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Harman, DavidFunctional Illiteracy in the United States: Issues,Experiences, and Dilemmas.Far West Lab. for Educational Research andDevelopment, San Francisco, Calif.; NETWORK, Inc.,Andover, MA.National Inst. of Education (ED), Washington, DC.Nov 84400,-83-005648p.; For related documents, see ED 253 772-776, ED254 755-758, and CE,042 389.Viewpoints (120)

MF01/PCO2 Plus Postage.Adult Basic Education; Adult Learning; *AdultLiteracy; *Cultural Context; *Functional Literacy;*Literacy Education; Reading Comprehension; *ReadingInstruction; Social Problems; SocioculturalPatternsNational Adult Literacy Project

ABSTRACTThe elimination: of adult functional illiteracy has

been declared a national priority. More than the ability to deciphera given text, functional literacy moans the practical application ofliteracy skills to life in a particular society or group. But this inturn demands that the individual have enough prior knowledge of the .

surrounding culture and social processes to be able to glean meaningfrom the text. Functional literacy is both culture-specific andsituation-specific, enabling individuals to apply the knowledgegained for purposes of their own choosing; it is also an expansivetool, permitting people to broaden their social and cultural horizonsand to participate more fully in the wider context of American life.In order to measure literacy, however, a shareu cultural backdrop isneeded, and the U.S. high incidence of functional illiteracy probablyreflects more the nation's high degree of cultural pluralism than thefailure of the schools. In a pluralistic society there are manydifferent contexts and groups, which necessitate different sets ofskills and knowledge. Among contexts in which functional illiteracyis a particularly serious problem are immigrant populations, themilitary, the workpla'e, and prisons. In such settings, readinglevels--being context dependent--cannot be changed independently ofthe context; however, when the context evolves, demanding more of itsmembers, the chances that literacy levels will improve increase. Themost promising approaches to literacy education now focus on the useof adult learning principles building upon the socioculturalcharacteristics of specific groups of learners. These strategiesrecognize the need to organize learning experiences in distinct unitsrelating to the immediate concerns, perceptions, and motivations ofadults, that is, to be of direct relevance to their contexts. (SK)

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Functional Illiteracy In The United States:Issues, Experiences, and Dilemmas

by

David Harman

Prepared for theNational Adult Literacy Project

a joint project ofFar West Laboratory and The NETWORK, Inc.

November 1984

UR, DEPARTMENT OP EDUCATIONNATIONAL INSTITUTE OF EDUCAI ION

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The work upon which this publication is based was performed pur-suant to contract No. 400-33-0056 of the National Institute ofEducation. It does not, however, reflect the views of the Agency.

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Project staff at Far West Laboratory and The NETWORK, Inc., wouldlike to thank the following people who served as presenters,panel roderators, and panel reactors at the National Adult Lit-eracy Conference in Washington, D.C., January 1984, and who wereinstrumental in the development of this paper.

Conference Presenters:

Thomas G. StichtPaul V. DelkerGarth MangumThomas M. Duffy

Alice Bird McCordJoan HarrisPeter Waite

John D. EggertK. Lynn Savage'Diane Longfield

Nina WallersteinHarold W. McGraw, Jr.

E. D. Hirsch, Jr.Jeanne S. Chall

Panel Reactors:

Lt. Col. Clinton B. Anderson,Ruth S. Nickse

Judith AlampreseGordon Berlin

Priscilla DouglasLinda Stoker

Herman Niebuhr, Jr.William WarrenAntonia Stone

Stephen'SteurerJon P. DeveauxLinda Rainsberry

Iris SftltielOzell Sutton

Chris ZachareadisJacqueline CookHelen CrouchDonald McCune

Carolina RodriguezDavid Harman

Moderators:

Jean HamminkJudy Koloski

William B. BlissDavid P. Crandall

Closing Remarks:

William G. Spadyand National Director, Diane Vines

ii

Acknowledgements

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Overview iv

Chapter ILiteracy in context: Historical and DefinitionalParameters

Chapter IIThe Context of Literacy: Reading in a''''Complex, ModernSociety 10

Chapter IIILiteracy in Various Contexts and Groups 14

Chapter IVImproving Literacy Proficiency: Some Programs andApproaches 26

References 39

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The perplexing issue of functional illiteracy, still wide-spread in contemporary American society, has occasioned numerousefforts to both understand the phenomenon and cope with it. Mostrecently, President Reagan has launched an Adult Literacy Initi-ative. As part of that Initiative a National Conference on AdultLiteracy was convened in Washington, D.C. during January 1984.Presentations made and discussions conducted during that effortserved to articulate many of the questions as yet unanswered andrelate experiences that could throw light on them. In the pre-sent essay, I have sought to examine some of these questions,experiences and dilemmas against the backdrop of the conferenceproceedings. In doing ,so I have tried to weave the Conferencedeliberations into a somewhat broader analysis of the field, inan effort to identify its attributes, its impondexabilia, and theagenda it must face in furthering the cause it has so assiduouslysought to address for so many years.

I. Literacy in Context: Historical and Definitional Parameters

The eradication of illiteracy has been a central concern ofeducators around the world for quite some time. Every so oftenthis concern eruptn into public prominence, usually because itbecomes apparent that despite seemingly vigorous efforts under-taken to assure the spread of literacy, illiteracy persists andis, indeed, alarmingly widespread. Such incursions into therealm of educational attainment serve, on the one hand, to cast,aspersions on the efficacy of educational r,ractive in generaland, on the other hand, (to bemoan highlight and underscore)aspects of the social costs involved.

The continued incidence of illiteracy in a country thatboasts a century and a half long tradition of compulsory educa-tion is ample cause for alarm. With school participation ratesamong the highest in the world, with an average educationalattainment: of well over twelve years of schooling among thepopulation above the age of sixteen,, adult illiteracy remains anissue of major proportions in the United States. The severity ofthe problem was-recently underscored by President Reagan in anaddress marking International Literacy Day (September 7, 1983):

...it will take a united effort by allour people to achieve our goal: Theelimination of adult functional illiter-acy in the United States.

He went on to state that: "Unfortunately, the hidden problem ofadult illiteracy holds back many of our citizens, and as a nationwe, too, pay a price".

The term "functional illiteracy" used by President Reagan todescribe the issue, is one that has been current for the pastseveral decades. It goed beyond the simpler notion of illiteracyby laying emphasis on the uses of literacy and, by implication,on the notion of literacy levels. However, what specifically ismeant by the designation "functional" remains rather obscure.Clearly, a precondition of any effort to promote functionalliteracy should be a clarification of its objectives in preciseterms. Such definition has, unfortunately, proven to be mostelusive despite numerous attempts to grapple with it. Thus, itseems approprriate to begin this presentation, by examining theparameters and context of the notions of literacy and functionalliteracy.

Reading is a skill that can assume value only whcn it isapplied to a written text; being able to read without having whatto read is rather meaningless. What it is that ought to be readis not determined by educators, but rather by societies and cul-tures, and different groups make different determinations. Thus,what one society might consider important for its members anotherculture might not consider important at all, Moreover, withincultures there are often differences such that what is expectedfrom some members of the group is not necessarily expected of

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others. Any definition of "functional literacy" is, then, deter-mined by different social groupings of people and is heavilyinfluenced by the culture of those groups., In turn, such groupsstmuitaneously establish a threshold definition of functipnalliteracy and attempt to develop that level among the population -typically focusing instructional efforts on childr n.

Functional literacy definitions are situati descific, thatis, they reflect notions, norms, standards, ant ab,irations per-taining in different societies and cultures at different times.They are not static; rather they evolve with the groups makingtheir determination. Becaube of the socio-cultural uniqueness ofdefinitions it is extremely difficult, if not impossible, to makemeaningful cross-national or international comparisons.

It has often been pointed out that language is naturallyoral and has only sythetically been transcribed into symbolswhich make reading possible. "The biological-historical fact",states Havelock, "is that homo sapiens is a species which usesoral speech, manufactured by the mouth, to communicate...He isnot,' by definition, a writer or reader. His use of speech...hasbeen acquired by processes of natural selection operating over amillion years. The habit of using written symbols to representsuch speech is just a useful trick which has existed over tooshort a span of time to have been build into our genes, whetheror not this may happen half a million years hence" (1976, p. 12).

In the ancient Greek city-state, often considered the cradleof literacy, it appears that reading ability was both relativelywidespread (Athens) and limited (Sparta), albeit the cultureremained essentially an oral one (pipolla, 1969; Harvey, 1966;Havelock, 1976). As statistics are not available, one cannotdetermine the extent of literacy with any certitude. Moreover,since reading matter was scarce it is not clear what beingliterate meant, or what its significance was in everyday life.It does, however, seem that whatever literacy existed wasconfined to urban centers and activity.

The importance of urban centers for the existence and spreadof literacy is underscored by the fact that until the year 1000the bulk of Europe's population was both rural and illiterate.From that time on urban centers began their gradual development;schools mid schooling became more widespread and an urban liter-acy took root. Cipolla remarks that "Two cultures developedside by side: an urban culture that was essentially literate,and a rural culture essentially illiterate" (1969, p. 55).

Two important benchmarks which greatly influenced educationand literacy were the invention of printing and its rapid adop-tion during the second half of the fifteenth century, and theProtestant Reformation only a few years later. Moveable typemade it possible to mass produce reading material at greatlyreduced cost. By the end of the fifteenth century, barely fiftyyears after its invention, it has been estimated that over ninemillion books had been printed and made available in contrast to

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only several tens of thousands of the hand written manuscriptscurrent at the beginning of the century. At almost the sametime, the Church Reformers virtually dictated mandatory.school-ing, espousing the position that it was the duty of parents tomake provision for the education of their children. Althoughcompulsory 'schooling remained several centuries away, there was arapid and substantial spurt in the establishment of schools,aided no doubt by the easy access to reading matter.

Growing links between urban centers and rural hinterlandsfurther influenced the establishment of schools and spread ofliteracy beyond the confines of cities.. Although urban popula-tions tended to be more literate than rural ones, there is evi-dence indicating that substantial gains were achieved in theliteracy levels of those living, in small towns and villagesbetween the sixteenth and nineteenth centuries "(Cipolla, 1969,Chs. 2-3). To be sure, these developments did not occur uni-formly throughout Europe. By the middle of the nineteenth cen-tury it has been estimated that the literacy rates in Europeancountries fluctuated between ninety percent in Sweden to tenpercent in the Russian Empire, with an overall literacy rate ofapproximately forty to forty-five percent (ibid., p. 115).

Despite these important and impressive gains, on the eve onthe Industrial Revolution more people were illiterate than lit-erate. The Industrial Revolution itself and the dramatic popula-tion shifts attending it were important contributors to thefurther spread of reading and writing skills. Urban populationsswelled; new schools were rapidly established, first in responseto need and enlightened opinion, later by fiat; reading abilitygradually became a prerequisite for much employment. Indeed,during the latter half of the nineteenth century literacy hadmade greater gains than in the praceeding nine centuries com-bined.

This dramatic change in the status of lteracy is bestillustrated through a series of quotes. On the eve of the Indus-trial Revolution the introduction to an Italian book on agricul-ture began with the following statement: "I al writing for thosewho know the letters of the alphabet. Although the peasants arethose who till the land, I cannot address myself to them becausethey do not know how to read nor do they know how to write aword" (Terello, 1772. p. 17). While somewhat exaggerated, thisstatement serves as an apt description of the general situationprevailing throughout most of rural Europp. Whatever literacyexisted was virtually confined to urban centers.

A half century later, well into the Industrial Revolution,engineer-industrialist Alexander Calloway noted that; "I havefound from the mode of managing my buJiness, by drawings andwritten descriptions, a man is not much use unless he can readand write; if a man applies for work and says he cannot read andwrite, he is asked no more questions" (Thompson, 1965, p.717).The notion of the practical application of literacy skills -their functionality - is forcefully introduced in this statement,

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and henceforth was coupled with other arguments favoring theirspread. gy the end of tUe last century, as Cipolla pointy out,"illiteracy was considered r national disgrace all over Europe,and as wealth increased a determined effort was made to devotemore resources to the education of the people" (1969, p.88).

The United States, through the turbulent ninteenth century,appears to-have enjoyed a higher literacy rate than most ofEurope. Its largely immigrant populaticn originated from themore developed European countries and was predominantly urbanboth in origin and in its new environment. rrom Colonial days,education for children was deemed to be of central importance andprovisions were made to provide some form of it to most people,regardless of social circumstance (Cremin, 1970). That suchefforts were neither as comprehensive in their outreach nor as

. effective as one would have wished is evident from variousreports attesting to the continued incidence of illiteracy.(Weiss, 1978; Graff, 1981 Lockridge, 1974; Warren, 1884).

During World War I, and again during the massive recruitmentnecessitated by World War II, the military establishment dis-covered a widespread phenomenon of functional illiteracy. Rela-tively large numbers of recruits were proven,' upon being tested,to be incapable of reading at a level considered essential forfunctioning; estimated at the time to be first a fourth, then afifth grade standard. During the 1920s the ability to read at astandardized fifth grade level of achievement was deemed to bethe minimum requirement for the comprehension of writzeu mate-rials "necessary for the most efficient service" (Hill, 1932, p..490). This approach served to give numerical definition to theterm "functional", implying not a desired reading ability, butrather a minimal one. Anyone not attaining that level was con-sidered functionally illiterate, even if they were technicallyliterate in that they could sign their names or decipher verysimple written messages.

Only two decades after the end of World War II, a reassess-,nt of reading level requirements yielded an eight grade equiva-

lency as a benchmark (Hunter and Harman, 1979, pp. 12-16; Weber,1975, p. 148), and in subsequent years researchers have tended toidentify even higher standards (e.g., Sticht, et al, 1972). Eachof these increases in the determination of "bottom line" literacyskills reflects several important developments. First it appearsthat the level at which materials are being written is graduallyinc.:easing. Why this is so and whether or not it is necessaryare different issues. Second, the increases demand for a rela-tively high benchmark of functional literacy is indicative of theextend to which reading and writing abilities have become afundamental component of defiL:tions of basic skills for living;an indication of the rapid evolution of modernity and urbanism,and of their ongoing dynamism.

That functional illiteracy persists, and indeed afflicts anall too large segment of society is a phenomenon that requires adifferent type of ana]ysis. Depending on the definition of

literacy or functional literacy that one espouses, there may beas few as three million or as many as sixty million illiterateAmerican adults (Harman, 191p, Hunter and Raman, 1979). The lowfigure is arrived at by counting those beyond the age of sixteenwho have not completed five Years of primary schooling, on thedual assumption that a fifth'grade standard is adequate for basicliteracy and that all those who have had five years of schoolingactually attain that 1eveV of ability. The higher figures assumea much higher base level of reading ability (betweln eight andtwelfth grade), and take cognizance of research findings whichhave shown that not all of those completing eight or nine yearsof schooling, or even graduating from high schools can actuallyread at the grade level ability implied by their years of formaleducation (e.g., Bormuth, 1975).

Two issues arise from this state of affairs. The first isdefinitional and simply begs the question of what should consti-tute an appropriate definition of functional literacy in theUnited States today. The second issue relates to the acquisitionof literacy, seeking answers to questions regarding the learningof reading and writing skills, and why fully schooled youngstersare leaving ten and twelve year school careers without being ableto read at functional levels.

The definitional question is a critical one for the under-standing of the dilemma of illiteracy. Beclouding the issue isthe departure, in recent years, from standard notions of readingconstituting an act of encoding,and decoding and the new emphasison comprehension. Essentially, being functionally literate meansthat an individual can read and understand certain texts. Thusthe problem that has most likely emerged is that many people,while being relatively adept at coding, are inadequately equippedto comprehend much of the retding material with which they areconfronted. The lacunae exhibited by the functionally illiteratemay well be manifest in an inability to read, but are more likelyanchored in an insufficient familiarity with the environment,culture and social processes surrounding them, all of which areessential if one is to glean meaning from a text. That which iswritten, after all exists in a socio-cultural context and relatesdirectly to it. Written messages cannot and do riot get composedin a vacuum. Rather, the: relate to and lerive from the worldaround them, a world replete with "a particular technology andparticular systems of knowledge" (Scribner and Cole, 1981, p.236). Consequently, functional literacy nay be viewed as "notsimply knowing how to read and write a particular script butapplying this knowledge for specific purposes in specific con-texts of use. The nature of those practices, including ofcourse, their technological aspects, will determine the kinds ofskills ("co.Asequences") associate with literacy" (ibid.).

It followc that learning literacy entails far more thanlearning how to read. Being literate means, abcve all, that anindividual is culturally literate. Hirsch states the issue thus(1984, pp. 9-10):

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What chiefly counts in higher read-ing competence is the amount ofrelevant prior knowledge that read-ers have. This is not a mere ideo-logical sentiment on behalf of ashared national culture, but a firmempirical truth about literacy thatcoincides with more general findingsabout the importance of specificknowledge in the acquisition of allhigher skills Our illiterate cit-izens simply do not know the essen-'tial background facts and the essen-tial words that represent them. Ourschools have not imparted theseessential facts and words, becausein recent times we have not beenwilling as a nation to decide whatthe essential facts and words are.Despite our virtues of diversity andpluralism, our failure to decideupon the core content of adult lit-eracy has created a positive barrierto full citizenship and full accul-turation into our society....If wewere to act decisively to definecultural literacy, then adult lit-eracy would rise as a matter ofcourse.

This approach provides a plausible explanation of and response tothe literacy dilemma. It underscores the notion that readingliteracy and cultural literacy are inexorably interwined, andmandates that the two must be imparted in tandem. A definitionof functional literacy would state the components of group-appropriate literacy, While emphasizing its situation specific

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Functional literacy: the possession ofskills perceived as necessary by ?artic-ular persons and groups to fulfill thierown self-determined objectives as familyand community members, cit4ens, con--Burners, job-holders, and member.. ofsocial, religious, or other associationsof their choosing. This includes theability to obtain information they wantand to use that information for their ownand others' well-being; theability towrite adequately to satisfy the require-ments they set for themselves as beingimportant for their own lives; the abil-ity to deal positively with demands madeon them by society; and the ability to-

solve the problems they face in theirdaily lives. (Hunter and Harman, 1979,pp. 7-8)

Utilizing this definiton, different groups of people would arriveat different specific determinations of literacy, depending on

1. their particular environmental and cultural conditions. Theemphasis on elf-determination rather than societal definition issignificant) painting out the absolute need for the internaliza-tion of social goals by a society's membership and implying thenor-viability of external imposition. Stated differently, adefinition of literacy cannot assume a cultural backdrop which isnot shared by those for whom it is intended. Consequently,different groups of people will employ varieties of definition atdifferent time, all reflective of specific conditions and situa-tions. As cultures and societies evolve so, too, will theirdefinitions of literacy. It would be unrealistic to attempt thedevelopment of a level of literacy (including a level of culturalliteracy) which is divorced from, the cverall content of life, andexpect its attainment.

In the United States today the map of illiteracy wouldsuggest, above all, that numerous groups within the society arenot full participants in that notion of the society whichunderlies more recent definitions of functional literacy. Theinstructional challenge, then, is far more complex than merelyimproving people's reading abilities; it must also emphasize thecultural content from which the curr'At definitions derive.Moreover, one panhot compare U.S. . teracy levels with those ofother societies because of the diet lace in the base ofdefinition.

The social heterogeneity which is one of America's hallmarkshas clear Aanifestations in differential reading ability. Itwould, indeed, be fallacious to assume that uniformity can beachieved in reading skills while diversity persists in almostevery other sphere. The relatively high incidence of functionalilliteracy that has been identified should not, therefore, beconstrued as being a measure of educational failure in the narrowsense of imparting reading and writing skills, but rather as anindication of culturair-pluralism and the great difficultiesencountered in achieving cultural homogeneity. Schooling alonecannot and should not be viewed as a panacea in this regard.Schools and the curricula they impart are also required toexhibit a cultural sensitivity that will imbue their instruc-tional objectives with a relevance for their pupils4/hich, inturn, would make their mission an a=omplishable one. Thisappr3ach does not mean that some groups of people are destined tolive with lower levels of scholastic attainment than others.However, it does suggest that curricula should not assume acommon point of departure, ard that the inculcation of functionalliteracy need be, in every way, linked with the learning of thecultural and societal heritage as a whole. Both in schools andin adult literacy programs a common goal or standard of functional

literacy requires the employment of differential curricula andinstructional approaches, in each case building upon the sdtio-cultural characteristics of specific groups of learners.

The phenomenon of illiteracy can only be understood, it hasbeen argued, within the specific context in which it is found.Similarly, definitions of a desired level and substance ofliteracy need be established within the context to which theyrelate. Acontaxtual examinations of the issue are not onlymisleading but, if used as a basis for planned intervention, canalso result in dysfunctional programs and disappointing results.

The continued incidence of functional illiteracy and itsrelatively vast proportions serve as a significant social com-mentary and not merely as a statement regarding reading andwriting standards. Hence, literacy programs should be construedas efforts to correct social blights, not just as mechanisms forenhancing literacy skills. Roading, in this sense is viewed asan expansive tool, one that makes it possible for individuals toexpand their social and cultural horizons and participate morefully in the broader contexts of contemporary American life.Patricia Graham has offered the following eloquent rationale forviewing functional literacy as a central social and educationalobjective (1981, p. 130):

Literacy enhances our humanity. If weare literate in late twentieth centuryAmerica, we expand the ways in which we ,

can learn, understand, and appreciate the'world around us. Through literacy weenlarge the range of our vicarious expe-rience, both through our command of writ-ten materials and through formulation ofnew ideas demanded by the rigors ofwriting and speaking. We are able toenlarge our competence if we are literatebecause we have additional tools to usein exploring the world. To learn, toexpress, to decide and to do...togetherpermit us to become more autonomous indi-viduals, less circumscribed by the condi-tions of-social class, sex, and ethnicityinto which we are born.

Included in this statement on literacy is a social ideologywhich, while accepting the diversity and heterogeneity, wouldseek to lower the boundries between groups, enabling greatermobility and expression of individual desires and potential.Transcending technical reading and writing, literacy is thoughtof as a tool for the attainment of those quintessential Americansocial nostrums of egalitarianism, social justice, full partici-pation and mobility. The spread of functional literacy serves,in effect, as an important mechanism for the spread of theseprecepts.

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Because of definitional difficulties one cannot establishwith a high degree of certitude the full extent of functionalilliteracy in the United States touay. Depending on the defini-tion employed there may be as many as sixty million people abovethe age of sixteen in this category, fully a third of the adultpopulation (Harman, 19P4). This figure assumes a definition inwhich an approximate twelfth grade standard is considered desir-able, and takes into account those who have not completed twelveyears of schooling, as well as those who, despite having grad-uated from high schools, have been found to be deficient in theirreading abilities.

Clearly, it is the possible enormity oZ the issue that hasiled to the current "Adult Literacy Initiative" announced byPresident Reagan. It should be equally as clear that this ini-tiative is not only motivated by the apparent inability of somany people to read at what, after all, are fairly high stand-ards. Coupled with the more straightforward attitudes towardsreading, the ipitiative gives expression to afundamentalAmerican soci4I vision, indicating that while great strides havebeen made towards its actualization, much remains to be done.Society continues to be riven by divisions which isolate largesegments of the population from the opportunity to partake fullyin the "American Dream". While cultural pluralism is appre-ciated, it should not serve as a barrier to such participation.Moreover, the Initiative underscores the growing gape betweengrowth and development in macro terms and the less rapid evolu-tion at the individual - micro - level. Underlying these asser-tions is a dual notion of social cost: a societal social costresulting from less than full enagement of the population in itsmacro-development processes; and a personal, individual costresulting from the inability to take full advantage of that whichsociety has to offer.

Literacy education is viewed as an important means to cor-rect this situation, but it can only do so if it is approached interms far broader than the teaching or improvement of reading andwriting skills. Participants in a recent National Adult LiteracyConference, sponsored in conjunction with the Presidentail Ini-tiative, while focusing heavily on reading, all emphasized thisbroader concept, arguing that its attainment and that of improvedreading go together hand in hand (1984).

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II. The'Context of Literacy: Reading in a Complex,_ Modern Society

Adoption of a high level of reading ability, at or around atwelfth grade equivalency, as a necessary or desirable standardrests upon certain assumptions aro supportive data. The centralassumption underlying determinations of level relates to thefunctionality of reading skills, that is to the reading levelsthat are generally required in order to gain employment andperform well in jobs. Obtaining information in general, theability to read about, analyze and participate in current eventsare also, at times, cited as motivating factors in setting stan-dards. Thus, a report of the National Academy of EducationReading Committee (Carrol and Chall, 1975) suggested a twelfthgrade level which "implies an ability to read the New York Timesor a magazine such as Time, critically and analytically" (Chall,1984, p. 18). There is, then a decidedly instrumental approachto reading which is based on the premise that reading ablityconstitutes an essential skill without which individuals cannotfunction well in modern sot.iety (i.e., be actively and produc-tively employed), and cannot properly be active in its democraticprocesses (i.e., citizen particpation). It is interesting tonote that reading for leisure and self-fulfillment is not, in andof itself, an objective of this approach. Literacy level defini-tions tend to focus on the relations of individuals to society,its needs and req4irements, not on self-actualization. To besure, a person able to read at a twelfth grade level is assumedto have the tools for that purpose les well and can apply them ifhe or she wish to do so.

A number of studies in recent years have sought to assessthe reading levels necessary to cope with specific, job relatedreading tasks. Sticht and his colleagues, for example, foundthat materials associated with relatively low level militaryoccupations tended to be written at between a tenth and twelfthgrade level (1973). A similar finding has been reported byMikulecky (1981), while a study conducted by the University ofTexas, utilizing relatively simple tasks such as addressing anenvelope, instructions regarding checking policy in supermarkets,employment advertisements, telephone directory, and job applica-tion forms, also found that at least an eighth, and preferably atenth grade level ability are called for (1975). All theseinvestigations discern a trend towards increased complexity ofwriting, in turn requiring increasingly high levels of readingability. It should, however, be borne in mind that the researchliterature on reading level requirements remains very scarce suchthat determinations are being made on the basis of a ratherlimited data base. Mary Tenopyr correctly remarks that: "Muchof the information we have now about adult literacy requirementsin the workplace is anecdotal. This is not to say that theinformation in inaccurate or that careful study would yieldgrossly different results. However, a carefully developed data-base could be an asset in pinpointing problems more exactly,providng for evaluating educational programs, and monitoringchanges in literacy requirements in these rapidly changing times"(1984, p. 7).

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Two important questions arise from the adoption of a twelfthgrade equivalency as a standard of functional literacy. Thefirst relates to the written materials themselves. Is it abso-lutely essential that materials be written at suchJa relativelyhigh level of readability, or could the contents be equally aswell presented by making use of a less complex vocabulary? Poseddifferently, this question might be stated thus: is it possibleto narrow the gap between people's reading ability and the mate-rials they are required to read by decreasing the level at whichsuch materials are written? The second issue relates to thefunctionally illiterate. It has been estimated that as many assixty million Americans above the age of sixteen cannot read at atwelfth grade level. Does the mismatch between their readingability and actual job related materials mean that they areunemployable or incapable of adequate job functioning? Whilelogic - if not research - would indicate that the answer to thefirst question is affirmative, that is that it should be possibleto request or train writers to reduce the complexity levels ofthe materials they write, the answer to the second issue is a farmore complicated one.

Emp..oyment statistics reveal that the overwhelming majorityof those considered functionally illiterate are gainfully engagedin the labor market. It could, and has been argued that thefunctionally illiterate tend to be employed in lower level, andhence lower paying jobs: "Those who have completed high schoolhave incomes about double those who have not completed gradeschool, and half again higher than those with eighth grade educa-tion. This situation prevails among all sectors of the popula-tion: men and women, white and black, and all age groups"(Hunter and Harman, 1979, p. 37). It is certainly also the casethat the liklihood of being unemployed increases dramatically inrelation to formal educational attainment. Does it, however,follow that improving reading skills and general educationalbackgrounds of that population mass would necessarily result inits members climbing the job ladder to more sophisticated, betterpaying positions? Although for some individuals improved educa-tion could lead to greater occupational mobility, for the major-ity of those involved the prospects of such movement are dim.After all, th positions they occupy in the labor force wouldcontinue to (-sand workers such that someone would have to fillthem. In most cases both the nature of the work and the rammer-ation simply do not lend themselves to upward adjustment. Onother, higher rungs of the ladder there are limits to the demandfor new, additional employees which would severly limit the scopeof any attempt at mass upward mobility. One is forced, then, toconclude that character and shape of the labor market cannot beappreciably influenced by the single factor of a better educated,more literate work force.

It it is the case, as some researchers point out (e.g.,Sticht), that reading matter required for even fairly low leveloccupations is often written at standards exceeding the reading

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abilities of their occupants, then it would appear that readingis not always that necessary for job performance. Alternatively,it might be argued that improved literacy skills might result inimproved performance, and hence greater productivity. Unfortu-nately, the paucity of research on this issue mitigates againstthe drawing of any definite conclusions, leaving theme questions,assertions, and assumptions at the level of speculation. In theabsence of more precise information such speculation will con-tinue to temper attitudes towards literacy and job relateddefinition.

Earlier, it was suggested that literacy and functionalliteracy are conceptually far broader than just reading; thatthey encompass a "package" of skills, knowledge, and attitudesthat together define a culture. Employers, it would seem, tendto prefer this more global approach to that of confining notionsof literacy to reading. The term "basic skills" which includes arainbow of components (reading, writing, mathematics, computerliteracy, technical skills, general and specific knowledge) moreaptly defines their concerns with educationally derived jobrelated qualifications. While functional illiteracy is, ofcourse, an area of concern, there is a distinct tendency to veiwit in relation to other deficiencies, such that literacy becomesone, not easily differentiated element of qualificatory and per-formance related desirada (Duffy, 1984; McCord, 1984; Tenopyr,1984; Center for Public Resources, 1983).

Citizen participation as a basis for defining functionalliteracy in a contemporary context is far more perplexing, notthe least due to the subjectivity inherent in its elaboration.In contrast, the job related determination represents a "safe"domain. One must ask what, indeed, constitutes citizen partici-pation and what type of skills are required. If for example,casting a ballot in rational elections is to be viewed as thequintessential participatory act, one might well pose the ques-tion as to how much reading of what nature is really all thatnecessary. Modern election campaigns have evolved into battleswaged on television screens and to a far lesser extent in print.Surely, an individual wishing to select a candidate on the basisof his or her positions on certain public issues can glean asmuch, if not more information by watching television than byfollowing the press. Moreover, voting patterns in recent nationalelections indicate that a great many people who can read atfunctional levels choose not to vote. If, then, increasing theproportions and numbers of those voting is an issue of publicpolicy, improving reading skills would apprear to have marginal,if any, influence. How essential is newspaper readership tocitizen participation? While some, clearly, advocate its desire-abilty their position must remain purely subjective, in turnsubject to debate. There are, indeed, those who argue that liter-acy skills, never universal in their spread, are rapidly becominganachronistic as other media, born of the twentieth centurytechnological revolution, make it possible for people to receiveinformation as well as a wide range of recreational services

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without having to read at all (Disch, 1973). Thus, the deter-mination of what level of literacy, or whether literacy at allis necessary for what might be considered citizenship in modernstate remains open to debate.

Mass literacy - so new a concept in historical terms - stillappears to be searching for its appropriate social, contextualdefiniton. Clearly, literacy implies far more than just a tech-nical ability. In many ways it defines an individuals' relation-ship to the society in which he or she lives. As such, thedetermination of requisite or desired literacy levels emanatesfrom certain visions of society and cannot be divorced from them.All societies have such visions, and in all societies they aremodified over time in response to changed circumstances. In theUnited States today current notions meadate high literacy stand-ards, posing them as nationwide objectives. These notions, inand of themselves, create expectations of individuals which, ifnot met tend to penalize those wto have not attained them. With-in this context the presently accepted definition of literacy isderived, serving as the bas .s for all efforts aimed at its achieve-ment. Literacy in this regard assumes omnibus proportions: itis simulataneously a statement about reading abilities requiredor desired of individuals and a far broader articulation of thecultural and social content that individuals must master. Tosome extent the term "literacy" is an unfortunate one, obfus-cating the heavy emphasis on content by implying that the problemmight merely be one of skill attainment. Citizens of the UnitedStates should be able to read at the vtipulated levels, butbeyond and above that they should be in possession of both gen-eral and specific knowledge emanating from and relating to thecontexts in which they function; a familiarity essential both forfull participation in those contexts and for enabling people toact in and on those environments in order to mold their future.

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III. Literacy_in Various Contexts and Groups

Within any society, and particularly one as large and diverseas the United States, one finds a plethora of different groupsand contexts. While sharing many characteristics and needs as aresult of commcn membership in the same country, there are alsogroup and context specific attributes and requirements whichcohere to make each a unique entity. Different contexts imposediffering sets of demands upon those relating to them; differentgroups of people find it necessary to develop and obtain certainsets of skills and knowledge in order to facilitate their rela-tionship and ability to function both within the specific groupand in the larger society. During the course of the NationalAdult Literacy Conference (1984) a small sampling of such groupsand contexts were presented through a series of papers which formthe bulk of the background for this section (Duffy, Mangum,McCord, Tenopyr, Roueche, Gold, Longfield, Savage, Wallerstein).

Groups are defined, for current purposes, as communities ofpeople sharing a critical characteristic of background or origin.Recent immigrants from Vietnam, Mexico, the Soviet Union, or anyother part of the world each share cultures and languages oforigin; together they form a larger group for whom English is asecond if not a third language, and the culture of America is anew and foreign one to which they must adapt. Ethnic minorities,different racial groups, the urban poor, and rural farmers allconstitute other examples of unique social groups. Differen-tiation based on geography might be yet another way to definespecific groups; for example, the:a would be important differ-ences between a population residing in a northern urban centerand one living in Southern suburbia.

Contexts are defined here as specific situations in whichpeople - regardless of group of origin or membership - functionduring one or another part of their lives and which have a con-textual culture and contextually determined requirements for bothparticipation and functioning. The military, prisons, the work-place, and schools are all examples of such contexts.

Throughout her history the United States has played host tonumerous groups of immigrants hailing from virtually all cornersof the earth. Often such groups arrive in waves as refugees,coming from an area of distress in order to seek and establishnew lives. Knowledge of English is, of course, essential if oneis to effectively integrate into American society, thus creatingan immediate need of migrants to learn it and of the host countryto provide language instruction. The teaching of English as asecond language (ESL) has, indeed, been one of the oldest tradi-tions of American adult education and adult literacy programs.Tha population requiring such instruction is by no means homo-geneous. Its members come from diverse lands and cultures,within them representing various socio-economic groups. Some maybe literate in their own tongues, others illiterate in any lan-guage. Some, anxious about the rigors of assimilation congregate

in clusters where they attempt to maintain their languages andcultures of origin to the greatest possible extent, others seekrapid absorption into what they perceive to be mainstream fabric.

Language and literacy in English tend to be the most appar-ent gap in a migrant's basket Jf competencies, consequentlyattracting the greatest amount of attention. They are, however,only the tip of an iceberg, the most immediately discerniblemanifestation of a much broader cultural disorientation. Learn-ing the new language becomes, in consequence, an act of accul-turation, entailing far more than just the relatively straight-forward acquisition of English. Some of the earlier programsintended to teach English to new arrivals were colloquially knownas "Americanization" courses, a correct perception of their fullimport. Ostensibly seeking to impart English language and liter-acy proficiency, ESL programs, more significantly perhaps, serveas a window, an iLtroduction into the new culture.

The major migratory waves to the United States in recentyears largely have their origins in South-East Asian and CentralAmerican countries, with smaller groups arriving from countriesas disparate as the Soviet Union, Iran, Afganistan, and GreatBritain. While there is an understandable temptation to clusterAsians or Latin Americans for instructional purposes, it shouldcontinuously be borne in mind that Vietnamese, Laotians, andCambodians are separated from each other, in language, culture,and experience, as are immigrants from other areas of differentregions. Within each country group there are also many note-worthy distinctions to be made. From a linguistic point of view,seven groupings can be identified, each with its obvious ramifi-cations for ESL activity. The first category consists of peoplewho are preliterate, speaking languages "for which there is nowritten form or whose written form is rare (e.g., Hmong, Mien)."The second is that of the illiterate - "Those who speak a lan-guage for which there is a written form which is common but whodo not read or write themselves". A third group consists of thesemi-literate, able to read and write their own languages at veryelementary, presumably non-functional levels. The fourth groupincludes people literate in a language that is Apt based on aRoman alphabet (e.g., Arabic, Cambodian, Persil Hebrew, Japanese,Thai, etc.) (Savage, 1984 suggests this four tiered taxonomy.)People who through prior schooling or contacts have attained amodicum of English language and literacy skills, albeit at aninadequate, non-functional standard fall into the fifth group.The sixth group includes those literate in language that arebased on the Roman alphabet but have no knowledge of English,while the seventh consists of people versed and literate in anEnglish which is non-idiomatic, non-American. Superimposed oneach of these categories, of course, are varieties of culturalbackground and experience, closer to or more distant from the newdominant culture. Each of these groups, then, simultaneouslypresent educators with a different challenge in both literacyinstruction and acculturation patterns.

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Among the factors that merit concerted attention in regardto immigrant populations is the extent to which they possessskills and knowledge'- other than language - which either enhanceor impede their employability. Language and literacy alone can-not assure absorption, particularly in a context so occupationoriented as to derive its definitions of functional literacyalmost exclusively from the labor market realm. Underscoringthis issue is the fact that,over half of all refugees are depen-dent upon welfare payments, a figure which doubtless excludesmany illegal immigrants not desirous of disclosing their exis-tence to the authorities (figure correct for September 1982,reported in Longfield, 1984, p. 4). Iwthe absence of approp-riate skills, language and literacy functionality may well beorchestrated with job directed training with the two being viewedas necessarily complementary activities. Ultimately, linguisticabilities more than likely improve with usage, in turn requiringthat individuals be enabled to extend their range of associationsoutside the immediate group of others from the same area oforigin. School attendance for children and labor market par-ticipiation for adults eppear to be the most promising avenues inthis regard as, insofrar as language acquisition and accultura-tion are concerned, they act in a mutually supportive fashion.

Failure in absorption and acculturation have been observedto have deleterious effects. "The perception of ethnicity amongimmigrant g:4ups has resulted in their almost total linguisticand cultural isolation from members of the dominant society. Theisolation may provide a degree of social and psychological secu-rity but the price is high. Lack of interaction skills result injob and SOClAi frustrations', (Neimi, 1974). As most immigrantswill remain :11 the United States, regardless of their absorptionexperiences, unsuccessful assimilation can only result in theformation of pockets of malcontent, alien to mainstream Americanlife. Children growing up in such environments would probably benegatively affected, sowing the seeds for yet another generationof unhappiness and marginality.

Evidence that this is not merely an unnecessarily Jobianextrapolation can be garnered :From the unfortunate fact thatAmerica's least advantaged groups have been in residerle forgenerations. On all indices of disadvantage - proverty, illiter-acy, unemployment, low income, educational attainment and sub-standard housing - members of some racial and ethnic minoritygroups are disproportionately over-represented (Hunter andHarman, 1979, pp. 43-53). Among them Native Americans have beenhere forever and Blacks since the sixteenth century; both domin-ating the roster of disadvantaged groups. Various Hispanicgroups, more recently arrived, have also established siinificantpatterns of cross-generational deprivation (Wallerstein, 1984).In the case of these groups an important factor is added to theproblems which plague recent immigrants: the historical inabil-ity to break the bonds of deprivation, the existence of a rut ofdisadvantage from which successive generations have found extri-cation to be extlemaly difficult, if not impossible. For thesegroups literacy improvements can be most important, but alone

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cannot be viewed as a panacea for social inequity and marginality.Rather they must be viewed in tandem with other necessary inter-ventions dealing not only with other aspects of these groups,condition, but also with wider public perceptions of the groups,of their stereotypification, and of fundamental concepts ofsocial justice and egalitarianism.

While the groups thus far discussed proportionately dominatethe map of functional illiteracy, yet another agglomeration ofpeople have been found in recent years to occupy a significantposition in it - school leavers and high school graduates of allhues. High school completion, it increasingly appears, does notguarantee functional literacy. Indeed, it has been found thatmany are unable to read at eighth grade levels, far below thedefined standard. As many as thirty states, perplexed by thisrevelation, have passed legislation requiring evidence of atleast an eighth grade reading ability as a prerequisite forgraduation (Harman, 1984). Among those who have not completedtheir high school education - between fifty-four and sixty mil-lion people - literacy skills can certainly not be assumed to beany more developed. The numbers of people indicated by thesefigures imply clearly-that they are to be found in virtuallyevery social grouping, making the task of more specific identi-fication a highly complex one. It should, however, be noted thatgeographic factors loom :Irge as correlates. "The Southernstates have, by far, the highest proportions of non-high schoolgraduating adults. In nine such states this situation is true ofover half the adult population; in the entire region forty-twopercent had not even completed the eighth grade. By contrast,twenty-one percent of school leavers in the North Central states,twenty-seven percent of those in the Northeast, and twenty-eightpercent of those not graduating high school in the Westernstates, had not completed eight grades" (Harman, 1984). Regionalattributes would appear from these'figures to intersect withgroup characteristics and possibly suggest that the de factoexistence of differential functional literacy definitions is morepotent than that determined nationally.

Such a suggestion provides an apt point of transition from adiscussion of group to context in relation to functional liter-acy. The significant regional distinctions strongly imply theexistence of contextual diversity, perhaps more so than groupdifferences. Contextually determined requirements would tend toestablish actual conditions which, in fact, are more or less metby those functioning within them, in a manner approximating afree market. To be sure, that definitions of functional literacyderive from kontext rather than the other way around has alreadybeen argued. Equally, it has been posited that different con-texts would breed different determinations, so that the notion ofa diversity of definition in which, beyond a common shared base,situation specific criteria rather than globally identifieddeterminants are applied seams to be both viable and losical.with the exception of specific requirements in military contexts(Duffy, 1984), there has been little, if any, systematic effortto establish parameters of desired functional literacy levels.

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One cannot find anywhere in the literature, for example, effortsto identify regionalized standards. Underlying this lacuna, itmight be speculated, is the deep American ideological commitmentto concepts of mobility and equal opportunity, mitigating againstdefinitional undertakings that could be viewed as inhibiting, orin any way constraining their attainment.

,ern two contextual situations - the military and some partsof industry - reality, need, and the good of the enterprise havecombined to both define necessary levels and establish correctivemeasures. Indeed, the military can claim primacy in funclkonalliteracy standard setting when, 'during both World Wars, they cameto grips with illiteracy and decried a fourth and then a fifthgrade equivalency as being essential for proper functioning.Continuing in this tradition, research- commissioned in lateryears identified an eighth and later between a tenth and twelfthgrade norm as basic requirements (Sticht, et al, 1972; Sticht, etal, 1973; Duffy, 1984). All of these definitions resulted fromcareful analyses of reading tasks that members of the militaryserving in a variety of specialized, usually low level occupa-tions, were actually required to perform in the execution oftheir duties. The military context is by no means either uniformor homogeneous. It requires large numbers of people distributedamong a vast array of occupations in different parts of theworld, thus requiring that an equally vast panoply of competen-cies be represented. Written material is heavily utilizedthroughout the system as a central communication and work toolsuch that, regardless of one's specific role, reading is a neces-sary component. In this regard it is easy to understand theemphasis placed upon reading skills within the military estab-lishment and the zeal with which their adequate spread ispursued. In recent years the concern with reading has becomeheightened as new volunteer recruitment mechanisms have tended toattract a less, rather than a well educated person into service,while at the same time the levels of complexity in nearly allmilita-y occupations are increasing.

Unlike the military, industry has yet to come to grips withliteracy in its context. Broad generalizations regarding theneed for a functionally literate work force substitute for moreaccurate definition. Like the military, industry is hetero-geneous, consisting of diverse jobs and job definitions bothwithin ani across industries. There are, however, no efforts toidentify basic minima for reading based on those materialsactually required for job performance. Instead, reading tends tobe clustered with other "basic" skills such as mathematics,writing, speaking and listening, reasoning and problem solving,and science (Center for Public Resources, 1983; McCord, 1984) inan undifferentiated fashion. Indeed, when asked to identifypriorities among these basic skills, employees tended to placeemphasis on competencies other than literacy, in particular onverbal communication abilities (ibid.). When queried aboutemployee deficiencies, "companies responding to the CPR surveyindicated that reading skills of out-of-school employees met orexceeded specific job needs. Only in secretarial/clerical and

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technical positions did forty percent or more of the respondingcompanies find deficiencies" (CPR, 1983, p. 18). While thislatter finding is ample cause for concern, it nonetheless wouldappear that the vast majority of industrial employees are viewedsty their employers as having adequate basic skills, includingreading competencies, and thus, do not require remedial instruc-tion in those areas. This attitude is borne out by Tenopyr whosuggests, however, that the issue may well be real but hidden.First, she argues, accurate determinations cannot be made in theabsence of thorough job analyses similar to those extant in themilitary; as a result, attitudes are formulated,on the basis ofincomplete, often "apocryphal" information. Second, she indi-cates that employers have alternative compensatory mechanismsavailable to them in coping with employee deficiencies such asthe restructuring of job definition, the shifting of people toother tasks, and changing the composition of their work force;all of which may be applied in order to rapidly rectify situa-tions before and in lieu of education (1984).

Industry is not one, but a multitude of contexts. Each,presumably, has its own specific requirements deriving from acombination o1 factors particular to it, such that no singledefinition can be applied throughout. In general, research tendsto be lacking regarding specific competency requirements for jobswith different groups operating under different sets of assump-tions. Moreover, there seams to be little communication withinand across industries on the issues of basic skills and func-tional literacy. The issue, in the main, is one raised by thoseconcerned with literacy and is not overly emphasized by employ-ers, indicating that in their perception it does not warrant highconsideration. Many industries across the country have estab-lished education and training programs for their employees,indeed in impressive quantity and scope (Training, 1983). Onlycursory mention is made of the need for inclusion of literacyprograms among such efforts, again leading to, at the very least,a tentative conclusion that industry in general is less emphaticabout basic skills than either the military or education sectors.

It is much easier to understand education's concern withliteracy. While the continued existence of illiteracy is areflection upon the efficacy with which education equits itsresponsibilities and causes a great deal of consternation forthat reason alone, it is also true that education is an industryitself and one of the largest employers of its own graduates.Within education central emphasis is placed upon literacy asbeing essential for job performance. Precisely how relevant thisemphasis is for industry remains, for the time being, an unan-swered question. McCord, for example, has stated in regard toone high employment sector that: "A great deal needs to be knownabout the relationship between what the retailing industry isexperiencing in recruiting, retention and performance of a wortforce and the development of basic skills. A meaningful contrl-bution would be made by conducting research in these areas ofmajor concern to the industry" (1984, p. 15). Until such a tinewhen research findings will make it possible to determine the

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extent of literacy made necessary by varieties of industrial jobrequirements, the basic assumption that such skills at a fairlyadvanced level are Important will most likely prevail. Whetheror not this assumption will prove sufficient to support approp-riate instructional efforts, however, remains to be seen.

Another type of context derives its definition from criteria /other than type and place of employment and work, but rather from '1--

participation in particular social structures. One such struc-tuze that has already been discussed is that of a country, theunderlying assumption in its regard being that "proper" func-tiJning as a citizen in any given country requires literacyskills, likened to and derived from the social, cultural, andeconomic factors pertaining in that country. It has also beensuggested tnat in any national situation, and particularly inlarger, more heterogeneous ones, more than one standard mayevolve. Such contexts are permanent in that thdividuals usuallylead their lives as citizens of one country, albeit possiblymoving within it from one context to another. These movementsare at times transient in nature, creating temporary conditions,fluid by definition, in whidh one finds the dual functions ofparticipation in the immediate structure and preparation forfuture associations. Schools are examples of such settingswithin which there is a definite and stated objective of prep-aration, .s well as a.culture and requirements pertaining duringthe period of participation. Prisons are yet another example. !Other movements-assume more permaharacteristics and includejob changes, moving from one i to another, etc. In termsof definition there are, then, two distinct types. One definesthe parameters for participation in the specific context and isintended to be a continuous definition, the other has the dualfunction of identifying skills and knowledge requisite formembership in the temporary entity and of setting the objectiveswhich make the transition into a more permanent context viable.A third grader is required to read at a third grade level inorder to function well in class; but overall that level ofattainment is viewed only as a way station on route to a twelfthgrade standard which opens doors to subsequent participation inthe labor force or in tertiary level-education institutions. Thelatter, in turn, also develop similar dualities of definition.

Garth Mangum has attempted to look at one.state - Utah - asan example of a context which has a clear identity, within butdistinct from the nation as a whole (1984). With seventy percentof its population belonging to the Church of Latter Day Saintswhich mandates the obtaining of an education as a religiousobligation, it comes as no surprise that Utah enjoys the highestlevel of school attainment in the country (eighty percent versusa national average of sixty-six percent). It can be assumed thatthe high premium placed on education curried over to the market-place in the establishment of criteria for employment. Amongthose lacking in the requisite skills, members of Utah's minoritygroups (Black, Hispanic, and Native Azerican ) and recentlyarrived immigrants are disproportionately represented, as evi-dence by the fact that their members constituted thirty-two

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percent of enrollment in compensatory adult education programs,although they formed only five percent of the population (1982-1983). While it is not abundantly clear that the lack of lit-eracy skills is necessarily an impediment for job performance onecannot overemphasize their significance enough in a state withsuch a highly developed ethos of education. Presumably, then,those lacking in skills live on the margins of society. If onefurther assumes that the unlettered in Utah are not members ofthe predominant church and participant in its culture, theirmarginality in that context is further confirmed. Can literacyinstruction alone correct this situaiton? Probably not, but itmight contribute to a narrowing of the gap. Is the need a realone? Possibly, but in light of the cultural and social impor-tance attached to education, functionality in the more conven-tional sense most likely gives way to a definition derived fromand relating to a so40-cultural, religious context, equal if notmore powerful in.astablishing threshold notions and standards.

Lack of education and regular work, coupled with minoritygroup membership is Often associated'iwith degeneration intocriminal activity and subsequent incarceration. These attributesare simply borne out when one analyzos the characteristics of thenearly seven hundred thousand inmates of America's prisons (Gold,1984). Within the prison population all of these characteristicsare overrepresented. TO the extent possible, ptisons seek tocorrect some of these inadequacies as part of rehabilitationefforts aimed at facilitating transition into active participa-tion in civilian life following termination of sentences. Sincelack of schooling and functional illiteracy are almost endemic,corrective measures are often aimed, among other things,,at theimprovement of general education standards and reading deficien-cies.' In this regard, for example, Supreme Court Chief JusticeWarren Burger' has stated that "no prisoner should be releasedwithout being able to read, write, and do basic arithmetic"(Gold, 1984, p. 10). While rehabilitation efforts have, ingeneral, had a checkered history, they have recently been imbuedwith renewed incentive, emanating in large part from theincreased costs of maintaining prisoners and high rates ofrecidivism.

Prisons as a context and literacy training within theirconfines form an interesting, out-of-the-ordinary case of contex-tual definition and instruction. Literacy skills are not4 in theAlain, necessary for leading one's prison life. Literate or not,prisons will continue to house theit inmates until the completionof their sentenced terms. Rather, literacy is viewed as a skillrequired for transition into post-imprisionment contexts of .anature usually unknown at the time of instruction, and consequen-tly derives its definition from more generalized, not situationbound notions of functional literacy levels. This approach ismanifest in much of the actual instruction. Gold states that:"Much of the teaching focuses on the practico 9f isolated skillswith little attention to transfer. This is exacerbated by thefact that there is little collaboration with vocational trainingand work programs....Success in literacy programs is not transfer-f_.

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red to other daily activities" (p. 14). In effect, then, eventhough it may be possible to integrate literacy into some aspectsof prison life, this appears not to be done, such that the gen-eral attitude remains one of skill development for somewhat hazy,

'Y post prison careers.

Another point regarding literacy development in prison con-texts emanates from the fact that the target group is a captiveone, in every sense of the word. Literacy instruction in var-ieties of settings might well constitute a welcome diversion forinmates who are seeking ways of passing time. To some extent theforum within which literacy skills are taught might be mo ^ apart of the context than the substance being transmitted. This,ot/course, assumes that mere participation offers a benefit such,for example, as release from other activities, or the possibilityof attending an activity outside of the prison walls, or itsconstituting a welcome diversion. Prison contexts are perhapsbest characterized as situations in which there may be found ahigh proportion of functionally illiterate people, within whichliteracy abilities are not necessarily required, but in which thepromise of brighter futures dictates the undertaking of instruc-tion as a means towards rehabilitation.

Another context whose primary objective is the preparationof its participants for post-contextual careers is the communitycollege. As institutions of tertiary education accepting forstudies "any high school graduate or any adult who can profitfrom instruction" ( Roueche, 1984, p.1), they have been the recip-ient of large numbers of functionally illiterate secondary schoolgraduates and have discovered, more than any other framework, thesignificant gaps in attainment. Being, above all, instructionalestablishments, basic skills are essential requirements for per-formance within their contexts, or so one would assume. Conse-quently, remediation orlacunao in basic skills rapidly became acentral community college priority. Surveying this situation in1968 John Roueche found that "the most offered courses in Ameri-can community colleges were remedial reading, remedial writing,and remedial arithmetic. As many as fifty percent of any enter-ing freshman class were found in need of essential remedialwork". He unfortunately further found that "few students who wereinitially placed in a remedial course ever completed classrequirements. As many as ninety percent of all remedial studentsfailed or withdrew....The courses were being offered...but theresults were disastrous". This sorry record carries clear impli-cations for the conduct of functional literacy and basic skillprograms, assuming that the need for these competencies in ahigher education context does not diminish. However, over adecade later two independent investigations both identified thefollowing situation (Rouche, 1984, p.3):

students would be expected to read,write, audd figure more in remedialcourses than would ever be required ofthem again in regular community collegecourses...the two studies documented that

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students in American community collegesare rarely expected to demonstrate liter-acy skills that are normally associatedwith college level courses and programs.(This latter finding has been reconfirmedas lately as 1982 by Richardson andMartens.)

Roueche summarizes the situation pertaining in the communitycollege context thus (ibid., pp. 3-4);

Putting it bluntly, reading and writingassignments of any consequence or depthwere rarely made in regular courses.Many of the students never purchasedthe required textbook or lab manual for aparticular course or program because theyhad correctly discovered that reading andcomprehending those materials were notnecessary for successful course couple-tion....Many instructors never mentionedthe textbook name, much less made readingassignments in the text.

These findings and the devastating picture they paint serveto introduce some significant issues into the functional literacydilemma. They indicate quite clearly that defined standards ofdesired literacy are not necessarily identical with actuallyrequired levels, even wtihin a context as heavily based uponreading as a community college. Indeed, it would appear thatcommunity colleges have tended to deal with functional illiteracyby reducing the amount of reading required for course work ratherthan by-effectively inculcating the desired levels. While there.are, to be sure, important exceptions to this, the trend observedis a significant one, suggesting a downgrading of course work onthesone hand and a perpetuation of functional illiteracy on theother. Yet another, potentially more cogent point also arises:if it is possible to dispense with or overlook reading competen-cies in a context which is so reading dependent, there may besimilar implications in other contexts where literacy is deemedto be important but is not nearly as central. Stated differ-ently, the community college situation suggests strongly thatthe improvement of basic skills constitutes only one avenue forcorrecting literacy deficiencies; other mechanisms include thereduction of reading requirements within the context. Whetheror not the latter approach has deleterious effects on qualityremains a separate, as yet unaswerable issue. Research intothis question is clearly necessary in order to make possible athorough assessment of the actual, rather than the merely desiredfunctional literacy levels to which various contexts shouldaspire.

Another of Rouche's observations is relevant in this regard.He reports that "students in courses with content of more per-ceived value, use, interest, and relevance to their personal

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learning goals (e.g. specific function courses) were more likelyto go beyond the minimum explicitly etated literacy demands....Incourses transmitting more general information and of little per-ceived value or relationship to other course work (e.g., generaleducation courses) students were inclined to accomplish onlyminimum requirements and, on average, do them poorly" (p. 4).One possible conclusion Zrom this finding is that functionalliteracy increased when applied to a functional situation anddoes not develop when its context is viewed by individuals asbeing non-relevant. This would lend greater weight to the def-inition of functional literacy suggested earlier, in whichemphasis was placed on "self-determined objectives" rather thanon efforts to impose definitions externally. There is, however,also another possibility that the courses identified as having"more perceived value" relied less on reading, engaging studentsthrough other mechanisms, while the courses of "little perceivedvalue " were more etheral and heavily based on the reading of atextbook. Further investigation is clearly called for on thisissue.

The community college context is one with a present - albeitproblematic - demand for literacy, as well as a framework forpreparing individuals for futures in which basic skill competen-cies are assumed. Its future orientation is, perhaps, even morecomplex than its present requirements. If the demands for parti-cipation, which are quite concretized, are being so poorly met,surely the stipulated standards for somewhat amorphous futurecareers become increasingly abstract and obscured, potentiallyresulting in reduced motivation for compliance. Indeed, it isentirely possible that in the perception of participants presentand future are substantively unrelated; that during the course ofparticipation students are primarily concerned with the acquisi-tion of those competencies necessary for program completion andnot at all part of any official curriculum. In a study under-taken among students in a major American university, for example,it was found that many of the skills learned did not relate toformal subject matter, but rather to'those behaviors most likelyto be rewarded (e.g., verbalization, succeeding in examinationthrough means not always strictly legal, etc.) and to assuregraduatibn (Snyder, 1970). Similarly, it might be suggested thatcompetencies required for job performance are typically gainedon-the-job and not so much in preparing for it. A degree itself,more than the knowledge and abilities that its possession impliesmay well be, in participant perceptions, the central object oftheir attention, creating in effect, a cleavage between thepreparatory and subsequent work experience phases. This leavesin question the extent to which community college contexts are,in fact, providing an education the substance of which has futureapplication as well as the extent to which employees can relyupon the existence of particular sets of skills and knowledge.Because of its structure and experience, the American communitycollege offers those concerned with these issues an excellentopportunity for further examination and clarification.

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A variety of contexts and literacy within their confineshave been discussed. Obviously, these are but a very smallsample of the totality of groups and contextual situations thatexist around the country. Each has its unique attributes whichdictate both differential definitions and conditions regardingliteracy. However, it should be noted that all these groups andcontexts exist and function within a larger, macro or nationalcontext to which they must relate. Thus, while retaining groupor context specific characteristics, there will always be ashared domain, common across groups. To some extent the Univer-sity of Texas' Adult Functional Competency study (1975) sought toidentify that domain in an effort to define common functionalliteracy minima. In doing so the researchers assembled a collec-tion of written materials which, in their opinion, constituted abasis for definition of a desired common domain. Just how validsuch a procedure is remains subject to debate as the materialsselected for inclusion were chosen on the basis of judgements,rather than on the basis of investigating the reading that peopleactually engage in. Beginning the search for a common defini-tion, it is suggested, might more profitably survey actual ratherthan desired reading behaviors. In the same vein, group orcontext specific determinations should also originate in theinvestigation of actual reading habits and behaviors. If it isfound that these fall short of desired standards and requireupgrading, it is most likely not reading itself that must beimproved, but those attributes of the context which mandate andsustain the lower level.

The argument being put forth is that reading, being contextlinked and dependent, does not lend itself to change and upgrad-ing independently of the context itself. As the context evolves,demanding more of its members, the chances that levels willimproved heightens. This proposition is of importance in thedesign of intervention strategies aimed at correcting functionalilliteracy conditions. It asserts that programs need be aimed atthe contextual conditions and not just'at their reading compon-ents. It also suggests that actual literacy levels will usuallynot rise above the contextually imposed expectations such thatefforts to raise them acontextually are unlikely to be effective.One clear implication for the field of adult literacy educationis the need to engage in careful examination of the groups andcontexts within which programs are to be conducted as a basis forboth definition of functional literacy andithe determination ofthe instructional mission. In this light/tit is possible to moveon to a discussion of various efforts to correct functionalilliteracy and develop reading competencies among diverse groupsof people.

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IV. Improving Literacy Proficiency: Some Programs and Approaches

Efforts to eradicate functional illiteracy have been under-taken in numerous forms and frameworks since the turn of thecentury. Literacy classes, under one label or another, wereinitiated soon after the problem was identified and the premiseaccepted that all citizens of the United States should be able toread and write. The programs made available have two distinctattributes to which much attention has been paid. The first isorganizational in nature and deals with form and structure; i.e.,the establishment and provision of frameworks within which in-struction can take place. The second is substantive, concernedwith a combination of the content and instructional approaches ofthese educational activities.

In discussing organizational aspects of adult literacy pro-grams it is of importance to first review their status relativeto the larger system of education. Schools have developed inWestern societies as the primary vehicle for the provision ofeducation to the public; an education which is viewed in terms ofits preparatory function. George Washington, in his FarewellAddress of 1796, stated their significance and mission, thus:"Promote, then, as an object of primary importance, institutionsfor the general diffusion of knowledge. In proportion as thestructure of a government gives force to public opinion it isessential that public opinion be enlightened." What preciselysuch enlightenment might consist of was often subject to debate,but there has throughout the history of the United States beenvirtual consensus that schools are the predominant means of itsspread, and that children and youth constitute their naturalpopulation. To be sure, adult education has not been absent fromAmerican educational thought and practice, although it has typi-cally been relegated to a marginal position and viewed as beingcomplementary to that which is attained through formal schooling.Indeed, at times adult education has been pursued because it wasfelt that it could enhance school performance. Thus, for exam-ple, Josiah RolDrook suggested that one purpose of the adultlyceums that he )proposed (1829) was: "Raising the qualificationsof this responsible and important class of the community" -teachers - who 'Aare engaged in forming the character of therising generation and molding the destiny of our nation" (1959,p. 32). Overwhelmingly, educational energies have been devotedto the construction, development, and enhancement of primary,secondary, and tertiary institutions, not to building frameworksfor adult education outside the normative school system. Thetypes of program which are necessary for dealing with adult func-tional illiteracy fall, then, within the least developed realm ofeducational practice. Practically, this situation is manifest inrestricted and restrictive budgets, lack of adequate infrastruc-ture, an insufficient properly trained and organized instruction-al corps, a deep chasm in academic attention both in instructionand research, and in a lamentable lack of professionalism. Des-pite numerous starts and a wide range of activity, the field ofadult education is in many ways still in an embryonic stage.

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This is, unfortunately, as true of that aspect of adult educationwhich relates to functional illiterates as it is of the field atlarge.

Bearing these caveats in mind, and against their backdrop,attention can be turned to an examination of programs and activi-ties that do exist. Organizationally, two approaches have domi-nated the practice of adult literacy education. The first derivesfrom the notion that illiteracy among adults is a social blightresulting from one or another malfunction of the formal schoolsystem (faulty outreach such that not all people attended schools,improper instruction, or faulty learning) which can and should beeradicated as soon as possible. It has led "to the initiation of'one-shot wars' in which large numbers of students, workers, andteachers have set out to 'eradicate illiteracy' only to discoverthat each new generation that fails to develop literacy leads toa new 'crop' of illiterates. Nowhere has this fallacy beenmore evident than in those mass literacy campaigns in which noprovisions were made to develop the national, political, govern-mental, and educational organizational structures needed to makepossible the continuous development of literacy in both childhoodand adulthood" (Sticht, 1984, p. 3), Although the adult literacycampaign approach has been more prevalent in third world coun-tries, it has not eluded some American conceptions of the issue.

The second approach is more expansive, emanating from thenotion that illiteracy is but one, albeit vary cogent manifes-tation of basic skill insufficiencies, therefore requiring thatits rectification be anchored in a broadly conceived basic skillseducational program. Such activities usually incorporate instrua-tion in reading, writing, and arithmetic, often paralleling pri-mary school curricula. By far the most extensive adult literacyeffort in the country - the Adult Basic Education (ABE) program -is construed in this vain. Other attributes of this basic skillsapproach generally include lengthier duration of instruction, andtermination through certification procedures which make it possi-ble for individuals to continue their education into a secondaryequivalency cycle (ASE) and beyoLd. Inherent in this approach isthe premise that illiteracy, as a manifestation of a lack of moregeneral education, should be coupled with that education in a"second change" type of activity. Specifically, the Adult Educa-tion Act, Public Law 91-230, under whose authority ABE programsare carried out, states their objectives thus:

(1) Enable all adults to acquire basicskills necessary to function in society;

(2) Enable adults "Belo so desire to con-tinue their education to at least thelevel of completion of secondaryschool, and

(3) Make available to adults the means tosecure training that will enable themto become more employable, productive,and responsible citizens. (Sec. 302,amended, 1978)

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The programs could, then, be terminal in nature, preparatory tocontinuing a secondary cycle, or preparatory to embarking uponother, usually work related, training activities.

Under its aegis, ABE consists of three separate activitieswhich, together, have an enrollment of approximately 2.2 millionpeople over the age of sixteen. The components are basic educa-tion, secondary education, and the teaching of English as asecond language, with each being delivered through a variety oforganizational mechanisms including both primary and secondaryschools, community colleges, specialized adult learning centers,community centers, homes, etc. It has been found that one thirdof participants had previously completed between seven and nineyears of schooling, while an additional third had been in schoolsbetween ten and twelve grades, with the remainder enrolling inESL classes (Delker, 1984, pp. 1-8). It would appear, then, thateven tk..rse ehrolling in the most basid level had, in the past,had relatively long school careers during which, for one reasonor another they had not been successful in learning basic skills.In this regard the age distribution of participants is also ofinterest: the overwhelming majority of participants are underthe age of thirty-four (69% in ABE; 81% in ASE; 68% in ESL),indicating that the program caters to young adults whose schoolexperience was in the more recent past, rather than older indi-viduals who had not been to school at all. Clearly, this factunderscores the severity of the functional illiteracy issue,challenging the notion that its target population consists of aresidue of an era during which school coverage was incomplete.It also serves as yet additional evidence that America's func-tionally illiterate population is largely comprised of those whohad at least completed the primary school cycle, and often atten-ded schools longer than that.

Another observation suggests itself from these data. Therelatively young age composition of ABE and ASE students lendscredence to the notion that functional applications of basicskills - or basic credentials - serve as a central motivatingfactor in the determination of participation patterns. Signifi-cantly, nearly half (46.2%) of enrollees sought secondary schoolcredentials (the GED certificate), while only a third stated theacquisition of basic competencies was their main objective. Thereminder were ESL students (Delker, 1984, pp. 20-21). Labormarket realities may well have more to do with participation thana delayed thirst for knowledge. Interestingly, however, whenqueried regarding actual gains achieved through participation,most of those asked responded in terms of self-actualization andspecific skills learned, suggested that for those completingthe courses accent shifts from the initial motivating factors.The mateRrial itself, it seems, has a power of its own.

Much of the criticism of adult literacy and basic educationhas focused on what is felt to be its tendency to parallel, ifnot actually repeat, traditional primary and secondary schoolcurricula. Two aspects of this are found to be disturbing. Onthe one hand adult functional illiterates are, it is argued,

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equated with school age children and often presented with coursesof study wholly unsuitable for adults, either in terms of theirinterests or concerns. Such curricula, it is submitted, are non-relevant to the needs of adults as they are essentially designedfor different purposes. On the other hand, in adopting schooldorived curricula for adult programs there is an implied assump-tion that, due to lack of schooling, adult illiterates are devel-opmentally no further advanced than school children, with theresult that they are often treated as such (Harman, 1974). Re-cognizing these issues, the U.S. Office of Education providedfunding for the development of what might be considered an "adultcurriculum". Completed in 1976, the Adult Performance Levelstudy proposed a list of sixty-five substantive topics which hadbeen identified as being of concern, interest, and relevance toadults as the basis for future program curricula. These 'aregradually being adopted and are supplanting many c5,- the moreconventional, school curriculum based efforts (Delker, 1984, p.2). A further recommendation emanating from the criticism ofearlier programs sought to create a diversity of instructionalapproaches and to offer programs in a variety of diverse'formsand settings. Foremost among these, recent information reveals,is individualized instruction which either on its own or coupledwith group instruction now typifies most programs (Delker, 1984,p. 9).

Although adult education activities are federally mandatedthrough the Adult Education Act, their establishment, design, andoperation is relegated to the states, each of which works throughvarious local groups, agencies and institutions (Magnum, 1984;Harris 1984). As a result there is a great deal of variabilityamong programs, both between and within states. In most, but notall program areas, federal funds are added to by state, local,and private resources such that the actual expenditure on basiceducation programs far exceeds the federal allocation. As mightbe expected however, funding never seems to be adequate. Indeed,Mangum reports that in Utah not all those wishing to enroll insome of the programs could be accomodated; a situation thatpertains elsewhere as well.

Uncertain finances, coupled with the notion that adult lit-eracy efforts are temporary in.nature and will cease altogetherwhen the "problem" has been "solved", have combined to mitigateagainst the formation of adequate cadres of professionallytrained instructors. Indeed, most training of personnel forprograms is of extremely short duration, largely offered byagencies providing programs, and often not required of all in-structors, such that many of those teaching have had no trainingat all. Teacher training institutions and schools of education,in the main, have not included programs for training teachers ofadult illiterates in their curricula and courses of study. Thissituation has had several consequences, affecting both organiza-tional and instructional aspects of programs.

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Organizationally, adult literacy programs have recruited avery varied teaching staff with teachers having a range of back-grounds typically excluding specific training in adult education.Three quarters of ASE instructors and closer to eighty percent ofASE teachers-have not been certified in adult education. Thissituation is somewhat better among ESL teachers, nearly half ofwhom have had relevant professional training and attained certi-fication (Delker, 1984, p. 17). Yet another consequence is thefact that the overwhelming majority of teachers (83%) are onlyemployed on a part time basis. Perhaps the most significant and,in terms of educational systems in general, distinctive featurepertaining to instructional personnel in adult programs has beenthe widespread utilization of volunteers. Whether serving asteachers, tutors, or aides, volunteers constitute a very impor-tant factor in programs (Delker, 1984; Waite, 1984). Typically,those volunteering are provided with brief programs of orienta-tion and training and then either work independently or in con-junction with paid instructors. Among volunteers one finds aplethora of backgrounds, professions, and skills. Clearly, thecombination of part-time instructors and volunteers, the majority.,f whom are not professionally trained in either adult educationor the teaching of basic skills to the functionally illititate,determines much of the organizational and administrative charac-ter of programs. It might, for example, explain the heavy empha-sis on individualized instruction.

Two further observations emanating from situation areof a more critical nature. The part-timeness, lack of profes-sionalism, and reliance upon volunteers that characterize muchof adult basic education activity indicates that the campaign or"quick-fix" attitude towards adult literacy education remainsvery strong. Despite the fact that many agree that, education-ally, the task of adult education should be carried out throughprograms and courses of lengthier duration, replete with wellconceived, broad curricula, an atmosphere of impermanence andcampaign like approach persist and typify the field. Moreover,this temporariness and general hue tend to mitigate against thedevelopment of the field itself. The lack of attention paid toadult literacy programs by the various educational disciplines,the lack of professionalism of teachers - other, of course, thanexperientially gained knowledge - together with.the lamentablestate of research in the field do not auger well for its substan-tive development and obviously has a deleterious effect on pro-grams. One should hasten to qualify this statement by indicatingthat there are examples of excellent programs which achieveadmirable results but, unfortunately, they are the exceptionrather than the rule.

Adult literacy programs are highly decentralized as a rule.Much of the activity is organized at local and community levels,with State and Federal involvement being largely financial and attimes supervisory. Community based programming consists of sev-eral components, foremost amongst which is a notion of organiza-tion. Within the context of literacy education the term largely

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refers to "groups or organizations which have evolved through theefforts of members of a community in response to their communi-ty's need" (Eggert, 1984, p. 2), emphasizing the organizationalaspect. Volunteer organizations (particularly the two most con-cerned with adult literacy: Laubach Literacy Action and LiteracyVolunteers of America) strongly advocate the establishment oflocalized groups of volunteers, structurally and operationallyfunctioning as community action bodies (Waite, 1984; Eggert,1984; Harris, 1984). Such community groups are charged with therecruitment of both students and instructors (paid, volunteer, orboth depending on the nature of the community groups), raisingfunds from all available sources, organizing and administeringprograms, as well as dealing with substantive issues concerningthe instruction itself. Once agaih, this mechanism for thedelivery of adult literacy education hears connotations of tenta-tiveness and the rapid "one-shot batt.Le" against illiteracy.Some of the rhetoric is quite explicit in both advocating the useof volunteers and defining their mission in campaign terminology.Thus, for example, Peter Waite states that: "The battle withilliteracy can be won, but the use of volunteers in this fightmust become a national priority", and further that "Communitybased coordinated programs which utilize massive numbers of vol-unteers can and will begin to solve the problem of illiteracy inthe United States" (1984, pp. 8-9).

Notions of voluntarism and community based educational ac-tivities are closely linked, and to no small extent each isbelieved to be contingent on the other. The use of volunteersis characteristic of literacy programs throughout the world and,indeed, is perhaps one of the central manifestations of thecampaign approach. It is also an organizational strategy madenecessary by the combination of restricted budgets and the gener-al lack of available qualified personnel. Volunteers are eithermobilized on a nationwide basis and sent by a central campaignheadquarters to teach wherever they are needed (e.g., in thecampaigns mounted in Cuba, Iran, the Soviet Union), or morequietly gather within a community to deal with local issues(e.g., Great Britain, Israel, the United States). This latterhas come to be known as the community based approach. While theevaluation research regarding programs organized in this fashionis slim, thorn are accounts of highly effective efforts in whichthe relationships developed between students and their volunteertutors have resulted in important learning gains (e.g., ProjectF.I.S.T. in New Jersey; Stauffer, 1973). Although currentlyavailable data does not allow for the drawing of definitiveconclusions, logic would indicate that the combined use of pro-fessional instructors and volunteers might be a potentially bene-ficial approach as it would bring together the necessary know-howand familiarity with adult education techniques and the dedica-tion of the volunteer to a program's objectives and participants.This, however, should occur within programs conceived as moresystematic and broad; not in fights, battles, campaigns, or wars,but in carefully plotted educational endeavors.

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Another aspect of the community approach which has oftenbeen suggested as essential in adult literacy work (Hunter andHarman, 1979), is substantive rather than organizational. Situa-tion specificity has been emphasized as a quintessential educa-tional approach in literacy programs and entails custom tailoringactivities to conditions prevailing in diverse contextual condi-tions; conditions more likely to find expression within communi-ties in which people requiring instruction congregate and live.Rather than be detached, tend to uniformity, and seek universali-ty, curricula developed within community contexts, relating tothem, and designed for known participants are more likely to beappreciated and effective. Some concrete evidence - albeitscarce - exists indicating that drop-out rates, rates of learn-ing, and retention in programs so conceived surpassed thatacheieved through more conventional approaches (Harman, 1977).It is more than likely that many of the actual courses of in-struction that grow through tutor-tutee relationships assume theattributes of situation specificity and contextual relevanceresulting in positive learning experiences. Unfortunately, suchindividual experiences are rarly documented, making them unavail-able for analyses and the drawing of conclusions.

Just how effective programs heavily based on volunteer ser-vices are remains unclear. Indeed, even if data were available,the very nature of such activities and their emphasis on indivi-dual instruction would render finding ungeneralizable. Somewhatmore attention has been devoted to the assessment of ABE and ASEprograms, mostly conducted locally with both State and Federalsubsidy. A number of studies undertaken over the past decadehave been fairly consistent in the findings reported (Darkenwaldand Valentine, 1984). Drop-out rates continue to be extraordi-narily high, similar to such rates reported from programs aroundthe world (Harman, 1974) - above fifty percent. Darkenwald andValentine, in the most recently conducted evaluative study, haveidentified a phenomenon which warrants further investigation inthis regard: over a third of the drop-outs they found in theprograms they were examining left either because of transfer toother educational activities, or because they had successfullycompleted final examinations (GED) but failed to report this totheir classroom instructors, thus reducing the actual drop-outrate substantially (1984, pp. 71-72). Of those completing prog-rams, the majority are usually satisfied with the gains made andfeel that their newly acquired skills will bill of importance inboth improving their employment status and their personal lives.Unfortunately, longtudinal evluations seeking to learn how wellnewly learned skills are retained over time are only few and farbetween. The few that have been conducted, usually in othercountries, re?eatedly show skill loss, so much so that some havereported near total return to states of illiteracy, presumablydue to lack of application of the skills (Harman, 19743. Aboveall, it snould be borne in mind that evaluation studies relateonly to those who either have or currently attend programs, whilethe overwhelming majority of functionally illiterate adults do notparticipate in such activities. Why they do not, whether or notthey would if programs were made available that would suit their

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need, whether different types of program might have greaterimpact' and attain wider coverage all remian issues subject toconjecture and speculation. Our knowledge regarding the majorityof the population we seek to serve in these respeCts simplyremains too scant.

In instructional activities in which the utility of partici-pation is clearer or the extent of control over participants isgreater, both coverage and results are generally far better.This would hold true of programs conducted by the military(Duffy, 1984) and the teaching of English as a second language.In both instances attendance and effect are better, implyingperhaps, that the immediate relevance of the activity is moregreatly appreciated by participants and, in the case of themilitary, that the ability to virtually mandate participation haspositive results, At least insofar as skill attainment is con-cerned.

Jeanne Chall has suggested a number of premises regardingthe overall poor state of adult literacy education. First, shereiterates "the long acknowledged problems of reaching those inneed, and maintaining their regular attendance and consistentinterest", an issue amply emphasized above. Additionally, sheunderscores "the tendency to underplay development and progres-sion in the curriculum and in the achievement of students...nodoubt related to the underplaying of assessment and evaluation".This, she offers, "stems...from a lack of clarity as to whatshould be taught, when, to what students" (1984, pp. 2-3). Addto these observations the unfortunate fact that the field ofadult literacy education appears to be at a virtual standstillinsofar as systematic research and development are concerned,creating a situation whereby from year to year the issues arerestated without benefit of new insights into their solutionand the essential lacunae of this area of educational concern areforcefully laid bare.

One perplexing issue, far from resolution, relates to thedifferences between adult learning of reading skills and learningas it is known to occur among children. Quite obviously this isa critical iraue for those engaged in the instruction of adultsas, from its answers would flow the necessary curricula. Heretoo, the paucity of research makes it impossible to state anydefinitive conclusions. The essential issue can be stated thus:are adult illiterates, from the point of view of the patternswhich dictate their acquisitor of reading skills at both basicand more advanced levels similar to children several decadesyounger or do they require different instructional approaches andcurricula. The debate around this issue cannot, unfortuntely,draw in any significant way, upon findings from appropriateresearch, but rather must now, as in the past, be fed.by specu-lation, suggestion, and inferences based on rather narrow agglo.=-\merations of documented experience.

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Chall has elaborated a five staged notion of readjtng devel-opment which advances from very rudimentary reading ability usu-ally associated with beginnings of the learning process at thefirst grade level, to a high level necessary to read sophisti-cated materials at a twelfth grade standard. Eachstage requiresa vocabulary and general level of knowledge more complex thanthat preceding it, makes use of longer sentences, and .is moreabstract. "Reading at successive levels of proficiency dependson ever more difficult and varied. language, more complex ideas,and more advanced reading skills" 'Mall writes, suggesting thatsystematic and sequenced progression from one stage to the nextcharacterizes the development of reading (1983; 1984). She fur-ther argues that "The course of development inn reading is essen-tially the same for adults and children, although perhaps thereis a need for a somewhat different emphasis depending upon matu-rity, and different text context" (1984, p. 10). Insofar aslearning is concerned, "it takes the typical student sixteenyears or more to progress from Stage one through five. Does ittake as long for adults? There is little evidence on this ques-tion" (ibid, p. 12).

Most instructional strategies being utilized in adult liter-acy programs would accept the basic notion that reading develop-ment is an incremental process, requiring. that teaching beginwith Challis first stage, although they might quibble with thestipulation that sixteen or more years are necessary for theattainment of the final phase. Indeed, despair and chaos wouldset in if the latter was a hard, non-assailable finding. Adulteducation in general and adult literacy programs in particularare inherently based on short term, time limited ctjectives whichwould exclude even the barest notion that thei'r's is a multi-yeartask. Even if one assumes that the progression of adults throughthe various states could be compressed - a possibility JeanneChall raises, but essentially rejects - the amount of time. neces-sary would be far too lengthy to contemplate.

Developmental time, however, is only one attribute of thestage development theory of reading. Elaborated with childrenrather than adults in mind,, progression is closely linked withother aspects of growth, both cognitive and affective. Thedevelopment of abstract thought, of larger and more complexvocabularies, of broader ranges of interest, all occur in paral-lel with the raiding ability developments described. In many ofthese regards adults are dissimilar from children. Although pre-sumably-in a state of constant flux, adult interests and concernsdiffer from those of children, as do their vocabularies andcognitive abilIttes. Moreover, for the most part, their lifestyles and aspirations are anchored in reality and familiaritywith their environments, much more so than would be the case withtheir young and adolescent children. Surely, these characteris-tics, typical - in general - of adults and less common in chil-dren, have significant ramifications for adult learning. "Inmost instances in which adults purposefully engage in systematicand sustained learning activities", states Knox, "their intent is

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to modify performance. Their reasons for engaging in the learn-ing activity and their anticipated uses of the new learning.typically relate to a coherent area of activity and performance"(1977, p. 406). Further, "because adults typically want to usewhat they learn soon after they learn it, it is usually easy toestablish the connection between specific learning activities andthe area of pw'ormance to which the new knowledge is applied"(ibid, p. 408).

Unvalidatsd by data from empirical investigations as theyare, it is nonetheless possible to formulate some assumptionsregarding manifestations of adult learning characteristics inso-far as the acquisition of reading is concerned. First, it isunlikely that an adult will engage in a learning venture ofoverly lengthy duratioh; certainly not the full span of yearsthat Chall indicates are necessary for the attainment of Stagefive. Second, as the substance of instruction must reflect itsutility, it is unlikely that adults would respond well to eithermeaningless texts, or texts that do not relate to their areas ofinterest and concern. Moreover, the notion that more relevanttexts might be achieved only following a laborious developmentalprocess is not likely to elicit much snthusaism or willingness tosustain course participation. It is, in fact, quite possiblethat at least some of the drop-out phenomenon could be explainedas occuring when participants discover a dissonance. between theirspecific learning objectives and the combihation of substance andpace that are characteristic of mostiprograms of adult readinginstruction. Some evidence in thielegard has been found in theUNESCO sponsored work-oriented literacy project conducted severalyears ago in Iran (Bazany, 1973). Third, the adult's vocabularyand life experiences are unlikely to grow far beyond the extentto which they have become sstabliihsd in adulthood, largelybecause these are determined by context and culture. The com-bination of verbal ability and contextual factors no doubt alsodictate the extent to which it is possible to further developreading abilities. Vocabulary, for example, s critical if oneis to advance literacy skills such that in ihe absence of moredeveloped language abilitiei a certain limitation is a priorityplaced on reading potential. Attaining a twelfth grade readinglevel requires "extensive general and specialized vocabularies,considerable background knowledge, ability to reason, and tothink critically" (Chill, 1984, p. 21). The adult who has diffi-culty with more sophisticated vocabulary, limited general knowl-edge, and whose thought processes are circumscribed by context,condition, and experience may be unable to attain the more ad-vanced reading stages. Alternatively, such situations imply thatliteracy training must be conceived in vary broad terms indeed,placing emphasis on the development of those skills, abilities,and concepts which are prerequisite for furthering literacyachievements.

Adult learning experiences, in literacy as in other realms,need to be organized in discrete and distinct units, alwaysrelating to more or.less immediate concerns, perception, and

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motivations of learners. Such organization could result in posi-tive acquisition, hold the attention of learners and, over timethrough a cummulative process, lead to the development of higherorder abilities in reading, if at the same time contextual condi-tions have also evolved, creating fertile soilfor furthergrowth. Adult learning audiences are not captive in programs aschildren are in schools, placing an added onus on programs tomeet the requirements and expectations of participants. Whileour aspirations should always be the improvement of broadlydefined literacies, realism should direct the manner and methodemployed in their attainment.

One approach that is being increasingly experimented with,in consequence, places early emphasis on the instruction o'substance, the elements of which bear direct association withareas and topics cf immediate concern and relevance to learners.Reading instruction is relegated to an ostensibly secondary posi-tion, directly engaged in as an apparent appendage to the actualcontent. When reading instruction takes place, it follows fairlystandard approaches, dwelling appropriately on sound-letter asso-ciations, word recognition, and decoding. All of this, however,takes place within a learning activity in which the centralemphasis is plar.d upon content and in which it is precisely thecontent that holds the attention of learners. As yet in rela-tively early experimental stages, thii approach has by now beeneffected in countries as disparate as Brazil, Thailand, and theUnited States, in each case showing promising results (Harman,1977). An irportant lesson that has been learned from :hesevarious experiences is that the instruction of literacy to adultsmutt be cast in adult-appropriate forms and conveyed throughstatilarly appropriate contents, even though the actual readingdevelopment ccmponents of programs follow more classical evithod-ologies. Clearly, however', a great deal of additional exj.rimen-tation and yalidationrevtossential.

The teachiniief English as a second language constitutes, aspecial case of instruction requiring unique instruction andorganizational approaches. Unlike literacy programs for nativespeakers of nnglish, ESL ef;crts must contend with the addedissues of acculturation and=language instruction, both as pre-requisites to the teaching of reading. From an instructionalpoint of view this triple agenda presents educators with dif-ferent sets of issues, albeit the need to be consistent inrelating programs to known conteAtual conditions has been rec-ognized as being essential here as well (Wallerstein, 1984;Longfield, 1984). For the new immigrant knowledge of the newculture, entailing knowledi of the new language are criticalinstrumentalities in the process of absorption. Whether or hotliteracy abilities are viewed in the rams light is a functionlargely of the background experiences .of individuals within theirown cultures and contexts of origin. Many of the differentinstructional fpproaches developed for use in ESL programs takecognizance of this (Savage, 1984), and seem to have abandoned thenotion that reading elements in ESL activities can conform to

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more conventional methodologies which assume prior knowledge ofthe language and basic conscientization towards reading. Ulti-mately, it would appear that effective English language develop-ment is contingent upon a variety of factors of which ESL pro-grams are only one. Others would include absorption into thelabor market in situations in which English is the main mode ofcommunication, participation in at least some aspects of generalsocial life (including television viewing), and the participa-tion of children in regular schools and their language develop-ment. Surrounded by so many change agents at once, under overallconditions of flux and change, the likelihood that English, atleast at rudimentary levels, will be learned heightens. Whetheror not reading abilities are similarly influenced is more afunction of specific circumstances, and might be different fordifferent individuals.

As is the case in adult literacy education in general, ESLis also thought to be a transient educational activity, althoughit has benefitted from more systematic investigation. While itis certainly the case that within specific families the issue isa temporary one as second and third generations will have greaterproficiency than the first, one must bear in mind the fact thateach year new arrivals come to the shores of tLa United States,requiring the same type of assistance that past immigrants havereceived. Indeed, the teaching of English to new immigrants andtheir introduction to American life and more is an educationalendeavor with over a century long history, and will remain anactive educational domain as long as immigrants continue arriv-ing.

For the learner of English as a second language there aretwo contents, one implicit, the other explicit. These are thelanguage and the new culture it represents. Reading is almostdefinitionally relegated the function of being a vehicle for thelearning of these contents. A parallel situation in regularadult literacy instructipn would also be the placing of emphasison diverse literacies - Os opposed to literacy in the more con-ventional sense of readift ability - and thereby placing thecentral emphasis of the learning experiences on carefully chartedextrapolations of the term "functional ", rather than on thenarrow skill of reading. In this regard, and in this fashionfunctional literacy education becomes a much broader concept ofadult education, aimed at the genral growth and development oflearners, not just their reading agNlitios. The latter, it iscontended, will develop almost as a(by-product; as individualsgain in confidence, are successful in altering their circumstan-ces and contexts and feel that they are in greater control ofevents rather than being directed by them.

Adult literacy education so conceived is a central tool ofadult development, a vehicle for important individual and socialgrowth. As such it could become a permanent educational activitywhich would provide substance to notions of lifelong learning andabove all make it possible for individuals to continuously seek

37

the attainment of new goals and improved quality of life. Clear-ly, the indivduals involved stand to benefit from such education.Equally as clearly, the ultimate beneficiary is society as awhole.

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