DISCOVERING INCONSPICUOUS EXPLOITATION: APPLYING THE THEORIES OF W. E. B. DuBOIS TO AMERICAN SPORTS SOCIOLOGY

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DISCOVERING INCONSPICUOUS EXPLOITATION:APPLYING THE THEORIES OF W. E. B. DuBOIS TO

AMERICAN SPORTS SOCIOLOGY

ABSTRACT

Building upon sociological theories developed by W. E. B. DuBois,this article articulates how racial identities play a historical rolein the development of American sport. This examination of thecurrent debate regarding racial consciousness of athletes is basedupon DuBois's writings, including an analysis of his two mainconcepts: the Veil and Double Consciousness. Previous researchhas expressed how racial and ethnic identity are critical partsof the overall framework of individual and collective identity.(Chvez & Guido-DiBrito, 1999) In this article, I will provideexamples of how the Veil and Double Consciousness play out incurrent professional sports.

INTRODUCTION

American domestic race relations have progressed dramatically

during the last century. The nation once played host to slaveholders

who did not believe that Negroes could advance in freedom. This same

nation most recently elected a black man to serve in its highest office.

The question remains, how much change has America undergone in the

past one hundred years? The contemporary debate on race relations

can be exemplified through an application of the theories of W. E. B.

DuBois to athletics in the United States. With a focus on professional

sports, the study of sociology will benefit from a contemporary debate

of racial advancement through a discussion of how the contributions of

W. E. B. DuBois can be applied. Using theories that DuBois developed,

John Girdwood Final Paper Dec. 2009 SOC 815

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inconspicuous exploitation can be seen involving the black athlete in

American sports today.

The Contributions of DuBois

If there ever was a vote as to who made up the canon of American

sociologists, W. E. B. DuBois would be the first name many would write on

their ballot. It is the consensus held by sociologists that DuBois contributed

greatly to the field. Some arguments could be made as to the limits of

his subject matter, but the same could be said for Marx, Weber, and

Durkheim. DuBois concentrated on what he knew best through pragmatic

observation. Of course, he contributed greatly to the discussion of

colonialism, but his best work was based on American racial identity,

development, struggle, and progress.

Possessing the same pioneering qualities of the early American

settlers, DuBois was a trailblazer in the field of sociological study. He was

a constant student of new methods that could be used to analyze the plight

of black Americans. "He was an empirical sociologist over two decades

before the Chicago School became noted for the practice of empirical

sociology. His study of black Philadelphia is the first community study

by an American sociologist." (Green & Smith, 1983) He was the first to

study subject matter of this type and in an empirical manner. His raw

descriptions of identities within the black American social group can be

applied to current individual racial identities, including the black athlete.In current terms, the study of sociology hinges on a tridental

framework consisting of theory, method, and data. Prior to it being

expressly scientific, the study of sociology could be described as a

structured arrangement of research. DuBois clearly projected four


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approaches to the study of the Negro as a social group: (1) historical

study; (2) statistical investigation; (3) anthropological measurement; and

(4) sociological interpretation. The fact that these social scientific domains

- now departmentally separated at most United States universities -

constituted a single unit for DuBois reflects the degree to which the young

scholar valued and used a cross-disciplinary approach in his work. (Lange,

1983) Interdisciplinary studies are now propagating throughout the country

in institutions of higher learning.

Often, the latent absorption of relevant theories revolves around

the fact that the theorist himself is viewed as outside the normal school ofthought. In the case of DuBois, his acceptance into the global sociological

canon is only a matter of time. Aside from the failure to recognize DuBois

as a founding father of sociology, his influence exists in many recent

examinations of race as applied to the group and individual. In this

discussion of race and sports, I will concentrate on two of the four

approaches DuBois expressed were vital: historical study and sociological

interpretation of American sports.

Because he was himself a black man, DuBois cast a new

perspective on race in America. Many theorists have debated the pros and

cons of neutrality, objectivity, and subjectivity within the study of sociology

and its derivatives. (Blum, 1944; Carey, 1982; Riemer, 1949; Znaniecki,

1945) Perhaps this article is biased because I am of a certain race. One

might say that even the study of history remains subjective due to the

influence of the author's racial identity. However, that discussion is beyond

the matter of this article. I can only posit a sociological interpretation of

American sports derived from an assembly of my training. Maintaining

neutrality is simply a cerebral struggle.


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In DuBois's situation, his racial identity was at the forefront of his

work. Whether it influenced his propensity to continually discuss race is

of minimal debate. "It was the struggle against racism and its peculiar

manifestations in America that led him to do what no other American social

scientist of his time - in direct contradiction to the principles of the science

of society and culture - was either willing or able to adequately do: seriously

study black culture and history." (Lange, 1983) In this article, I will study

black culture and the history of the black athlete in American sports.

BACKGROUND OF THE PROBLEM

Sports play a predominant role in the majority of American lives.

In 2006, about 87% of 8th graders were in schools that required them to

take a course in physical education. Principals estimate that over 90% of

8th graders actually take a course in physical education. (Johnston, Delva,

& O'Malley, 2007) In regard to the distinct elements that make up this

research, race and sports, it appears on the surface that the subject matter

of sport is more relevant to the majority of Americans since only 12.3%

of the population is black while a distinct majority, no matter the race,

participate in sports. However, we must not forget that 100% of Americans

have a racial identity. In regard to race and sport, collectively, the subject

matter applies to all Americans.

Because all individuals possess a racial identity, biases may be

implicit. However, the study of sociology is scientific and seeks to eliminatepersuasive influence and bias. Yet the sociologist cannot escape a raised

eyebrow when examining race relations in America. "To study race in

the United State is to enter a world of paradox, irony, and danger." (Omi

& Winant, 1994) It is impossible to determine whether an analysis of


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race relations in 1900 was expected to hold more irony than a similar

examination in 2009, however, it can be expected that the world as it was

in the early twentieth century posed more dangerous for the sociologist.

It is a wonder that any sociologist dives into the study of race

relations in America. Perhaps the reasoning is the omnipresence of the

subject matter. "Race theory [has] become deeply embedded in the

national consciousness. If the (scientific) definition of blacks was correct,

then the justice of their position in American society was unassailable.

In order to challenge the validity of social and political discrimination, it

was necessary to argue that blacks were not what [America] said theywere... In his editorials in 'The Crisis,' DuBois developed an extensive

rationale for challenging whites' definition of blacks. As DuBois saw it, no

one, including blacks themselves, was denying the current assumptions."

(Taylor, 1981) The study of discrimination is imperative to a complete

history of American society. It is important to note that racial discrimination

is sometimes blatant, often hidden.

American Racial Antagonism

Whether apparent or not, the racial groups in America have forever

been viewed as separately valuable. Early in its history, America clearly

distinguished the rank of blacks and whites. That categorization perhaps

prompted DuBois's ambition. "Acceptance of racial antagonism presumes

the inferiority of one race, and DuBois attacked that presumption." (Taylor,1981) It can be said that racial antagonism was clearly more apparent in

the early twentieth century than it is today.

However, the animosity toward minorities still exists within the

borders of the United States. I will show how it maintains a stronghold


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on American athletics. Even in pro sports, there remains an organized

rank and file. "DuBois's view of the collective racial interest in the black

community's generation of its own spokesmen at least coincided with the

hegemonic interest of the elite. However, although this position

acknowledges a need for intraracial organization that at least qualifies

opposition to separation in principle." (Reed, 1985) Again, this exemplifies

an implied antagonism. In other words, segregationist practices and the

use of black athletes for monetary gain are examples of the existing

hegemonic interest of the elite that DuBois speaks of.

THESIS STATEMENT

Building upon sociological theories developed by W. E. B. DuBois, I

will examine how racial identities play a historical role in the development

of black professional athletes. This examination of the current debate

regarding racial consciousness of athletes is based upon DuBois's

writings, including an analysis of his two main concepts: the Veil and

Double Consciousness. Previous research has expressed how racial and

ethnic identity are critical parts of the overall framework of individual and

collective identity. (Chvez & Guido-DiBrito, 1999) In this article, I will

provide examples of how the Veil and Double Consciousness play out in

current professional sports.

TWO THEORETICAL APPLICATIONS

The Veil

DuBois highly regarded the power implicit to being a black man.

However, this form of endowment is not as easily described as, for

example, economic power. "The Negro is a sort of seventh son, born with


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a veil, and gifted with second-sight in this American world, a world which

yields him no true self-consciousness, but only lets him see himself through

the revelation of the other world." (DuBois, 2007) The Veil is one of the

most often analyzed concepts that DuBois developed.

The discernment between perception of the other and its relation

to internal psyche can be viewed as either a situation of DuBois's veil

concept, double-consciousness, or both. "One ever feels his two-ness, an

American, a Negro; two souls, two thoughts, two unreconciled strivings;

two warring ideals in one dark body, whose dogged strength alone keeps it

from being torn asunder." (DuBois, 2007) In any event, DuBois put greatemphasis on the distinction between internal and external perceptions.

This is a very important approach to analyzing the struggle of the black

athlete. In the arena of American sports, it is quite clear but often

dismissed how prevalent double-consciousness is among black athletes.

Double Consciousness

When a star athlete sits on the bench of a packed arena, he often

has over 50,000 sets of eyes gazing upon his every move. He is the focus

of the night's entertainment. Dressed in uniform, the athlete plays a much

different role at work than at home. At home, the black athlete might be

viewed as father, son, or friend. During the game, the fan knows only the

running, jumping, throwing shell of a man. "It is a peculiar sensation, this

double-consciousness, this sense of always looking at one's self throughthe eyes of others, of measuring one's soul by the tape of a world that

looks on in amused contempt and pity." (DuBois, 2007) To be a successful

athlete, the black man must show athletic prowess on the field. Character


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flaws are often overlooked and dismissed (in terms of financial impact),

although usually the source of tabloid fodder.

The black athlete is under the microscope of the fans, media, and

himself. Yet, rarely is he examined internally, through looking at his psyche

and mind. "The examination of the treatment of 'double-consciousness'

in DuBois' novels must consider at least three critical issues addressed

by DuBois in his non-fiction and/or by other scholars who have written

about the psyche of black Americans: (1) the extent to which 'double-

consciousness' provides blacks with vantage points unavailable to

nonblacks and whether this unique vision exists universally among blacks;(2) the nature and strength of the cultural ties that bind blacks together; and

(3) the process by which the liberation of the psyche of blacks is achieved."

(Stewart, 1983) I will discuss these three critical issues throughout this

article.

ANALYSIS

First, I will critique the concept of identity as it is applied to the

black athlete. Second, I will examine the "others'" perceptions of the black

athlete that influence his own identity development. Throughout, I will

cite the interplay of identity formation and reciprocal understanding of that

identity.

I begin with a critique of the concept of identity as it is applied to

the black athlete. Previous research has expressed how racial and ethnicidentity are critical parts of the overall framework of individual and collective

identity. (Chvez & Guido-DiBrito, 1999) This framework, both individual

and collective, has historical roots that must be examined.


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Slavery and racism are historically viewed as atrocities on

humanity. "No student of black culture in America can escape the

melancholy conclusion that, amid the wide range of human tragedy slavery

and racism have inflicted on an entire race, black men of talent and

genius have had to suffer in more complex ways than their less-gifted

brothers." (Brodwin, 1972) It is imperative that the sociologist examines

certain implicit acts, rather that the simply blatant tragedies. Most everyone

can agree that oppressing an entire race through enforced slave trading

and abusive labor practices is wrong. As Channing said in 1836, what

is profitable is not always right. Slavery was arguably profitable but lessdebate is held as to whether or not it was a horrible wrong.

There is no escaping the fact that slavery once prevailed in

America. But, can America escape a future consisting of a racially

segregated economy? DuBois expresses that the separation of blacks and

whites is likely to continue. He states that no matter how keen an eye

views the American condition, it cannot escape a glance at the aspect of

race. "The white man, as well as the Negro, is bound and barred by the

color-line, and many a scheme of friendliness and philanthropy, or broad-

minded sympathy and generous fellowship between the two has dropped

still-born because some busybody has forced the color-question to the

front." (DuBois, 2007) Perhaps DuBois himself would not be fond of the

subject matter contained in this article.

A predominant concept created by DuBois, the Veil of Color, sheds

light on such an examination. The Veil of Color exemplifies a "double life,

with double thoughts, double duties, and double social classes, [and

gives] rist to double words and double ideals, and tempts the mind to


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pretence or to revolt, to hypocrisy or to radicalism." (DuBois, 2007) Thus

begins the first look into the identity formation of the black athlete.

Vantage Points

The black athlete must ask himself, "Who am I and what role do I

play in American culture?" He must also wonder, "What am I getting paid

to do?" The answers to these questions develop in several different ways.

First, the athlete is paid to perform in games. Second, the athlete is an

endorser of products. Third, the athlete is a brand himself. Never before

has a profession held such a differing set of distinctive roles.

As a paid performer, the black athlete is both an employee and a

servant. Arguments can be made either way. Recall that it is most difficult

to envision those situations that are least conspicuous. In professional

sports, although the salary is much different for the player in relation to

the audience than the servant relative to the guest, athletes must run

and sweat while some wealthy onlookers dress flashy and sit in the front

rows of arenas to be seen, eat, and drink. However, the inflated salary

of the black athlete often disguises his servitude. How can someone like

Kobe Bryant, who has earned close to $150 million in the past thirteen

years be spoken of in the same sentence as the slaves who picked cotton

on early plantations? (Kobe Bryant NBA & ABA Statistics | Basketball-

Reference.com, n.d.) Maybe that is not the best analogy.

Perhaps another vein of servitude is more appropriate. In additionto field labor, plantation owners held slaves as house servants. DuBois

speaks of "the servant" in "Darkwater: Voices from Within the Veil." (1975)

He explained that the work of the servant "was easy but insipid" and he

"stood about and watched overdressed people gorge." (DuBois, 1975)


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Someone like Tracy McGrady, a professional basketball player who has

earned roughly $39 million in the past two years, has done his share of

standing and watching overdressed people gorge. (Tracy McGrady NBA

& ABA Statistics | Basketball-Reference.com, n.d.) However, McGrady

was injured at least five times in two years, between 1997-1998. (SI.com

- NBA - Tracy McGrady Injuries, n.d.)

Even while sitting on the bench and not playing, McGrady had to

watch the fans indulge. One sporting venue recently added two value

meals to the menu. Guests can choose from a hot dog, fries and a

20-ounce Coke for $8 - a $2 savings if purchased separately. A hamburgervalue meal is also available for $10 - also for a $2 savings. (MIS,

Americrown to offer lower concession prices for 2009 - Michigan

International Speedway, n.d.) It can be easily said that pro athletes may,

on the surface, be similar to the servants that DuBois described in

"Darkwater," since they hold similar descriptions.

However, I would posit that it is not the athletes who are closely

related to the servants that DuBois describes. Those low wage earning

concessions workers serving the beer and hot dogs to professional sporting

event patrons are more in congruence with what DuBois referred to.

Genteel patrons, even movie stars (NBA.com - Top 10 Celebrity Lakers

Fans, n.d.), can unequivocally be analogized to the overdressed people to

whom DuBois refers.

It is neither the event patrons nor the concessions workers who

are of concern for this commentary. It is the black athlete. The identity

of the black athlete is much more difficult to define than is the proletariat

kitchen aide or bourgeois sports fan. "The history of the American Negro

is the history of this strife, this longing to attain self-conscious manhood, to


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merge his double self into a better and truer self." (DuBois, 2007) To better

explain this strife and quest for self-consciousness, I will examine next the

athlete's function as role model.

Athletes are considered role models whether they like it or not.

Whether purposely, like Andre Agassi's standpoint that "Image is

Everything," or inadvertently as is the case of Charles Barkley ("I am NOT a

hero"), athletes are viewed as role models. (Wenner, 1998) Occasionally,

marketing efforts clearly express how this is true. For example, a Gatorade

campaign during the 1992 Olympics sang the following:

Sometimes I dream. The key is me. You've got to see that'show I dream to be. I dream I move. I dream I grew. Like Mike.If I could be like Mike. I'm gonna be, gonna be like Mike. LikeMike. If I could be like Mike. Be like Mike. If I could be like Mike.(Wenner, 1994)

The references to "Mike" are specifically to Michael Jordan, perhaps the

best professional basketball player of all time. He is an African American.

During the commercial, a variety of basketball-playing textual surrogates

are seen including a teen-aged Black boy with a Jordanesque tongue

hanging out. The function of role model is almost always tied to a product,

as the athlete is commonly an endorser of goods.

Cultural Ties

On one hand, the black athlete can be glorified through

advertisements and the media as a role model. Conversely, American

athletes are often viewed with contempt and jealousy by the general

American public because of the high financial gains the athletes receive in

the form of salaries and endorsement contracts. A culture of high salaries


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and extravagant lifestyles are what athletes tend to portray. (Smith & Beal,

2007) On the surface, the life of the athlete seems grand. Most Americans

dream of such a lifestyle, one that has been commonly referred to as the

"American Dream." It takes a keen eye to understand the sacrifices that

the athlete undergoes to obtain this lifestyle.

The fancy house and fast cars do not come without a price.

Furthermore, that lifestyle is often temporary. More often than not, athletes

receive advanced signing bonuses. (Kohn, 1987) Waving the bait in front

of young athletes' faces in the form of lump sums of advanced bonuses is a

way of concealing exploitation. It is often forgotten that many black athletesdo not come from wealthy backgrounds. "There was among us but a half-

awakened common consciousness, sprung from common joy and grief...

from a common hardship in poverty, poor land, and low wages; and, above

all, from the sight of the Veil that hung between us and Opportunity. All

this caused us to think some thoughts together." (DuBois, 2007) When

presented with the opportunity to obtain newly found wealth, it is the

consensus commonly held by young black men that passing on such an

opportunity would be insane. While this quest for opportunity has often

provided wealth for the black athlete individual, it has stimulated another

damaging element in the form of opportunity for the other: exploitation.

In the past, during the time that DuBois wrote, the exploitative

relationship was most easily viewed within the relationship between slave

and slave owner. "In the rural South, wages were characterized as money

'advanced' to the laborer, he is charged high interest on it, and the

transaction is made the basis of a contract which not only puts the

unfinished product under the control of the undertaker, but which in many

cases even makes the laborer liable to criminal prosecution if he leaves


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his job and makes the capitalist the sole judge as to whether the contract

is kept." (DuBois, 1912) In today's game, athletes fall under similar

controlling mechanisms. Payday advances in the form of contracts riddled

with high signing bonuses are just one of those mechanisms contributing to

the overall social problem of black athlete exploitation.

Adhering to an image created by advertisers is another controlling

mechanism. "From the double life every American Negro must live, as

a Negro and as an American... from this must arise a painful self-

consciousness, an almost morbid sense of personality and a moral

hesitancy which is fatal to self-confidence. The worlds within and withoutthe Veil of Color are changing, and changing rapidly, but not at the same

rate, not in the same way..." (DuBois, 2007) It is my opinion that this

constant recreation of identity (servant, role model, brand) inhibits clear

recognition of racial consciousness by athletes. The changing of these

simultaneously held identities is an ongoing process developed in the

psyche of the black athlete.

The Process by Which the Liberation of the Psyche of Blacks is Achieved

As I have conveyed, the black American professional athlete holds

at least three potential identities: servant, role model, and brand. Since

athletes hold these three identities simultaneously, it is likely that they

intrinsically seek ways to maintain all three. In addition, the athlete can

use all three identities to enhance the others. But, to whose good fortune?

First, elevating the three identities might benefit the administrators1.

However, white administrators do not automatically gravitate to the black

athlete just because there are resulting profits. DuBois explains how in


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certain situations, "one of the great postulates of the science of economics

- that men will seek their economic advantage" is sometimes discredited

because "men will not do this if it involves association, even in a casual and

business way, with Negroes." (DuBois, Anderson, & Eaton, 1995) Yet, this

is not the case in professional sports.

Administrators of professional sports allow themselves to associate

with African Americans because of the benefits, including those of a

financial nature. As was previously stated, elevating the three identities

(servant, role model, brand) benefits the administrators. But, the athlete

also benefits. This secondary benefit exemplifies the epitome ofreciprocity.

It is the choice of the black athlete, and in his best interest, to further

economic partnerships with sports administrators. Current athletics are not

a situation of compulsory labor, which was prevalent during the period

in which DuBois theorized. Then, in the South, all people were aware

that the reason that the South [built] industry so largely on compulsory

labor, ignorance, discrimination in the courts, lack of organized justice, and

disfranchisement is because these weapons are excused by the Negro

problem. (DuBois, 1912) Today, it seems as though the labor is not

compulsory and there are fewer and fewer instances of blatant political

discrimination. But again, it is not the blatant techniques that I am seeking

to unearth in this article.

Participation in sports is not wholly forceful. Most Americans believe

that sports are a path to upward social mobility. This belief is based on

the obvious examples we see as poor (black) boys from urban areas

sometimes leap to fame and fortune through success in sports.


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Sometimes the financial reward has been astounding, such as thehigh pay that some African American athletes received in recentyears. In 1997 Tracy McGrady, an NBA-bound high school star,bypassed college, signed a $12 million deal over 6 years withAdidas.2 Golfer Tiger Woods in his first year as a professional

made $6.82 million in winnings (U.S. and worldwide) andappearance fees plus signed a series of five-year deals with Nike,Titleist, American Express, and Rolex worth $95.2 million. In1998 Woods's earnings from endorsements totaled $28 million.Boxer Mike Tyson made $75 million in 1996. It is estimatedthat Michael Jordan made over $100 million in 1998, includingsalary, endorsements, and income from merchandise and videos.(Eitzen, 1979)

Such financial gains simply cannot be the result of forced labor.

The current situation in pro sports is starkly different from "the practice of

peonage in the rural South where not less than a quarter of a million black

laborers [were] held to service on plantations by force in direct defiance of

laws and wise industrial policy [were] buttressed by a system of statutes

and administration that applied to all rural labor, black and white, and which

made a body of legislation positively astonishing in its reactionary and

medieval aspect. The contract labor laws... made a body of law whichcarried force and fraud on its very face and which covered a large part of

the rural South." (DuBois, 1912) It is inarguable that the labor is not forced

on pro athletes. But, as is the charge of this commentary, I seek to bring

forth less conspicuous connections between pro sports and the situation of

the black laborer during the times that DuBois experienced.

DISCUSSION

Why Continue to Study the Class of the Black Athlete?

Social problems can be examined through an analysis of the class

of the black athlete. DuBois studied class differentiation among black


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Philadelphians, and developed a class analysis of the social problems

confronted by blacks in a Northern urban ghetto. In "The Philadelphia

Negro," (1995) after analyzing the class structure of black Philadelphia,

he noted that whites consistently failed to recognize the important social

distinctions in the black world and chose, instead, to judge blacks by their

poorest example, the lower class. (Green & Smith, 1983) It was DuBois's

stance that recognition must be given to social distinctions in the black

world. The blatant or inconspicuous nature of such distinctions was of little

differentiation to DuBois. Like Malcom X said, it is important to hold interest

in every sapect of the plight of the black man, and to study the struggle forfreedom from every angle. (X & Breitman, 1990)

DuBois had much to say in regard to the plight of the black man,

struggle, and particularly the relationship between exploited versus the

exploiter. "There can be no peace between these two classes, [DuBois]

notes, because the capitalists' profit is contingent upon the amount of

surplus value that they can extract from the laborers' work." (Green &

Smith, 1983) Studying the sociology of sport is an applicable venture of

analyzing the plight of the black man, struggle, and exploitation. However,

sports sociology is not often given the credit it deserves as part of the

discipline.

American Exploitation of Blacks

With some notable exceptions there has been an extraordinaryneglect of sport as a social and cultural phenomenon among the social

science and cultural studies communities, who have largely ignored what

is arguably one of the central components of pop culture. (Hargreaves,

1982) DuBois felt the same way about the study of race. In "Phylon:


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Science or Propaganda", (1944) DuBois states that "the modern social

student assumes that the English conditions and beliefs are known and

normal and need no especial study." (DuBois, 1944) However, social

norms are blatantly disregarded and deviated from in pro sports and the

casual onlooker glances over these deviations.

Racial inequalities in pro sports are easily dismissed in part due to

the immense salaries that star athletes receive. But, the short length of

career tenure for pro athletes and some health repercussions for certain

contact sports offset the short-term big paychecks. Continually,

sociologists assume that the conditions in pro sports are known and normaland need no special study.

Although some of the more blatant instances of racial oppression

are known in the United States, those of lesser conspicuousness are

often overlooked. It is the duty of the sociologist to examine those hidden

exploitations with fairness and direction. DuBois confronted the same

problem. "Some of the founders [of the NAACP] like Villard were simply

unable to accept Dr. DuBois's insistence upon absolute candor and

forthrightness of equality of white and colored." (Brewer, 1968) In that

case, even some African Americans failed to see the importance of

searching for subtleties of oppression and exploitation.

Other black figures have considered the plight of the black man

in America as very clear. Malcolm X professed that the American white

man propagandizes that the black man in Africa is not interested in the

plight of the black man in America. (X & Breitman, 1990) This analysis of

separatism can be applied to pro sports. It could be said that wealthy black

American athletes are uninterested in the plight of the poor black boy in the

inner city. Such alienation is possible, alienation of the black athlete from


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his race due to economic separatism, but limitations of this article provide

a sole focus on Dubois's principles of the Veil and Double Consciousness

rather than an in depth analysis of Marx's concept of alienation.

However, alienation cannot be dismissed from being applicable to

DuBois's theories. Historically, America was early on considered "a rich

new land, the wealth of which was to be had in return for ordinary manual

labor. Had the country been conceived of as existing primarily for the

benefit of its actual inhabitants, it might have waited for natural increase or

immigration to supply the needed hands; but both Europe and the earlier

colonists themselves regarded this land as existing chiefly for the benefitof Europe, and as designed to be exploited, as rapidly and ruthlessly as

possible, of the boundless wealth of its resources. This was the primary

excuse for the rise of the African slave trade to America." (DuBois, 1969)

Exploitation of the African American was what America was built on. It

is imperative that cases be examined in which such exploitation might

possibly be perpetual and going unnoticed.

In a book to which DuBois contributed, Booker T. Washington

exclaims that "the average white man of America, in passing judgment

upon the black race, very often overlooks the fact that geographically and

physically the semi-barbarous Negro race has been thrown right down in

the centre of the highest civilization that the world knows anything about.

Consciously or unconsciously, you compare the Negro's progress with

your progress, forgetting, when you are doing it, that you are placing a

pretty severe test on the members of my race." (Washington, 1907) In

Washington's opinion, analyzing the progress of the black athlete in pro

sports will only be viable if compared with other members of the black race.

This analysis will contribute to the plight of the African American in general.


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How to Progress

It is imperative that credence be given to the study of the black

athlete to have a clearer picture of the plight of the African American

in general. Recalling as far back as former slaveholders' disbelief that

Negroes could advance in freedom, historical instances can be examined

to show how white men and blacks cooperated. (DuBois, 1975) Such

cooperation still exists, and it is the duty of the sociologist to explain any

progress and change in such cooperation that might be exploitative of one

side.

Probably as a result of having witnessed the exploitation of the

black slave, at some point DuBois felt that "employment for colored men

and women, colored boys and girls must be supplied by colored people."

(DuBois, 1971) Many would argue that separatism and the segregationist

viewpoint are not the answer. Regardless, some professional sports teams

today are owned by white men and those men employ black athletes.

Therefore, the sociologist has the duty to examine such instances for

evidence of exploitation.

DuBois would influence the sociologist's evaluation of the black

athlete after retirement. "It is exceedingly rare that [the wage-earner] can

retire from labor and spend an old age of leisure with dignity. It is usually

the case that their last and feeblest days mark their most desperate

struggle for sustenance. At that time of life when men ought to be mostable to provide for themselves and others, these men are least able."

(DuBois, 1971) With all of the current focus on concussions in pro sports

(Mihoces, 2007), DuBois would definitely be interested in what aftereffects

the athletes experience after participating in professional sports.


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In the section on "The Movement against the Slave-Trade Laws,"

(DuBois, 1896) he explains that "an economic system based on slave labor

will find, sooner or later, that the demand for the cheapest slave labor

cannot long be withstood... There is but one limit below which his price

cannot be reduced. That limit is not his physical well-being... the limit is

simply the cost of procuring him and keeping him alive a profitable length of

time. Only the moral sense of a community can keep helpless labor from

sinking to this level; and when a community has once been debauched

by slavery, its moral sense offers little resistance to economic demand."

(DuBois, 1896) Here again, DuBois would be intrigued by what effectsprofessional sports have on athletes after their brief careers are finished.

Even during his time, DuBois experienced situations in which business

owners exploited the laborers for the brief period during their employ.

The social condition of the black athlete does not begin when he

signs his first contract. Nor does it cease upon retirement. "It is not enough

for the Negroes to declare that color-prejudice is the sole cause of their

social condition, nor for the white South to reply that their social condition is

the main cause of prejudice. They both act as reciprocal cause and effect,

and a change in neither alone will bring the desired effect. Both must

change, or nether can improve to any great extent." (DuBois, 2007) The

study of sociology would benefit both from further analysis of the changing

black athlete and also more information in regard to white team owners.

CONCLUSION

Since the time of W. E. B. DuBois, American domestic race relations

have progressed dramatically. A century ago, slaveholders did not believe

that Negroes could advance in freedom. I have given thought here as to


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how much change America has witnessed during the past century. I have

presented an application of the theories of W. E. B. DuBois to athletics in

the United States. The study of sociology will benefit from further debate of

racial advancement through continued discussion of how the contributions

of W. E. B. DuBois have influenced the sociology of sports.

It must be said that, although America has seen great progress,

the plight of the black man has not disappeared. Double consciousness

still exists and can be exemplified by looking no further than the black

pro athlete. The black pro athlete serves as a perfect example of how

black struggle endures, and continues to be overlooked. Now more thanever, the Veil is transparent. And, instances of exploitation are harder to

pinpoint. As long as there are black men in America, there will be racial

identities to discover.

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Footnotes

1 Throughout this article, "administrator" refers to professional sports team owner,league commissioner, brand managers, general management, or and other similar

source of power holding administration.

2 This figure only includes McGrady's endorsement deal. His salary for playing prosports is discussed earlier in this paper.


Documents

DISCOVERING INCONSPICUOUS EXPLOITATION: APPLYING THE THEORIES OF W. E. B. DuBOIS TO AMERICAN SPORTS SOCIOLOGY