International Journal of Comparative Sociology 2014, Vol. 55(1) 24 44 The Author(s) 2014Reprints and permissions: sagepub.co.uk/journalsPermissions.navDOI: 10.1177/0020715213519657cos.sagepub.comIJCSEating practice models in Spainand the United Kingdom: A comparative time-use analysisCecilia Daz-MndezUniversidad de Oviedo, SpainIsabel Garca-EspejoUniversidad de Oviedo, SpainAbstractThe time dedicated to eating is changing. Although a tendency towards the homogenization of eating habits has been confirmed, the scarcity of comparative studies means that it is impossible to know whether the variations are occurring equally or with the same intensity in all countries. In this study, time dedicated to eating and cooking in Spain and the United Kingdom is analysed. Questions are asked regarding the decline in eating at home and the fragmentation of meals. An analysis is made whether different social groups behave in a similar way with regard to the time spent eating and to what extent the changes affect some groups more than others, generating greater social differences. In order to do this, official Spanish and British time-use surveys are used, and the data from two different time periods are analysed using multivariate techniques. Inbothcountries,signsofconvergencearedetected,althoughthespeedofchangeisdifferent.Despite the convergence, the results also show that the changes in eating habits are not linear and are affected by moments of intense social transformation. Phenomena such as the economic crisis in the case of Spain affect the society and impose specific eating habit trends, generating new forms of social differentiation.KeywordsEating habits, food consumption, homogenization of eating habits, social differentiation, time useIntroductionIn recent years, there was an increase in the number of empirical studies analysing changes in eat-ing practices. Most are in response to the growing fear in society regarding the effects these changes may have on the population: on its economy, since eating patterns are changing with the conse-quent impact which that has on the agrofood system (Fine, 1994); on its health, since eating prac-tice changes are associated with the appearance of diseases (Bush and Williams, 1999); and on the food culture of the society, since changes of the type analysed in this study lead to significant cul-turaltransformationsintermsoflossofsymbols,standards,beliefsandvalues(Germovand Williams, 2008). These changes are related to the process of globalization of food and gave rise to Corresponding author:Cecilia Daz-Mndez, Departamento de Sociologa, Universidad de Oviedo, Campus de El Cristo, 33006 Oviedo, Spain. Email: cecilia@uniovi.es519657COS0010.1177/0020715213519657International Journal of Comparative SociologyDaz-Mndez and Garca-Espejoresearch-article2014Article by guest on May 10, 2015 cos.sagepub.com Downloaded from Daz-Mndez and Garca-Espejo25a considerable amount of disagreement. How the globalization of eating practices was to be inter-preted generated serious theoretical debates prompting empirical studies of eating practice changes (BeardsworthandKeil,1997;Fishler,1995;GermovandWilliams,2008;Kocetal.,2012; McIntosh, 1996; Mennell et al., 1992).There are several lines of study regarding modern eating practice processes, which make it pos-sible to understand the effects of globalization on societies. These phenomena are studied by many authors using a number of different approaches, but essentially, while for some the changes gener-atehomogenizationofeatingpractices,bothintermsofformsofproductionandofsellingand consuming,otheranalystspointtoadiversityofmodelsofproductionandconsumption.This duality is the same as that subscribed to by analysts of globalization, and of course also takes into account the idea put forward by them that both homogeneity and diversity coexist as heterogene-ous effects of the process of globalization.Theoretical approaches to the globalization of eating practicesThefirstapproachfortheanalysisofthehomogenizationofeatingpracticesisthatfollowedby analystsoftheagrofoodsystem.GoodexamplesofthisperspectivearethestudiesofBlandford (1984),Fonte(1998)andBush(1991).Inthesestudies,agrofoodchangesareassociatedwith changes in the relationship between man and nature. They argue that changes in eating practices are part of a gradual process in which there is a modification of the roles played by the different actors that intervene in nature and in the food produced by it. The possibility to eat anything, anywhere and at any time deepens the breach which now exists between where products are produced and where they are consumed. Everything leads towards a system of global consumption where local differ-ences gradually disappear, principally due to the fact that the products available on the market are the same worldwide. This gives rise to an ever-increasing gap between producer and consumer.These claims can be included in theories of the more general effects of globalization along the lines expressed by Ritzer (1996). For this author, the way the processes of production are rational-ized and standardized, as happens in fast-food chains, results in similar forms of consumption all over the world. The process of Mcdonaldization of society, as he refers to it, is a metaphor used to explainthehomogenizationofconsumption.Theseauthors,basedeitheronananalysisofthe increasing complexity of the agrofood system or of the standardized methods of production and marketing, conclude that the premises on which eating practice choices are based are becoming increasingly similar worldwide. In their opinion, it is this global structure that leads to consump-tion habits which are increasingly homogeneous and less differentiated. The trend is clearly towards food consumption which is ever more similar and where differences are becoming more and more diffuse. This standardization leads to the differences between eating practices becoming more dif-fuse, in terms of both cultural and social aspects. As a result, the family meal is also transformed and there is a trend towards more individualized forms of eating.The second type of explanation for the process of food homogenization is based on the idea that the differences in eating practices are based on the erosion of cultures. Some authors focused on the behaviour of the consumers themselves to explain this process. The most representative figure of this point of view is Fishler (1995). The author explained how in modern societies there exists a situationofanomywithregardtofood,ofgastro-anomy,atheorywhichthisauthorelaborates using the play on words between gastronomy and anomy (in an article published in France in 1979) and in which he analyses the weakening of the norms on which choice of food is based. The profu-sion of products available on the market, together with the ease with which the merchandise can be acquired, submerges consumers in a situation in which they lose the traditional criteria for food choices. This leads to food choices becoming increasingly similar. In short, according to Fishler, as social and cultural norms disappear or weaken, the criteria previously used when choosing what to by guest on May 10, 2015 cos.sagepub.com Downloaded from 26International Journal of Comparative Sociology 55(1)eat are eroded. As a result, consumers, as well as feeling anxious, take individual decisions which are not based on social norms and become increasingly similar to each other. A similar line was taken by Poulain (2002a), who empirically showed the discrepancy which exists between norms and practice, emphasizing the difficulty of choosing when faced with such diversity of norms.Athirdgroupofanalystshasreportedachangetowardsfoodhomogenizationbasedonthe increase in contacts favoured by modern societies. Basing their theory on Becks (2000) ideas of cosmopolitanism and Giddens (1993) reflexive modernity, they postulate that the widespread and frequent contact between people, for reasons of either work or tourism, and the permanent contact offered by the mass media give rise to a fluid and constant exchange of ideas and people. All of this gives rise to ever greater knowledge of the eating practices of other cultures, which in turn makes it easier for these to be assimilated by people worldwide (Appadurai, 1990; Warde et al., 2007). Some analysts even claim that certain societies, in reference to the British, do not have their own nutritional culture and define them as omnivores, since they are an example of nutritional cosmo-politanism and appear to accept any kind of international food and integrate it into their daily diets (Warde et al., 2007).The three approaches are all explanations of the effects of globalization on eating practices, but eachstressesdifferentaspects:globalizationoftheagrofoodsystem,theweakeningofsocial norms with regard to food and intercultural interaction. These points of view suggest a scenario which is favourable to food homogenization: eating practices are increasingly similar and cause the culturalandsocialdifferenceswhichwerecharacteristicofthesepracticesinpreviouserasto become less clear (Meyer, 2007). However, these theoretical explanations, which regard homoge-nization of food practices, from production to consumption, as a pattern of social modernity are complemented by other analyses which focus on diversity.The first of these perspectives is supported by a large number of analysts, all of whom question the process of conventionalization of agriculture, a term referring to the adoption of agriculture of the working norms of the capitalist market economy. Mention is made of how small-hold farmers adapted to the changes as a result of the globalization of the agrofood system. Emphasizing the idea of the resistance of small-hold farmers, they highlight the role played by these farmers as a link between nature and society, between production and consumption, at the same time showing the social function which they fulfil by revitalizing rural areas and responding to new consumer val-ues. Alternative markets and the development of new relationships between production, commer-cialization and consumption provide a challenge to conventional markets, dominated by large food corporations, and lead to diversity of production methods (Goodman, 2004; Marsden et al., 2000; Raynolds, 2002).Another approach which questions the concept of food homogenization refers to the concept of glocalization, in reference to how localization phenomena coexist with more global trends (Beck, 2000; Robertson, 1992). Current eating practices fluctuate between globalization and local peculi-arities.Foodhomogenizationrunsparalleltoareturntomorelocalizedeatingpracticeswhich reinforce a sense of identity. In a social context where identity references are severely lacking, food and land acquire a symbolism in which food is seen in terms of those aspects of gastronomic cul-ture which differentiate one territory from another (Grignon and Grignon, 1981; Warde, 1997). The question is asked whether national food trends are being maintained or abandoned. By studying immigrants, it is possible to see whether there exists a process of acculturation or of food assimila-tion (Cleveland et al., 2009). The studies confirm the maintenance of ethnic identity despite immer-sion in the host society and at the same time reflect considerable interaction between people; there is neither a process of total acculturation nor of immersion, nor of total resistance. It is a complex process in which immigrants simultaneously acquire characteristics of the dominant culture and maintain links with their original food culture. by guest on May 10, 2015 cos.sagepub.com Downloaded from Daz-Mndez and Garca-Espejo27Studies regarding the preservation of the family mealIn relation to the process of homogenization of eating practices, supported by some and questioned byothers,thestudyofthedeclineormaintenanceofdomesticeatingpracticesisofparticular importance. There is concern regarding the decline of the family meal due to the element of con-viviality which it represents and also regarding the disappearance of culturally deeply rooted eating trends due to the process of homogenization caused by globalization. The studies related to these topics all express concern about the change and stress the slowness of the process but their results are not concordant.Those studies which most strongly support the theory of homogenization of eating trends con-firm its existence using data showing signs of de-structuration and the progressive decline in the importance of the family meal. In general, those studies that support the theory of homogenization of eating practices base their ideas on the confirmation of Engels Law, which states that there is a progressive decrease in the amount countries spend on food as their level of development increases. One recent example of this type of study is that of Lpez Martn-Lagos (2011). This study analyses the 27 countries of the European Union and confirms that there is an inverse relationship between gross domestic product (GDP) and the amount spent by households on food.Those studies which question this point of view most strongly offer data showing the persis-tence of differences in eating practices between individuals and/or groups. The study carried out by Warde et al. (2007) compares eating time use in five countries: the United Kingdom, the United States, France, Holland and Norway. These authors investigate the degree of homogenization of eating behaviour through the results of the time-use surveys of 1975 and 2000. For Warde et al. (2007), family meal practices continue to exist over time and this is also confirmed by other authors who analyse social groups which could be expected to be more prone to food instability, such as adolescents (Gallegos et al., 2011). Meals are prepared and eaten as a family. National peculiarities apparent in the results obtained by Warde et al. (2007) suggest that it would be important to carry outmoreprofoundstudiesofculturaldifferencesandtoexploretheroutinesandconventions which are most resistant to change and those dimensions which show the most homogeneous and stable tendencies.InBelgium,MestdagandGlorieux(2009),usinglongitudinalstudiesbasedonthetime-use surveys of several different years, analyse the changes which have taken place in family meals and detect transformations which would point to a decrease in the time dedicated to eating in groups but not to a drastic abandoning of this practice. They confirm that eating is a social activity shared with members of the household and that variations in eating practices are directly related to changes in the structure of those households.Davidson and Gauthier (2010), using data from the Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) report and the World Values Survey (WVS), analyse 43 countries in order to determine the factors which predict eating as a family. There are some countries where values are held which give greater importance to the social aspect of eating. Family interaction and the educational resources of the group are good predictors of eating as a family, more so than income or occupation.Some authors turn their attention to the study of eating episodes, pointing out that the real changes in eating practices are as a result of the fragmentation of meals and of the increase in the number of time periods dedicated to eating, rather than of a reduction in the time spent eating. The increase in snacking, of eating between meals, is, according to these authors, a sign of de-structuring associated with modern societies and has a harmful effect on the longer, main meals (Diasio, 2008; Grignon and Grignon, 2004; Poulain, 2002b).An analysis of who people eat with can also clarify to what extent family meals are resisting change in as far as an increase in eating alone is a sign of the individualization of eating practices. by guest on May 10, 2015 cos.sagepub.com Downloaded from 28International Journal of Comparative Sociology 55(1)This would also show that eating has lost the social element attributed to it, especially in countries with food cultures like that of the Mediterranean. The study of Cheng et al. (2007) which analyses changes in eating practices through the time-use surveys of 1975 and 2000 in the United Kingdom helps clarify these questions. The results of the study indicate that the time spent eating at home is resistant to change, although a larger number of shorter time periods are shown when eating takes place outside the home. Gender, age and employment status continue to lead to differences in the time spent eating by different sectors of society, but there is also evidence of new types of social differentiation of increasing importance such as the make-up of the household and education, in the latter case particularly when eating is outside the home. The study being presented here takes into consideration several of the aspects analysed by other authors with a view to contributing to the debate regarding whether family meals are being maintained or are disappearing. An analysis is made of whether the organization of eating time is similar in two societies, the United Kingdom and Spain, and whether variations are a result of the same factors. Historically, the two countries haddifferenteatinghabits,bothintermsofthetypeofproductsandofthecaloriesconsumed (Frank and Wheelock, 1988). Halfway through the 1990s, the eating patterns of 16 European coun-trieswereanalysedusingtheFamilyBudgetSurveys,andsevenEuropeaneatingmodelswere described(Albisuetal.,1999).OnegroupincludedGreatBritain(togetherwithAustriaand Holland), and a second group included Spain (together with Greece, Italy and Portugal) (Albisu et al., 1999). At the end of the 20th century, there still existed a clear difference between the diets of the countries of the north and of the south of Europe (Gracia and Albisu, 1999). This study tests the hypothesis of food consumption homogenization with regard to the time spent on organizing daily eating in the two countries, as representative of two societies with different eating models.Furthermore, the study analyses two different moments in time, making it possible to identify whetherthevariationsdetectedareinthesamedirectionandatthesamerate.Thedatawere obtained from Time Use Surveys: the British ones from 2000 and 2005 and the Spanish ones from 2003 and 2010. An attempt is also made to answer the question of whether different social groups organizetheireatinginasimilarordifferentway,whether,inshort,theysharethesameeating model. This makes it possible to test the hypothesis of homogenization of eating practices in terms of time use.Data and methodsInordertostudytimeuseinSpainandintheUnitedKingdom,twodatabaseswereused:the Multinational Time Use Study (MTUS), version 2011, of the University of Oxford for the data for the United Kingdom for the years 2000 and 2005 (the only 2 years which were harmonized in the MTUS) and the data for Spain for the year 2003.1 The second source of data was the Time Use Survey2009/2010oftheInstitutoNacionaldeEstadstica(INE). ThisSpanishtime-usesurvey had not been harmonized in the MTUS. As a result, the authors of this article had to adapt it in order for it to be included in the analysis.2 The data refer to population of 16 years of age and over. The study focuses on three eating practices: eating at home, preparation of food and eating outside the home (the definition of these activities can be found in Appendix 1).The time variable offers certain advantages over other ways of measuring eating behaviour, as wasrecognizedbythefirstsociologiststocarryouttime-usestudies(GershunyandSullivan, 1998; Prieto, 2007; Southerton, 2006). This type of studies are closely linked to the daily lives of householdsandindividualssincewhatisregisteredisnotabehaviouratagiventime(suchas purchasingaproduct)butratheralltheactivitiescarriedoutinabriefperiodoftime(10or15 minutes) over a whole day. This makes it possible to record all the small events of the day, includ-ing those associated with eating. What is more, time-use studies bring out into the light domestic by guest on May 10, 2015 cos.sagepub.com Downloaded from Daz-Mndez and Garca-Espejo29activities which normally remain hidden in analyses of commodified activities. Time-use surveys record activities which take place outside the market, non-remunerated activities, which is the case of a large proportion of activities linked to eating. Furthermore, studying how time is used helps acquire a deeper understanding of activities which are secondary or simultaneous, among which cooking and eating can often be included. This methodological approach analyses eating time in terms of time spent cooking and eating inside and outside the home.The surveys for both countries are based on questionnaires where daily activity is registered in 10-minute periods. It is the responder who classifies the activity. First, a descriptive general analy-sis was carried out using tables showing the average number of minutes dedicated to each of the specified eating practices, the percentage of participation and the average number of minutes spent by those people carrying out the activity. The time organization of eating practices was also stud-ied. This first analysis also contained observations regarding coexistence situations or those people with whom eating time was spent. All the data were weighted using the original weighting variable for each country.Multiplelinearregressionmodelswereelaboratedinordertoanalysethesociodemographic factors associated with the time spent eating at home and the time spent preparing food. Most sub-jects said they spent some time on these two practices, which act as dependent variables. The same did not occur with regard to time spent eating outside the home. In the case of this variable, there was a high percentage of zeros, of people who did not carry out the activity. In this case, we were facedwithamoreskeweddistribution,andtherequirementsofthelinearregressionstatistical modelwerenotfulfilled.Forthatreason,alogisticregressionmodelwasapplied.Thelogistic regression model was used to analyse the probability of eating outside the home, not time, but this did not reduce the validity of the results of the analysis.The independent variables included in all the models were gender, age, living as a couple, edu-cational qualifications, employment status, area of residence3 and youngest child in household with three categories: young children (age of youngest child is