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II< er. 1871

Religion is a collective insanity, the more powerful because

it is traditional folly, and because its origin is lost in the most

remote antiquity.

Michael Rakunin. God and the Stale, 1871

Since freedom is the result and the clearest expression of

solidaritythat is, of mutuality of interests it can be real-

ized only under conditions of equality. Political equality can

be based only upon economic and social equality, and justice

is precisely the realization of freedom through such equality

Michael Bakunin, A Member of theInternational Answers Mazxini, 1871

There is only one way to make a political force harmless, to

pacify and subdue it. and that is to proceed with its destruc-

tion.

Michael Bakunin. Statism and Anarchy, 187S

Emma Goldman,Anarchism, then, really stands for the liberation of the

human mind from the dominion of religion; the liberation

of the human body from the dominion of property: liberation

from the shackles and restraint of government. Anarchism

stands for a social order based on the free groupings of in-

dividuals for the purpose of producing real social wealth: an

order thai will guarantee to every human being free access to

the earth and full enjoyment of the necessities of life, accord-

ing to individual desires, tastes, and inclinations.

Anarchism does not stand for military drill and unifor-

mity: it does, however, stand for the spirit of revolt, in what-

ever form against everything thai hinders human growth. All

Anarchists agTee in that, as they also agTee in their opposition

to the political machinery as a means of bringing about the

gTeat social change.

Emma Goldman, Anarchism, 1910

Real wealth consists in things of utility and beauty, in

things that help to create strong, beautiful bodies and sur-

roundings inspiring to live in. But if man is doomed to

wind cotton around a spool, or dig coal, or build roads for

thirty years of his life, there can be no talk of wealth. What

he gives to the world is only gray and hideous things, rc-

llctting a dull and hideous existence, too weak to live, too

cowardly to die. Strange to say. there are people who extol

this deadening method of centralized production as the

proudest achievement of our age. They fail utterly to realize

that if we are to continue in machine subserviency, our

slavery is more complete than was our bondage to the King.

Emma Goldman. Anarchism, 1910

Nowhere is woman treated according to the merit of herwork, but ratheT as a sex. It is therefore almost inevitable

that she should pay for her right to exist, to keep a position

in whatever line, with sex favors. Thus it is merely a que*-tion of degTee whetheT she sells herself to one man. in or out

of marriage, or to many men.

Emma Goldman, The Traffic in Women. 1910

Errico Malatesta,

The principal reason for the had exploitation of nature,

the miseries of the workers, the antagonisms of the social

struggles is the right to pmpeity, which confers on the owners

of the land, the raw materials, and all the means of produc-

tion the possibility of exploiting the labor of others and

organizing production, not for the well-being of all. but to

guarantee maximum profit for the owners. It is necessary,

therefore, to abolish property.

Errico Mai-aievta, Umanita Nova, May 10. 1922

In all times and in all places, whatever be the name thatthe government takes, whatever has l>een its origin or its or-ganization, its essential function is always that of oppressing

and exploiting the masses, and of defending the oppressorsand exploiters. Its principal characteristic and indispensableinstruments are the policeman and the tax collector, thesoldier and the prison. And to these are necessarily added (hetime-serving priest or the teacher. . . .

Errico Mala testa, Anaichy. 1891

The slave is always in a state of legitimate defense, andconsequently his violence against the boss, against the op-

pressor, is always morally justifiable and must be controlledonly by such considerations as that the best and most eco-nomical use is being made of human effort and humansufferings.

Errico Malatesta, Umanita Nova, August 25. 1921

Our high ideal is not violence but peace, a society of peo-ple who are free and equal, in which conflicts and massacreswill be impossible. Violence is not ours but theirs, of the

governing class, which oppresses, tramples, and murders theweaker. There is nothing left to the proletariat but to reactviolently against (heir violence and to put lead against lead

to CTiish violence.

Errico Mai.ate.vta, funeral oration for five Italian

Worker* slain by gendarmes and nationalists, 1920

Everything depends on what the people are capable of

wanting.

Errico Malatesta. // Propamma Anarchico, 1920

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very morning when I wake up I ask myself whether I should wrile orblow up dam. I tell myself I should keep writing, though I'm noture that's right I've written books and done activism, but it is nei-ther a lack of words nor a lack of activism that is killing salmon here

in the NorthweaL It's the dams.

Anyone who knows anything about salmon knows the dams must go.Anyone who knows anything about politics knows the dams will sUy. Scien-tial! study, politicians and busineas people lie and delay, bureaucrats holdsham public meetings, activisU write letters and press releases, and still thesalmon die.

Sadly enough, I'm not alone in my inability or unwillingness to takeaction. Members of the Cerman resistance to Hitler from 1933 to 1945, forexample, exhibited a striking blindness all too familiar Despite knowingthat Hitler had to be removed for a "decent" government to be installed,they spent more lime creating paper versions of this theoretical governmentthan attempting to remove him from power. It wasn't a lack of courage thai

caused this blindness but rather a misguided sense of morals. Karl Goerdeler.

for instance, though tireless in attempting lo create this new government,

staunchly opposed assassinating Hitler, believing thai if only the two could

sit face to face Hitler might relent.

We. loo, suffer from this blindness and must learn to differentiate

between real and false hopes. We must eliminate false hopes, which blind uslo real possibilities. Does anyone really believe our protests will cause

Weyerhaeuser or other timber transnational* lo slop destroying forests? Does

anyone really believe the same corporate administrators who say they "wishsalmon would go extinct to we could just get on with living" (Randy Hardy

of Bonneville Power Association) will act other than to fulfill their desires?

Does anyone really believe a pattern of exploitation as old as our civilization

can be hailed legislatively, judicially or through meant other than an abso-

lute rejection of the mindset that engineers the exploitation, followed by

actions based on that rejection? Does anybody really think those who are

destroying the world will slop because we ask nicely or because we lock arms

peacefully in front of iheir offices?

There can be few who still believe the purpose of governmeni is to

protect citizens from the activities of those who would destroy. The opposite

is true: Political economist Adam Smith was correct in noting that Ihe pri-mary purpose of governmeni is to protect those who run the economy from

the outrage of injured citizens. To expect institutions created by our culture

io do other than poison waters, denude hillsides, eliminate alternative ways

of living and commit genocide is unforgivably naive.

Derrick Jensen

"Actions Speak Louder Than Words" 11998)

Many Cerman conspirators hesitated to remove Hitler from office be-

cause they'd sworn loyalty lo him and his government. Their scruples caused

more hesitation than their fear. How many of us have yet lo root out mis-guided remnants of a belief in the legitimacy of this government lo which,

as children, we pledged allegiance? How many of us fail to cross the line intoviolent resistance because we still believe thai, somehow, the system can be

reformed? And if we don't believe that, what are we wailing for? As

Shakespeare so accurately put it. "Conscience doth make cowards of us all."

It could be argued that by comparing our government lo Hitler's I'm

overstating my case. I'm not sure salmon would agree, nor lynx, nor Ihe

people of Peru, Irian Jaya, Indonesia, or any other place where people pay

with their lives for the activities of our culture.

If we're lo survive, we musl recognize that we kill by inaction as surely

as by action. We musl recognize that, as Hermann Hesse wrote. "We kill

when we clour our eyes l poverty, affliction or infamy. We kill when, be-

cause it is easier, we countenance, or pretend lo approve of atrophied social,

political, educational, and religious institutions, instead of resolutely com-

bating them."

The centraland in many ways onlyquestion of our time is this: What

are sane, appropriate and effective responses to outrageously destructive

behavior? So often, those working to slow the destruction can plainly de-

scribe the problems. Who couldn't? The problems are neither subtle norcognitively challenging. Yet when faced with the emotionally daunting task

of fashioning a response lo these clearly insoluble problems, we generally

suffer a failure of nerve and imagination. Candhi wrote a letter to Hitler

asking him to slop committing atrocities and was mystified thai it didn't

work. I continue writing letters to the editor of the local corporate newspa-

per pointing out misirulhs and am continually surprised at the next absurdity.

I'm not suggesting a well-targeted program of assassinations wouldsolve all of our problems. If il were that simple. I wouldn't be writing this

essay. To assassinate Slade Gorton and Larry Craig, for example, two sena-tors from the Northwest whose work may be charitably described as unre-mittingly ecocidal. would probably slow the destruction not much more thanto write them a letter. Neither unique nor alone, Gorton and Craig are merelytools for enacting ecocide, as surely as are dams, corporations, chainsaws.

TJUCE ACTION

napalm and nuclear weapons. If someone were to kill them, others would

lake their places. The ecocidal programs originating specifically from the

damaged psyches of Gorton and Craig would die with them, but the shared

nature of the impulses within our culture would continue full-force, making

the replacement as easy as buying a new hoe.

Hitler, loo. was elected ss legally and "democratically" as Craig and

Gorton Hitler, too. manifested his culture's death urge brilliantly enough

lo capture the hearts of those who voted him into power and to hold the

loyalty of the millions who actively carried out his plans. Hitler, like Craig

and Corlon. like Ceorge Weyerhaeuser and other CEOs, didn't act alone.

Why, then, do I discern a difference between them?

The current system has already begun lo collapse under the weight of

it* ecological excesses, and here's where we can help. Having transferred our

loyalty away from our culture'* illegitimate economic und governmental

entities and to the land, our goal must be to protect, through whatever means

possible, the human and nonhuman residents of our homelands Our goal,

like thai of a demolition crew on a downluwn building, must lie lo help mir

culture collapse in place, so that in its fall il takes out as little life as possible.

Discussion presupposes distance, and the fact lhal we're talking about

whether violence is appropriate tells me we don'l yet care enough. There's a

kind of action (hat doesn't emerge from discussion, from theory, but instead

from our bodies and from the land. This action is the honeybee stinging to

defend her hive; it's ihe mother grizzly charging a train to defend her cubs;

it's Zapatisla spokesperson Cecelia Rodriguez saying, "I have a question of

those men who raped me. Why did you nol kill me? It was a mistake to sparemy life. I will not shut up ... this hat nol traumatized me lo the point ofparalysis." It's Ogoni activist Ken Sarc-Wiwa, murdered by Ihe Nigerian gov-

ernment at Ihe urging of Shell, whose last words were, "Lord, take my soul.

but the struggle continues!" It's (hose who participated in the Warsaw Ghetto

uprising. It's Crazy Horse. Silling Bull and Ceronimo. It's salmon battering

themselves against concrete, using the only thing they have, their flesh, to

try lo break down lhal which keeps them from (heir homes.

I don't believe ihe question of whether lo use violence is the right one.

Instead, the question should be: Do you sufficiently feel the loss? So long as

we discuss this in the abstract, we still have too much lo lose. If we begin to

feel in our bodies the immensity and emptiness of what we lose dailyintacl

natural communities, hours sold for wages, childhoods lost lo violence,

women's capacity lo walk unafraidwe'll know precisely what lo do.

in Earth First! Journal. May-June 1998. p. 5

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D..j.itii'jcs ..._ jji-icajir.i] sexisji, ana one ofthe greatest is the overwhelming apathy of men in confrontingthis issue. One of the few men in attendance at the seminarcomplained that the reason men are so absent from the discussionof sexism, is that they fear male-bashinc, and feel like theywould be accused of co-opting the process if they try toparticipate. The reaction of my (male) partner afterward surasit up: "(sexist) men need some bashing!" Sexism must be met withthe same outrage that we hold for racism, exploitation of animalsand the earth, etc. They are not separate issues, but are partof the whole system and ideology of dominance, and a culture ofoppression

.

If men are unsure where their place is in a discussion ofcombating sexism, why are they afraid to ask for the expertiseof women? Can it be that it escapes then that the easiest wayto find out how to be an ally to women is to listen to women andask what they can do? It is really that simple. I think that Itis hard for men to put themselves into the position of admittingthat they don't know, and that women are the "authority" on asubject; but that's what needs to be done. Men won't be seen asco-opting if they have the humility to let women lead the fightagainst sexism and other oppressions, and have the respect enouohof their women friends to listen to their concerns, and VALIDATEthem - and to fight alongside us.

Because raen have the choice to address or ignore sexism ina way that women do not, it is imperative that men prove thatthey are our allies by taking the uncomfortable step that manywomen take every day - confronting sexism when you see it. Howcan we be expected to trust men if they Ignore our concerns forsafety, respect and equal participation? It is impossible to havea movement tnat does not have a foundation of respect and unityand that is why it is important to eradicate all forms ofoppression from our movements, so that we might have a broa^rbase of support and ideas from a divsrse set of paoole. ~ -

And to that end, here is a list of suggestions", both fron"

of color)

:

(Men) must feel the loss to the movement when women aren't involvedon an equal basis with men. When more than half the planet takesa back-seat in importance and respect, the entire movement suffersfrom that lack.

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^r^eed t0 .?abraSe aU partS f ourlves, including angerand other emotions denied us, and not apologize when advocatingfor ourselves and our needs in active and even aggressive ways.Hen need to embrace all parts of themselves, including beingcomfortable with their own emotions and emotional expression byothers. *

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get in touch!

KLSHAP #11OCT. 200OPO BOX 58*1EUGENE, OR 97405

Out of this Po Box, propaganda flows:

WRGA #3z=the beat anarcha-feniniat zlne around.ANARCHISTS ARE GOING TO EAT TOUR CHILDREN-^uestion and answer guideabout Anarchy and Eugene.

MAIHAP #7,8,9.

Get your SLUG & LETTUCE and HEARTATTnt S2=-3-= 22 1

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Anarchist Vision.'

A response to Michael Albert's "Anarchism Today" Commentary on ZNet

By Angie Parsons

In Michael Albert's latest ZNet Commentary on the potential of the currentanarchist movement and ideology, he reveals his hopes and expectations thatcivilization might transorm itself into a healthy, happy society without authoritariangovernment and capitalism, if only the "anarchist alternative" were presented in apallatable and accessible way.

A "lack of anarchist vision" is cited as the fundamental flaw of today's anarchists.He describes what he sees as new "strange" and "odd" anarchist tendencies againstpolitical structures, institutions, technology, and mainstream lifestyle choices such as"sports, TV and religion", as some kind of distraction from the anarchist goal. Butwhat Albert fails to completely comprehend is that for MANY (obviously not ALL)anarchists today, these criticisms are serious, and infact they ARE an anarchist visionin themselves. Most of today's anarchists active in direct action movements seem toshare the vision that the entirety of the social order is a death machine. At thisstage in history, how could one disagree that it should be shaken to its roots? Whena cancerous growth is removed, it isn't replaced with another, benign growth. Thebody is left alone to recover and begin functioning healthily again, if possible. In theminds of many of today's anarchists (and not just of the green variety), civilizationitself has come into question, along with all its "civil" institutions.

Unfortunately for Albert, there is no single "anarchist goal* for mainstreamsociety to have clarified. There are many visions of possible anarchist existence,which only reinforces the need to encourage autonomous community networks,tribalism, bioregionalism, collectives and other forms of truly anarchist socialorganization. Autonomy is not the same as isolationism or sectarianism. There areways we can all cooperate to create networks of mutual aid that benefit people withvarying viewpoints, and that solve problems like some of those Albert suggests.Ideology and political party-building can only go so far in attracting the mainstreamto non-authoritarian, non-commercial self- organization. It is the creation anddevelopment, and the success at inspiring a plurality of examples of autonomousnetworks for food, housing, education, transportation, and personal transformation,that will make the real difference between self-marginalization and the spreading ofanarchist ideas. So far, anarchists have a relatively bad track record in this area,but more and more of us are taking it seriously. Like the student movementrefugees of the early 70s, it wouldn't be impossible for many of us to run away fromthe cities and stick our heads in the sand. But many of us realize the importance ofcreating these models WITHIN the context of anarchist resistance, which makes thistask all the more difficult.

Albert laments that many current anarchist strategies "confuse being arevolutionary with being someone who a priori rejects winning improvements now,even if the improvements not only contribute to bettering people's lives today, butalso to winning further gains in the future." But there are so few examples ofreforms that improve life in the short-term, actually contributing to further "gains" inthe future toward total liberation. For every single-issue "win" (such asinconveniencing trie WTO) there is a reaction somewhere else (a police state in DC,Philly and LA). The incremental reforms won by the civil rights movement are

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considered to have spawned an era of racial equality, yet the prison industry isbusier than ever warehousing black and latino youth. The struggle for the 8-hourday was seen as a stepping stone to dass war, yet sweatshops, child labor, union

-

busting, and cut-and-run logging practices are still pervasive, a century later.

Organizing around "single issue" campaigns CAN be useful in creating a deepercomittment to revolutionary change, and many anarchists DO involve themselves incampaigns and coalitions that embrace somewhat reformist goals. But consideringthe lessons of history, is it really surprising that some anarchists would question theuse of demanding short-term reforms, and put more energy into revolutionaryagitation? Why is it so objectionable that a militant autonomist network exist whichpromotes a mix of mutual aid and strategic direct action, and publicly questions thegoals of coalitions and populist organizing?

Albert poses what he considers crucial questions for anarchists to answer aboutour plan for maintaining the political structures that dominate our current socialexperience, without heirarchy and authority. Perhaps some anarchists have answersfor this (Social Anarchism and Social Ecology may answer some of this). But why notconsider an even deeper questioning of those civil institutions themselves, whichwere created with hierarchy and authonty in mind? Maybe the idea of a trulydemocratic State is a delusion after all. Why is this deemed so "strange" by MichaelAlbert? Perhaps he has simply become "set in his ways", refusing to accept a newinterpretation of^an old idea.

Some questions for Albert: How would conflicts become "legal" disputes withoutprivate property, and commodification of nature? What Albert suggests is a form ofinstitutionalized violence - though it may not include a nation-state and a militaryforce defending the interests of the business elite, it still relies on the "enforcement"of some kind of laws. So, if there is a minority of dissent to these 'directlydemocratic' processes, isn't the enforcement of those laws authoritarian? Doesn't apolitical beauracracy alienate individuals from each other and suppress direct conflictresolution? What exactly would a non-authoritarian Government look like anyway?

If what Albert is thinking of are some of the indigenous village-style "jusbce"systems, there are a myriad of examples and models from which to learn. GreenAnarchists and primitivists often bring these up as examples of new (old)possibilities, yet leftists and technophiliacs criticize us for romanticizing nativecultures or harkening to a day that will never come again. The degradation of ourown habitats, and the pillage of traditional cultures and biodiversity around theplanet have caught the attention of the mainstream, and yet wealthy society largelyignores it, out of apathy and privilege. But for anarchists, these realities havebecome too obvious to ignore, and the injustices dealt to native ecologies, wildlifeand tribal societies have been invisible for too long.

At the turn of the 20th century, working dass rebels who organized for ananarchist revolution had no way of forseeing the physical, emotional, psychologicaland spiritual destruction of industrial dvilization. Thus, their analysis of the sodalorder rarely confronted the domination of the earth, animals and humanity bytechnologies of mass production. Yes, this is changing, as anarchist thought alwayshas, and always will.

Creating a new world on the ruins of the old.

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