the female brochure, but only amongnon-entrepreneurs, individuals with poor digit span recall (correlated with edu-cation and entrepreneurship) or with wives who are relatively poorly educated.This could be interpreted as evidence of affinity (Evans, 1963; Mobius andRosenblat, 2006), but it is also consistent with men’s low regard for females asbusiness owners (see Beaman et al. 2009 who study perceptions about female

    1. While supply constraints may also be an important determinant of lack of credit to small firms

    (Banerjee and Duflo, 2008; de Mel et al. 2010), our sample consists of individuals that are already

    microfinance clients.

    Giné, Mansuri, and Picón 509

  • politicians). Interestingly, female business owners with high decision makingautonomy shown the male brochure also react negatively by roughly the samemagnitude, while there is no effect on female business owners with autonomyshown the female brochure.

    These findings contribute to the relatively limited evidence on the impact ofmarketing on behavior change and in this sense, Bertrand et al. (2010) is thepaper closest to ours. They analyze a direct mail field experiment in urbanSouth Africa that randomized advertising content, loan price, and loan offerdeadlines simultaneously. Their subjects, like ours, were existing microfinanceclients. Bertrand et al. find that advertising content matters, especially amongmen, but it is mostly treatments that appeal to intuition (such as a picture) asopposed to reason (like a comparison of interest rates across lenders) that influ-ence behavior. The reason why reflexive cues are less relevant is perhapsbecause individuals that received the loan offers had rationally decided not toborrow, and so were already familiar with the terms of the loan made salientby reflexive treatments (Kahneman, 2003).

    In Bertrand et al (2010) men respond positively to the image of womencredit officers in a context where this creates no threat to relative male auth-ority within the household or within the community. In our experiment,however, the picture of a female entrepreneur on a brochure advertising alarger loan challenges local norms of relative power. In this sense, the paper isrelevant to the growing literature on social norms which uses traditional mar-keting techniques to alter attitudes and behavior by changing individual per-ceptions (see, for example, La Ferrara et al., 2008; Jensen and Oster, 2007 andPaluck, 2009).

    The remainder of the paper is structured as follows. Section I describes thecontext in Pakistan and the marketing experiment. Section II discusses thedata, Section III describes the empirical strategy and Section IV reports theresults of the experiment. Section V discusses the policy implementations of theresults and concludes.

    I . S E T T I N G A N D I N T E R V E N T I O N

    Pakistan has a population of over 162 million, with over 60% living in ruralareas. Although the agricultural sector continues to be important for overallgrowth, 45 percent of the rural poor rely on non-farm activities as importantsources of income.2

    Pakistan’s financial system has grown significantly in the past few years duein part to the successful implementation of various financial sector reforms,including the granting of banking licenses to a number of new private banks inthe early 1990s, the modernization of the governance and regulatory

    2. Source: World Development Indicators database, April 2009 and World Development Report

    2008.

    510 T H E W O R L D B A N K E C O N O M I C R E V I E W

  • framework of the banking sector in the late 1990s, and the privatization ofmajor public sector banks since the early to mid-2000s.

    Despite these recent achievements, access to financial services is still quitelimited, especially in rural areas. According to the Access to Finance dataset(Nenova et al. 2009), only 14 percent of households interviewed reportedusing a financial product or service (including savings, credit, insurance, pay-ments, and remittance services) from a formal financial institution.3 Wheninformal financial access is taken into account, however, this figure rises to justover 50 percent.

    Overall, rural firms and households account for about 7 percent of totalcredit disbursement (about Rs 130.7 billion) and the bulk of this is for agricul-tural finance (Rs 108.7 billion), including both farm and nonfarm credit (seeAkhtar, 2008). While microcredit volumes are skewed towards rural areas,microcredit currently accounts for only 17 percent of total rural credit andserves some 1.7 million clients. Comparative rates of microfinance penetrationin the South Asian region are 35 percent in Bangladesh, 25 percent in India,and 29 percent in Sri Lanka.

    Among microfinance providers, Khushali Bank is active in 86 districts;National Rural Support Program (NRSP) comes second with a presence in 51districts while Kashf Foundation has some presence in 24 districts.4 Thesethree microfinance entities account for approximately 70 percent of the sector’sactive clients (MicroWatch, 2008).

    Unlike most other countries, the microfinance sector has focused primarilyon men rather than women on the grounds that there is less demand for creditfrom women give their low mobility levels and cultural norms around womenas economic actors. Consistent with this, Pakistan continues to under-performon a range of social indicators relative to other countries at similar levels of percapita income and rural development. According to the 1998 HumanDevelopment Report, for example, Pakistan ranked 138 out of 174 on theHuman Development Index, 131 out of 163 on the Gender Development Index(GDI), and 100 out of 102 on the Gender Empowerment Measure (GEM).

    National Rural Support Program

    Established in 1991, NRSP is the largest of the Rural Support Programs in thecountry in terms of outreach, staff and development activities. It is modeledafter the Aga Khan Rural Support Program, established in the early 1980s as anot-for-profit rural development organization. During the early 1990s, NRSPremained small, but the establishment of the Pakistan Poverty Alleviation Fundin 2000, a second-tier funding and capacity-building apex, provided critical

    3. In comparison, 32 percent of the population has access to the formal financial system in

    Bangladesh, and this figure amounts to 48 percent in India and 59 percent in Sri Lanka (World Bank,

    2008).

    4. Both NRSP and Kashf obtain a large fraction of their loan funds from the Pakistan Poverty

    Alleviation Fund (PPAF) which supported this work.

    Giné, Mansuri, and Picón 511

  • funding that fueled NRSP and other partner NGOs’ growth. As part of itsgrowth strategy, NRSP applied for a microfinance bank license in 2008 andbecame a microfinance bank in early 2010, falling under the supervision of theState Bank of Pakistan. Microfinance banks now account for almost half of theoutreach of the microfinance sector.

    NRSP makes loans largely to members of a community organization. Itsstaff supports the creation of community organizations (CO) by a process ofsocial mobilization which includes the creation of a community co-financedand co-managed infrastructure project and skill and group management train-ing. Members of a CO typically live close to each other and meet regularly.Most also contribute towards individual and group savings. Up to date, NRSPhas organized more than a million poor households into a network of morethan 100,000 COs across the country. Roughly one-half to two-thirds of COmembers are also active borrowers and group meetings serve as the venue forthe receipt and repayment of loans for most members.

    NRSP has three main credit products: a single installment loan for agricul-tural inputs (fertilizer, seeds, etc) with maturity of 6 to 12 months; enterpriseloans and loans for livestock that have 12 monthly installments each. Themaximum amount that can be borrowed depends on the number of loans suc-cessfully repaid (loan cycle). A new borrower starts with a small loan limit ofRs 10,000 (USD 117)5 which can increase in intervals of up to Rs 5,000 perloan cycle. As a point of comparison, a cow costs around Rs 60,000. All loanshave joint liability at the CO level although new loans are issued even if someCO members are overdue.6

    Besides credit, NRSP offers training in various vocational skills and providesup to 80 percent financing for infrastructure projects in the village.

    The Experiment and Marketing Intervention

    The study was conducted in five branches in the districts of Bahawalpur,Hyderabad, and Attock, spanning different agro-climatic regions of Pakistan.7

    Figure 1 shows the location of the study districts.NRSP staff conducted a complete listing of the occupation of CO members

    in the study branches to identify those who were engaged in a non-farmactivity. After the listing, a baseline survey was conducted in November 2006in a sample of 747 COs, selected so that their membership was between 5 and26 members. The original sampling framework included all CO members thataccording to the listing exercise had a non-farm business and five othermembers selected at random from each CO. In practice, enumerators ended up

    5. Currency converter accessed online on July 2nd, 2010.

    6. Borrowers are required to find two guarantors, who can be members of the same CO. NRSP staff

    uses guarantors as a means of exerting peer pressure, rather than enforcing repayment from them.

    7. These branches are as follows: Matiari and Tando Muhammad Khan in Hyderabad, Attock in

    Attock and Bahawalpur (rural and urban) in Bahawalpur.

    512 T H E W O R L D B A N K E C O N O M I C R E V I E W

  • interviewing everyone that attended a special CO meeting that was called toconduct the baseline survey. The resulting sample consisted of a total of 4,162members interviewed, and 2,284 members (54.9%) that were in good standing.The timeline of the experiment is presented in Figure 2.

    Using data from the listing exercise, COs were randomly allocated into twogroups, one of which was assigned to receive business training. Training ses-sions were held, from February to May 2007. Each session lasted for 6 to 8days (see Giné and Mansuri (2011a) for more details about the business train-ing intervention).

    After completing the business training sessions, members from all study COswere invited to an orientation meeting that introduced the possibility of bor-rowing a larger loan amount. Most orientation sessions took place in regularlyscheduled CO meetings and lasted for about an hour and a half. Attendance atthese sessions was high, with more than 90 percent of members attending.Message consistency during the orientation was maintained by providing

    FIGURE 1. Pakistan Study Districts

    Giné, Mansuri, and Picón 513

  • training to all NRSP credit officers and other staff who were in charge of deli-vering the orientations.8

    During the orientation meeting, members who were in good standing i.e.,those who had successfully repaid at least one loan on time received one oftwo versions of a marketing brochure. Orientations occurred successfully in596 COs. In the remaining 151 COs orientation meetings could not be heldbecause the CO had either disbanded or was newly formed so that none of itsmembers was eligible for the lottery.9 The brochure was identical in all respectsexcept one. In one version, the entrepreneurs manning the business were malewhile in the other they were female. To ensure that only the gender of the busi-nessperson differed between both versions of the brochure, the exact samebusiness was photographed twice, the first time with a man as owner and thesecond with a woman. Figure 3 shows the front and back of the brochurealong with the picture of the businesses first with men (Male brochure) andthen with women (Female Brochure). The businesses in the brochure werechosen to be representative of the type of businesses typically run by NRSPmicroentrepreneurs. The brochure thus contained two agribusinesses, tworetail businesses and one tailoring business. According to our baseline data,49.41 percent of male businesses were agribusiness, 26.87 percent were inretail and 8.53 percent were involved in handicrafts and tailoring, thusaccounting for almost 85 percent of all male businesses. Among femalebusinesses, 19.88 percent were agribusinesses, 17.60 percent were retailbusinesses and 56.90 were in handicrafts and tailoring, accounting for almost95 percent of all female businesses. All members of a CO were given one of thetwo brochures, which were randomly allocated across COs.

    The goal of the brochure was to explain how to apply for a larger loan via alottery. Appendix A provides the translated text of the brochure. According tothis, all eligible members could make a loan request of up to Rs. 100,000. Therequest was subject to all the usual technical and social reviews conducted by

    FIGURE 2. Timeline

    8. There were 12 teams of two NRSP staff each in Attock, 29 in Bahawalpur and 7 in Hyderabad.

    9. First time borrowers were not eligible to participate in the lottery. NRSP felt it did not have

    sufficient credit history for this group to allow them access to the much larger loans available to lottery

    winners.

    514 T H E W O R L D B A N K E C O N O M I C R E V I E W

  • NRSP credit officers, who could also determine the loan amount they werewilling to approve for each borrower. Approved loans which were larger thanthe usual limit of Rs. 30,000, were to be forwarded to headquarters, where theresult of the lottery were maintained.10 Lottery winners could borrow theapproved amount, while those who lost the lottery could borrow up to theirregular loan size. Although the brochure encouraged members to borrow forproductive purposes, in practice there were no restrictions on the use of theloan. In addition, qualifying members who already had an outstanding loanwith NRSP were allowed to apply for the larger loan, subject to the conditionthat part of the new loan would be used to pay off the outstanding debt.

    Eligible CO members had seven months, from November 2007 to June2008, to apply for the larger loan. Of the 2,284 eligible CO members, 713(31.2 percent) applied. NRSP approved 532 loans (74.6 percent). Most appli-cants had their loan amounts reduced. Credit officers reported that this wasdue to concerns that borrowers would not be able to make the requiredmonthly installments. Of the customers approved, 254 were assigned to winthe lottery (47.7 percent) and 211 ended up borrowing (83 percent). Amongthe 278 loan applicants that lost the lottery, only 161 borrowed (58 percent).Among the reasons cited for changing their mind are time elapsed from request

    FIGURE 3. Brochures

    10. The lottery was designed so that the chance of winning was 50 percent. See Giné and Mansuri

    2011 for more details.

    Giné, Mansuri, and Picón 515

  • to approval (average time was 2 months), and for losers the fact that the newloan size was not too different than the loan they currently had.

    Figure 4 shows the distribution of loans by disbursement date and gender.The vertical axis measures number of loans applied for in each disbursementmonth. It is clear that women did the bulk of the borrowing in the first threeto four months after the lottery started. Males, on the other hand, waited forthe months of May and June to ask for loans, coinciding with the agriculturalseason.

    A follow-up survey was conducted in December 2008. This was sixmonths after the loan lottery concluded and about 13 months after the loanorientation meetings. In the follow up, some 45 percent of eligible COmembers recalled attending the loan lottery orientation meeting. Amongthose who recalled attendance, about 70 percent recalled receiving a bro-chure and of these about half were able to correctly recall the picture theywere shown.

    Of the 211 lottery winners who took the larger loan, 125 reported loan usein the follow up. Table 1 reports the share of loans used for different purposesby gender, along with the p-value of a test of differences by gender. Onaverage, about 48 percent of the loan was used for working capital, with mensignificantly more likely to use loans for this purpose (50 percent as comparedto 36 percent for women). In contrast only 6 percent of loan proceeds wereused for purchasing business equipment, but here women were 3 times morelikely to report this use (12 percent compared to about 4 percent for men). Forother uses, men and women look roughly similar, though women use loans

    FIGURE 4. Distribution of Loans by Date of Disbursement

    (Source: Administrative records, NRSP)

    516 T H E W O R L D B A N K E C O N O M I C R E V I E W

  • more frequently for consumer durables (8 percent of loan proceeds on averageversus about 3 percent for men), while men use loan proceeds morefrequently for housing improvements (8 percent versus about 3 percent forwomen).

    I I . D A T A

    Baseline data collected in November 2006, prior to the business training andloan lottery orientations, included questions on the CO member, the member’shousehold and the business. Besides the usual set of variables, such as age, edu-cation, marital status etc, individual characteristics include measures of entre-preneurship, digit span recall, risk preferences and decision making autonomyacross a range of household and business outcomes. Household characteristicsinclude information on the income generating activities of all householdmembers, total household assets including livestock and past and current bor-rowing and saving of household members. Business characteristics, includingage, location and type of business activity, as well as the scale of the businessas measured by its assets, hired workers and monthly sales.

    Summary statistics from the baseline survey are presented in Table 2, andvariable definitions are provided in Appendix B. CO members are about38 years old, have 4.1 years of education, own some 3.5 acres of land and haveaverage household expenditures of about Rs 5,200 per month (roughly61 USD). This places them significantly above the bottom half of the popu-lation of the villages in which they reside (see Mansuri, 2011). Women are

    TA B L E 1. Reported Larger Loan Use

    All Male Female P-val of t-test (2)-(3)(1) (2) (3) (4)

    Household Durables 0.038 0.027 0.080 0.161Food consumption 0.041 0.041 0.041 0.999School Supplies 0.003 0.003 0.005 0.584Festivals and Ceremonies 0.010 0.007 0.022 0.250Household Repairs 0.070 0.081 0.027 0.293Previous Loan Repayment 0.059 0.057 0.068 0.787Savings 0.041 0.036 0.063 0.438Inventories/ raw materials for

    main business0.475 0.505 0.355 0.110

    Equipment for main business 0.055 0.038 0.124 0.064Inventories and Equipment for

    other household businesses0.061 0.053 0.096 0.361

    Other uses 0.146 0.153 0.118 0.606Number of Obs. 125 100 25

    Note: Authors’ analysis based on data from the follow-up survey conducted in December2008. Columns report the average fraction of loans used for each purpose.

    Giné, Mansuri, and Picón 517

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    (Conti

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    518 T H E W O R L D B A N K E C O N O M I C R E V I E W

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    hold

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    report

    mea

    ns.

    Giné, Mansuri, and Picón 519

  • only slightly less likely than men to report owning a business (61 percent ofsample men and 58 percent of sample women owned a business at baseline).11

    However, there are significant differences between male and female COmembers in almost all other dimensions, and these differences are sustainedwhen we focus only on those who owned a business at baseline. Women tendto have less education, perform significantly below men on digit span recalland are less risk tolerant (on a 0 to 10 scale). Women members are also morelikely to come from households that have less land wealth, as compared to thehouseholds of male CO members. This indicates some selection of women COmembers by wealth and is consistent with more stringent female seclusion prac-tices among landed rural households (see Jacoby and Mansuri, 2011).Importantly, women members also report far less decision making autonomythan men do on a range of household, individual and business outcomes.Among business owners, women report having complete autonomy overroughly 1.5 decisions out of a total of 8, whereas men claim to have completeautonomy over more than 3 decisions.12

    Women are also more likely than men to belong to a mixed gender CO inour sample (about 63 percent of members in mixed COs are women). Whilethis is a small sample overall, given that only 7 percent of COs have both menand women, there are some interesting differences between women in mixedand single gender COs. In particular, the former seem to have less ‘voice’ inthe COs they belong to. While the odds of holding office in the single genderCOs are about the same for men and women, at 20 and 18 percent respect-ively, 48 percent of men and only 7 percent of women in mixed COs reportholding any office. Women in mixed COs are also significantly more likely toobserve purdah, even though mixed COs are more than twice as likely to becomposed of members of the same zaat (caste).13 They are also younger andhave more young children under age 9. They are also less risk tolerant, signifi-cantly less optimistic and have less trust in the formal institutions. However,they do about as well as other women on digit span recall and the index ofentrepreneurial literacy. They are also about as well educated as women infemale only COs and come from households that are, on average, wealthierthan those of other women in the sample (Appendix Table A1). Bothe menand women in mixed COs are also far less likely to be eligible for the largerloan, and this is even more the case for men, perhaps because they have beenCO members for a much shorter time, on average.

    Entrepreneurs are also different from other CO members. They are morelikely to be older, more educated and to report a family history of businessownership. In addition, business owners have better digit span recall, have a

    11. This is not surprising given that the men and women in our sample are all microfinance clients.

    12. Giné and Mansuri (2011a) also find that women members are often not the effective managers

    of businesses they claim to own.

    13. Seclusion practices are much less stringent within zaat/biradari (caste) groups. See Jacoby and

    Mansuri (2011).

    520 T H E W O R L D B A N K E C O N O M I C R E V I E W

  • better outlook on life and not surprisingly, also score higher on a businessknowledge test (see Giné and Mansuri, 2011a for details). They are also morelikely to be risk tolerant. Among women, those that have a business are lesslikely to report mobility constraints, but are somewhat more likely to observepurdah, perhaps because they are relatively wealthier.

    Table 2 also suggests that the scale at which male and female businessesoperate is quite different (see also de Mel et al. 2009). Men’s businesses yieldmonthly sales that are more than 4 times as large as monthly sales for women.Women also tend to operate more businesses from home. While there is con-siderable overlap in the type of businesses owned by men and women, men arefar more likely to be in the agribusiness sector, with much greater contact withwider markets, while women are concentrated in small scale manufacturing,handicrafts and tailoring in particular.

    Table 3 shows the main sources of credit for sample households at baseline.Only 5 percent of members have any loans from formal financial sources,mainly commercial banks. In contrast, 34 percent report borrowing from infor-mal lenders, mainly shopkeepers, and 21 percent report borrowing from rela-tives.14 Not surprisingly, most borrow from an MFI, including NRSP. Averageloan sizes vary greatly by source. While the average loan from a commercialbank is around 100,250 Rs (1,172 USD), the average MFI loan is only 12,000

    TA B L E 3. Percentage Borrowing and Reasons for not Borrowing by CreditSource

    Credit Source

    CommercialBank MFI

    InformalLenders

    Relatives andFriends

    Percent borrowing from [source] in2006

    5.07 83.43 33.77 21.12

    The main [reason] for not borrowingfrom [source]?Do not like/need to borrow 52.55 81.39 70.81 74.69Inadequate collateral 18.50 1.98 11.94 6.77Lender’s procedures are toocumbersome

    14.49 9.31 6.70 5.82

    Lender’s loan terms areunfavorable

    5.48 0.59 3.35 0.91

    Lender is too far away 3.18 0.40 0.78 1.35Need to pay bribes 2.02 0.79 2.18 0.08Past default with lender 1.96 0.79 0.89 1.15Members not willing to lend to me 1.25 4.55 2.51 6.53Bad credit history 0.56 0.20 0.84 2.69

    Notes: Data come from the baseline survey (November 2006)

    14. Informal lenders also include traders and wholesalers and, to a smaller extent, professional

    moneylenders and landlords.

    Giné, Mansuri, and Picón 521

  • Rs (USD 140) and loans from informal lenders are typically in about the samerange. There is little variation in the relative share of lenders by gender,however, though female CO members tend to borrow less overall.

    Table 3 also reports reasons for not borrowing for those who reported notusing a credit source. Interestingly, most respondents without loans report anunwillingness to borrow – either because they have no need for loans orbecause they dislike borrowing – as the main reason for not taking a loan andthis varies little across lenders. Lack of collateral and cumbersome loan appli-cation procedures come in next, and are particularly important when dealingwith a formal lender.

    Table 4 presents the means of baseline variables for the sample. Columns 2,3 and 4 report the means for CO members who were exposed to the male andfemale brochure, respectively and the p-value of the test that the difference inmeans is significant. We also report the means and p-value of the same test forthe sample of males (columns 5 to 8) and females (columns 9-12) separately.Overall, we find balance between the two groups. The difference in means formembers receiving the male and female brochure is significant at conventionallevels for only two of the 16 baseline variables we consider. Study participantswho received the male brochure borrow more from informal sources and areless likely to be members of a mixed group (both significant at the 10% level).For the sample of males, the difference in means in the two groups is again sig-nificant for only two of the 16 variables considered. Male participants whoreceived the male brochure are somewhat less likely to belong to a mixed CO(significant at the 10% level)15 and are somewhat less likely to borrow fromfriends and relatives (significant at the 5% level). For the sample of females thedifference is only significant for own education. Women who received the malebrochure appear to have higher formal education by about one third of a year.Table 3 also reports the p-value of an F-test that all baseline characteristics arejointly insignificant. We cannot reject this hypothesis in any of the threesamples (lowest p-value is 0.58).

    I I I . E M P I R I C A L S T R A T E G Y

    Because the type of brochure is assigned randomly at the CO level, its impactcan be estimated via the following regression equation:

    Yij ¼ aþ bFBj þ gXij þ eij ð1Þ

    where Yij is the outcome of interest for individual i in CO j (for e.g., and indi-cator variable that takes the value 1 if the respondent had applied for a largerloan, and 0 otherwise), FBj is an indicator variable that take the value 1 if the

    15. Since brochure-type was assigned at the CO level, the lower representation of men in mixed

    COs likely explains this.

    522 T H E W O R L D B A N K E C O N O M I C R E V I E W

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    Giné, Mansuri, and Picón 523

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    cant

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    s:*

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    ember

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    ervari

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    from

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    mber

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    ber

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    efr

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    inis

    trat

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    afr

    om

    NR

    SP.

    524 T H E W O R L D B A N K E C O N O M I C R E V I E W

  • respondent was shown the female brochure, Xij is a vector of individual charac-teristics collected at baseline and e ij is a mean-zero error term. Standard errorsare clustered at the CO level throughout since the CO level treatment assign-ment creates spatial correlation among members of the same CO (Moulton,1986). The vector Xij includes the following baseline characteristics reported inTable 2: eligibility, being offered business training, a dummy if decision-making power is above the median in the same gender sample, own education,digit span recall, spouse education, landholdings, membership in a mixedgroup, age, number of children and risk tolerance. It also includes field unit(branch) dummies, our stratification variable. This set of variables includescharacteristics for which there is imbalance as well as variables that are likelyto affect the decision to borrow. 16 The coefficient b captures the impact ofbeing shown a brochure with pictures of female entrepreneurs on the cover andis the coefficient of interest.

    We also examine interactions between the type of brochure shown and base-line characteristics which could proxy for attitudes towards women

    Yij ¼ aþ rðFB�jZijÞ þ bFBj þ gXij þ eij ð2Þ

    Zij is a subset of individual characteristics included in the vector Xij that couldrepresent an individual’s attitudes towards women. The coefficient r on theinteraction term FBj * Zij reveals the extent to which the impact of the femalepicture (FB) on loan uptake varies according to the members attitudes towardswomen.

    I V. E M P I R I C A L R E S U L T S

    This section presents evidence on the impact of the female brochure on twomain outcomes: the decision to borrow and the loan amount requested.

    Table 5 presents regression results from the estimation of equation (1) forthe decision to borrow. Columns (1)-(3) present results for the full sample,combined and disaggregated by gender. On average, only 14.6 percent ofmembers, roughly 31 percent of the eligible, applied for a larger loan. This issomewhat higher for men, at 20 percent, and correspondingly lower forwomen, among whom only 8 percent of the eligible applied. Given that thesample consists of seasoned microfinance clients, this number appears low.When asked anecdotally, many borrowers report either that the monthlyinstallment amount for the larger loan was too high or that the maturityperiod was too short. Both of these indicate that the clients of NRSP are not,by and large, constrained by the current loan size, but that some could benefitfrom larger loans. Among men, older members and business owners were more

    16. The regression results to come are not substantially affected by the exclusion of this set of

    control variables.

    Giné, Mansuri, and Picón 525

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    )

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    20.0

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    (0.0

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    (0.0

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    (Conti

    nued

    )

    526 T H E W O R L D B A N K E C O N O M I C R E V I E W

  • TA

    BL

    E5.

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    nued

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    6

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    ember

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    for

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    regre

    ssio

    ns

    incl

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    nch

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    and

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    dix

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    rvari

    able

    defi

    nit

    ion.

    Giné, Mansuri, and Picón 527

  • likely to apply, while among women, being offered business training increasesloan demand. Membership in a mixed CO dampens loan demand for bothmen and women even after controlling for eligibility, perhaps because groupdynamics provide disincentives to borrow, since only half of the members ofmixed COs are eligible to borrow (see Appendix Table A1). Exposure to thefemale brochure does not seem to have any effect, however.

    In columns (4)-(6) we focus on all CO members who had a business at base-line. We find, perhaps surprisingly, that the female brochure impacts negativelythe uptake by women entrepreneurs. The effect is not small. From a base of8.3 percent, the point estimate indicates a reduction of 39 percent the prob-ability of applying for the larger loan. In contrast, businessmen appear indiffer-ent to the picture in the brochure and, as before, being offered businesstraining increases loan demand while membership in a mixed CO depresses it,but there are no differences by gender in these or any other characteristics.Taken face value, the result among women appears counterintuitive: if any-thing, one might expect that a woman who owns a business would be attractedto a loan product that makes salient her identity as a business woman. Butsince women operate businesses that are much smaller than those of men, it ispossible that the negative impact is an artifact of the business scale.Specifically, women may find the scale of the business pictured in the brochuretoo large and they may be discouraged from applying.17 To explore thishypothesis further, we restrict attention to female business owners who operateat a scale comparable with men.18 Specifically, we construct a sample ofmatched male and female businesses by sector.19 Given differences in businessscale by gender, this matched sample necessarily consists of businesses in theupper (lower) tail of the distribution of female (male) businesses. In particular,female businesses in the matched sample have on average Rs 4,016 higher salescompared to the sample of all female businesses, while male businesses in thematched sample have Rs 8,129 lower sales, on average. Sample size is alsoconsiderably reduced. Only 363 female businesses can be matched with acorresponding male business. Columns (7)–(9) report these results. The coeffi-cient for female brochure remains negative but we lose precision. Thecoefficient falls by about 16 percent while the standard error increases by

    17. We have some anecdotal evidence that businesswomen felt that some of the businesses featured

    in the brochure were run on a larger scale than the typical female business and that this fact

    discouraged them from borrowing. As mentioned, many women operated each of the three business

    types featured in the brochure, which together account for 95 percent of all businesses run by women.

    In addition, the brochure clearly stated that the loan could be used for any purpose and for any

    business, but nonetheless, the picture may have triggered a more deliberative response (Kahneman,

    2003).

    18. We are grateful to an anonymous referee for suggesting this analysis.

    19. The matched sample is generated as follows. For each female business, we compute the absolute

    difference in sales with each male business in the same sector and then pick the business with the

    smallest difference. A male business is matched only once with a female business. In the final sample we

    keep only those female businesses where the absolute difference in sales is less than Rs 1000.

    528 T H E W O R L D B A N K E C O N O M I C R E V I E W

  • about 70 percent. In sum, we cannot conclusively rule out a negative effect ofexposure to the female brochure even among women business owners who runlarger businesses. Note, however, that in this matched group, being offeredbusiness training increases the probability of a woman applying for a largerloan by 86 percent from a base of 11 percent and appears to be driving theoverall increase in loan applications due to the offer of business training. Onthe other hand, decision making power does not appear to encourage loanapplications from women in any of these samples.

    Table 6 reports the regression results from specification (2), for males(columns 1-3) and females (columns 4-6) on all three samples. All regressionsinclude the baseline controls used in Table 5. The first striking fact is that asubset of men does respond to the psychological content of the brochure.Specifically, business owners with low scores on the digit span recall question,a proxy for ability, and those whose wives are poorly educated (p-value of FBx Years Education of Spouse is 0.11), respond negatively to the female bro-chure. In this group, loan demand falls by about 13 percentage points (morethan a 50% decline over the base demand).

    While our experimental design does not allow us to distinguish betweenlack of affinity towards women and an outright distaste for female-runbusinesses as possible explanations for the negative response, it doessuggest one channel through which exposure to the female brochure amongfemale business owners could depress loan demand. Specifically, womenwho have low decision making power may turn to their husbands for per-mission to borrow and may face a negative response from them whenshown the female brochure.

    We do find some evidence in support of this. Females in mixed groups,which as mentioned before appear to have less ‘voice’, as well as businesswomen with low decision making power in their household react negatively tothe female brochure. Interestingly, female business owners with high decisionmaking autonomy shown the male brochure also react negatively by roughlythe same magnitude, while there is no effect on female business owners withautonomy shown the female brochure (p-value is 0.28).20 This suggests thatwomen with decision-making autonomy react negatively to the brochure ofopposite sex by about as much as men without business, with low digit spanand poorly educated wives. Given the disadvantaged position of women inrural Pakistan, we conjecture that men may have less respect for femalebusinesses whereas women may feel more alienated when shown the malebrochure.

    20. More formally we test whether the coefficient on the female brochure plus the coefficient on

    decision-making power above median plus the coefficient on the interaction between the female

    brochure and decision-making power above median is different from zero, that is b þ gþ r ¼0following the notation of Equation (2) .

    Giné, Mansuri, and Picón 529

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    (Conti

    nued

    )

    530 T H E W O R L D B A N K E C O N O M I C R E V I E W

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    nued

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    Giné, Mansuri, and Picón 531

  • In the matched sample (column 6), the results for female business ownerswith high decision making autonomy become stronger (the point estimateincreases in absolute value).

    Table 7A reports the impact of the female brochure and baseline character-istics on the loan amount requested (columns 1-4) and approved (columns 5-8)among loan applicants. Table 7B reports the same regressions among loanapplicants with a business at baseline. In both tables we find a positive and sig-nificant effect of the picture on the loan amount requested among males butnot females. The result in both tables is driven primarily by selection becausemen without a business and low digit span recall tend to borrow less anddecide not to borrow when shown a female brochure.

    V. C O N C L U S I O N S

    We designed a marketing experiment to test whether exposure to positive rolemodels could encourage women’s uptake of a new credit product in a contextwhere women face barriers to participation in economic life. Brochures adver-tising the new product, a much larger loan, were varied such that the coverpage featured either men or women as entrepreneurs running five otherwiseidentical businesses. The brochures were randomly assigned to existing clientsin good standing.

    The results suggest that both men and women respond to psychological cuesembedded in this type of social norms marketing. However, men’s response isconditioned by relative economic status and ability while women’s response isconditioned by relative status within the household. In particular, men who arenot themselves business owners, have lower measured ability and whose wivesare less educated respond more negatively to the female brochure, as dowomen business owners who have low autonomy within the household.Women with relatively high levels of autonomy shown the male brochure havea similar negative response. In contrast, the reaction of high autonomy femalebusiness owners shown the female brochure is no different from that of lowautonomy women shown the male brochure.

    We conjecture that loan demand for low autonomy women is mediatedthrough men who respond positively to the male brochure. This suggests thatsocial norms marketing can often be more salient for the more disadvantaged(Paluck and Ball, 2010) but, as our results suggest, this could generate perverseresponses in some contexts.

    Finally, our results also suggest that exposing women to positive role modelsor information that challenges prevailing norms may meet different levels ofsuccess depending on the level of autonomy enjoyed by women. In particular,women with low levels of autonomy may require more intensive interventions,consistent with other work which has used information campaigns to changestereotypes. Giné and Mansuri (2011b), for example, find that the response toa voter awareness campaign directed at rural women in Pakistan was most

    532 T H E W O R L D B A N K E C O N O M I C R E V I E W

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    (Conti

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    Giné, Mansuri, and Picón 533

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    534 T H E W O R L D B A N K E C O N O M I C R E V I E W

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    Giné, Mansuri, and Picón 535

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