Diffusion of World Culture

8/6/2019 Diffusion of World Culture

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Diffusion of World Culture through social networks of cosmopolitan elites acting as ³agents of change´ within the Kingdom of Bhutan

Increasingly, globalization has led to a ³compression´ of the world (Robertson 1992). As political boundaries become less relevant, information, goods, services, capital, ideologies,media, and even individuals move more freely across them (Robertson and Khonder 1998). Theterm globalization is often used then to refer to the ongoing growth of interconnections andinterdependencies in economics, politics, and culture in which social ties across boundaries have

become more regularized and routine (Steger 2003, Greider 1997, Tomlinson 1999). Economicglobalism has been characterized by instantaneous and perpetual flows of capital across bordersand the rapid industrialization of developing countries (Greider 1997). It has brought about theexistence of a world economy with ³a single division of labor and multiple cultural systems´(Wallerstein 1974). Economic globalism has likewise seen the creation of a web of global citiesor denationalized centers where the production and coordination of global resources occur

(Sassen 2001). Appadurai¶s concept of the financescape, or ³the very complex fiscal andinvestment flows´ that link cities in a ³global grid of currency speculation and capital transfer,´embraces these separate aspects of economic globalism. In the same way, Giddens (1990) seesglobalization as a network of social ties. Globalization is for him a ³dialectical process,´ whichhe defines as the ³intensification of worldwide social relations which link distant localities insuch a way that local happenings are shaped by events occurring many miles away and viceversa´. This dialectical process may result in what Barber (1995) describes as the paradoxicalconcepts of tribalism (an intensification of local ethnic culture and anti-globalization he refers toas Jihad) and globalism (expansionistic hyper-consumerism he calls McWorld) which occur simultaneously within an increasingly interconnected world.

These opposing forces may be observed as well in Appadurai (1990) as "global homogenization"and "heterogenization" that work in a dialectical process creating paradoxes and disjuncture.Importantly, Giddens¶ definition of globalization recognizes a new geography that results fromglobal linkages. Like David Harvey (1990), Giddens specifically refers to the transformation inthe concepts of space and time that occur as a result of these worldwide social ties. Robertson(1992) also recognizes the spatial-temporal change that has occurred in globalization process ashe explains that it ³refers both to the compression of the world and to the intensification of theconsciousness of the world as a whole". This definition acknowledges that individuals not onlyexperience the effects of globalization, but are cognizant of their place in a global community.Appadurai (1990) labels the dimension of global culture that deals with the interconnectivity of individuals as ehtnoscape, defining it as ³the landscape of persons who constitute the shiftingworld in which we live: tourists, immigrants, refugees, exiles, guest workers«.´ His definitiontoo recognizes the role of individuals and groups of individuals (communities, kinship groups,friendships, etc.) in creating the global linkages that may carry local culture to paradoxical globalscales.





The neorealist viewpoint of Meyer et al. (1997) sees the nation-state as constructed by globalinstitutionalizing forces of world society. Empirical evidence of these forces is found in the factthat ³nation-states exhibit a great deal of isomorphism in their structures and policies,´ as well as

the ³expansive structuration´ of even peripheral nation, regardless of the local need for suchstructures. Boli and Thomas promote the thesis that ING O s in particular are formed by a globalculture and are influential in orienting other international actors (including nation-states) withinthe world order. Keck and Sikkink (1998) make a similar argument that NG O s (throughtransnational advocacy networks) influence nation-states both directly and indirectly using³persuasion, socialization, and pressure´ to bring about a reorientation of the political frame.Boli and Thomas (1999) point out though that ³unlike states, ING O s lack the rational-legalauthority to make or enforce laws´ thus they can only attempt to influence nation-state actors toimplement policies that reflect World Culture. Yet, while the neorealist see the outcome asgreater isomorphism among global actors (Meyer et al. 1997; Boli& Thomas 1999), Appadurai(1990), writes of a world culture that is imagined, negotiated, co-opted and composed of flexible,

overlapping and unbounded dimensions that create more disjuncture and less isomorphism. Thiscontradiction of cultural processes is address by Barber (1996) who views the cultural outcomesof globalism and tribalism (universalism and particularism of Robertson, 1992) as two aspects of the same process.

Bhutan, having remained until now largely outside of the World Polity and with little influencefrom TNCs, ING O s, and NG O s, is none-the-less adopting the principles and some of theinstitutions of World Culture, in a negotiated, co-opted, and flexible manner. The global cultureof individual rights and responsibilities, democratization of the political process and global

environmentalism and is clearly reflected in the reorientation of Bhutan away from an autarkicmonarchy. However, the processes, rather than being driven by external authority of ING O s or internal NG O s, has largely been from the top of the government down. The country, ruled by anO xford educated monarch and a cadre of political and social elites related to one another in akinship network, has intentionally set upon a tack that may result in one of the only examples of sustainable urban growth and nation-building in the world. These technocrats, many of whomwere educated in the exterior, and returned to position of authority within the government, havefunctioned as ³change agents´ by introducing innovation to the local context. Yet, they also actas filters, limiting the diffusion of information they have learned in the exterior and channeling itfor development, urban planning and social/political change within the highly structuredBhutanese society.

Research Plan



O f interest to this project is the way in which the adoption and diffusion of World Culture ismediated by change agents. Importantly, all current models of the diffusion of World Cultureinto the periphery have relied on non-state actors as agents of change. This project proposes anew model in which elite actors embrace World Culture, yet mediate the rate and direction of itsadoption. This research activity seeks to uncover the factors which influence the decision making

process to accept of some elements of globalization (such as the recent permission for externalmass communications, internet, television, etc) while rejecting others. The diffusion of innovations theory (Rogers 2003) will be used to explain the way in which these ³agents of change´ influence the adoption of World Culture. First, agents of change gain an awareness of the principles of World Culture while as students in the exterior or though contacts withinternational actors. They develop an interest in the way that certain principles may apply toBhutan. After bringing these ideologies to the homeland, they then evaluate which elements thatwould best fit the Bhutanese way of life and promote Gross National Happiness (GNH). Agentsthen employ limited trials of the principle (such as evidenced in the recent mock elections) and,if successfully tested, eventually adopt of the principle of World Culture (Djelic 2004; Rogers2003).

The cosmopolitan elite in this country of less than a million are highly embedded, controlling thegovernment and developing private business interests. It is hypothesized that a social network analysis will prove to show a high degree of network closeness. It has been noted that networksof this kind have several advantages: they ³provide a sense of belonging to their members, givingmeaning to both collective and individual actions and driving in the process personalachievement and individual performance´ and they ³facilitating interactions´ by ³increasing trustand cohesion,´ ³reduce transaction costs,´ and ³speed up circulation of information and diffusionof practices within the group´ (Djelic 2004).

This project proposes to explore the social network of cosmopolitan elites and map the processesof diffusion of technological innovations as they relate to GIS, urban planning, and controlledgrowth. This portion of the study will begin with a content analysis of the extensive governmentwebsite ( www.bhutan.gov.bt ) and three leading English newspapers (the Bhutan O bserver http://www.bhutanobserver.com/ ; the Bhutan Times http://www.bhutantimes.bt/ , andKuensel http://www.kuenselonline.com/ ) to develop a historical timeline of development and

planning activities, as well as to identify key agents (nodes) for later interviews and socialnetwork surveys. A graduate research assistant (TBD) will be employed during this phase andwill be trained in the procedures of coding textual data using Atlas.ti qualitative analysissoftware. Concurrently an undergraduate research assistant (TBD) will be trained to use EndnoteX1 bibliographic reference manager and employed to develop an annotated bibliography onBhutan, World Culture Theory, Social Network Theory, and Diffusion of Innovations Theory.



Based on review of observational records and interview transcripts from previous visits made byDr. Walcott (PI) as well as the findings from the content analysis and literature review, Dr. Sills(Co-PI), will construct an interview protocol to explore the international experiences andinfluences on central actors in the Department of Urban Development and EngineeringServices(DUDES) in the Ministry of Works and Human Settlement (www.mowhs.gov.bt). The

semi-structured protocol will investigate the urban planning and decision making processes.Interactions with other ministries and departments and with stakeholder groups will be discussedto learn about diffusion of ideas (in-group transfer) and relations with other cosmopolitan elites.This protocol will be implemented in the field (summer 2009) during a three-week visit. Allinterviews will be digitally recorded and later transcribed and analyzed with the assistance of student researchers.

As the country begins to democratize, it will also be important to understand the interactions between the various stakeholder groups within the society who are currently engaged in the

process of urban planning. The relatively small but growing urban population, the large rural population, new private entrepreneurs, civic leaders, Buddhist monastic leaders, foreign advisors,and foreign investors all play a role in negotiating urbanization and planning, though they arecurrently limited by the power of the central state. Unlike other countries where Smart Growthand New Urbanism have been attempted, the current lack of democracy helps the state toinstitute its plans with little resistance. As the country becomes more open and democratic it will

be important to document the ways in which the relationships between the various stakeholder groups and the government change. It is presumed that the diffusion of the principals of WorldCulture that promote individual freedom, voice in the political process, and civic participationwill be at odds with maintaining collective identity and strong central control. This may lead tothen to contention between the various stakeholders in the negotiation of urban housing projects.Yet, the current cosmopolitan elites may also maintain authority and control as they simplychange their titles and designations in the government rather that change positions within thesocial network.

Participant observations will therefore be conducted during the summer of 2009 with specialfocus on identifying the actors and stakeholders instrumental in planning and urbandevelopment. This visit will serve as a baseline for future visits in 2010 and 2011, and be used togauge any changes in the structure and dynamics of the actor networks involved in smart growthand urbanization. During both interviews and observations, information regarding the individualactors, their positions within the bureaucratic and social structures, as well as their generalcontact will be solicited and later compiled in a database for use in a network analysis survey.

The network analysis survey will be designed in Fall of 2009 and implemented first via the webusing Remark Web Survey Pro. It has been noted that a great number of the civil servants inBhutan have online access and email addresses. Experience in similar settings have yielded high



response rates via the web. The survey will also be administered on paper to those withoutinternet or unlisted in current online databases of civil servants. This multi-modal approach willensure the highest possible response rate. Additional face-to-face interviews (summer 2010) willallow for verification and validation of the survey data. Survey data will be analyzed usingUCINET 6 to construct a network model of decision makers in the society. An additional field

trip in the summer of 2011, will allow for another round of interviews, key informant checks onfindings to date, and observations of interactions between stakeholder groups and governmentofficials.

Documents

Diffusion of World Culture