DHIMMI DONATIONS AND

FOUNDATIONS FOR JERUSALEM

(638-1099)

BY

MOSHE GIL

(Tel Aviv University)

Endowments and donations for the churches and monasteries of

Jerusalem have been a well established Christian traditions since

Byzantine rule over the city. Extensive building activity went on dur-

ing generations, especially around places to which a religious significance was attributed. The Holy Land attracted a stream of

gold, whose purpose was to build, improve, and embellish the various sanctuaries. Justinian had to enact special legislation to assure the

good order and management of the endowments belonging to the Church of the Holy Sepulchre. Various monasteries owned property in Jerusalem around the Tower of David, and hospices for pilgrims were erected there 1 ) .

Muslim tradition has preserved the main outline of the attitude towards these church properties and foundations. It is contained in the very concise statement found in ?Umar's treaty with the Church and Christian population of the city, saying that the churches would be protected and that nothing would be confiscated from them or from their properties (min bayyizihä) 2) ,

As the Muslim legal attitude towards Dhlmmfs evolved and stabiliz-

ed, a certain amount of opposition developed to recognizing zvaqfs for

places of worship, though not if the waqf was made for the poor3). However, one of the main early manuals of Muslim law regarding

157

zvaqf contains a statement of full legal recognition of donations made

for Jerusalem:

"If a Christian makes his land or his house waqf and prescribes that their revenue be spent for repairs in Jerusalem or to buy oil for its lamps or any (other) of its needs" (it is permitted) ... also, Jews have in this respect the same rights as the Christians".

The administration (tadbir) of the zvaqf foundations is explicitly included among the prerogatives of the Nestorian Katholikos in the

letter of appointment issued to ?Abdishu? by the 'Abbdsid caliph4). It should be remembered that during the early period of Muslim

occupation (638-1099) Jerusalem was inhabited mainly by Christians

and Jews. There was of course a thin layer of Muslims, in the main

scholars and officials, living around the area of the sakhra, but the

Christian predominance in Jerusalem was obvious. The south of the

city was inhabited by Jews, who established their own quarter after

having been permitted by ?Umar to renew their presence in

Jerusalem. During over 500 years of Roman and Byzantine rule

(135-638) they had been forbidden to enter the city5). The Jewish scholar of Spain, Samuel b. Isaac al-Andalusi, who

visited Jerusalem as a pilgrim in ca. 1010, in a letter preserved in the

Cairo Geniza, mentions the strength and influence of the Jerusalem

Christians6). The main wealth of the Jerusalem Christians was invested in

churches and monasteries, of which the most important was of course

the Church of the Resurrection. Muslim sources of the period are

well aware of this. The majority of the Christian Churches and the

most important ones are in Jerusalem, says al-Mas?udi, citing

especially the qumamal). We have a description of Jerusalem's

158

churches and monasteries some two generations after the Muslim

conquest in the report of Arculf. Another important church was the Nea the new Church of St. Mary"), built on the orders of Justi- nian8). Beda (ca. 720), Willibald (ca. 725), and Bernard, the Frankish monk (ca. 870) repeat in the main the same details as Arculf9). The

great majority of the churches were under the jurisdiction of the

patriarch of Jerusalem, who belonged to the main stream of the Christian church; but there were also churches of Nestorians,

Monophysites Georgians, and Armenians10). An

anonymous description of Jerusalem sanctuaries written about A.D. 810 mentions some 30 of them, in which a total of ca. 1,000 servants of God were engaged in ritual activitiesll).

The church of the Monophysites (Copts) in Jerusalem was founded as a donation. Sawirus Ibn Muqaffac has this to tell about this event, which occurred around 820: To a certain Christian notable of Egypt, Macarius al-Nabrawi al-Arkhun (the archon), was born a child who died a few days after his birth; the patriarch (of Alexandria) managed to bring him back to life by his prayers. Macarius then built a church in Jerusalem, which became the refuge of the Orthodox (i.e., Monophysite) Christians, and is known as St. Mary the

Magdalene12) .

159

As we shall observe in dealing with the donations and endowments made by Charlemagne, new prayer houses were a problem. As is well

known, Muslim law prohibits the erection of Dhimmi prayer houses,

tolerating only these which existed before the conquest, and there is even a question about the right of non-Muslims to effect needed

repairs in prayer houses. Apparently then, there were facts of life con- nected with the special position of Jerusalem and more than once with international politics, which led to such significant deviations from the accepted norms.

Of course, there were very sharp deviations in the opposite direc- tion as well namely, acts of destruction of sanctuaries, which occurred

repeatedly in the period under discussion. These repeated acts of destruction of churches and their estates served as an incentive to fund raising and donations in the various parts of the Christian world.

Sometimes Muslim rulers would destroy Churches in order to make use of the materials, mainly of course the monumental parts, in

building Muslim shrines. As regards Jerusalem such an event is recorded in 691; the caliph 'Abd al-Malik decided to take the marble

pillars of the Gethsemane Church for the mosque in Mecca. His friend and logothetes Sergius ibn Mansur, Theophanes tells us, con- vinced him to abandon this intention and instead to obtain such

pillars from the emperor Justinian (II, Rhinotmetus)13). During his

pilgrimage, ca. 725, Willibald witnessed the Muslims threatening the Christian church (probably the Resurrection) with destruction, unless a large sum of money was paid14), The ?Abbasid conquest of Palestine (751) was apparently accompanied by the plunder of the Christian holy placesls). In 755 the new rulers decreed a rise in the

160

poll-tax paid by Christians, made priests, previously exempt, subject to the tax as well; the precious objects donated to the churches were confiscated and put on sale through the intermediary of Jewsls). Probably as a result of these heavy losses incurred by the Christian

holy places during the second half of the eighth century a stream of contributions and donations flowed from the Christian lands, par- ticularly from the Franks. The donations of Charlemagne, to be discussed below, seem to have been the climax of this process.

The next three centuries of Muslim rule were not devoid of acts of destruction and confiscation either. Such acts of destruction are

reported around 810, when the Church of the Resurrection was also

damaged. Acts of oppression were carried out until around 815.

Heavy fines were imposed on the remaining churches and Michael the synkellos was sent to Rome by the patriarch to ask for help. Many monks found refuge in Cyprus and money was collected to aid the

Constantinople refugees"). The Church of the Resurrection was again attacked in 937, on

Palm Sunday of that year, and burnt together with the Golgotha Church 18), Churches were destroyed again in 96019).

Six years later the Church of St. Constantine and the Church of the Resurrection were plundered. The latter was set on fire and its dome

collapsed. The patriarch, John VII, died in that fire2°). The most famous destruction of churches took place under al-Hakim; the

161

Church of the Resurrection was destroyed on 28 September 1009 or,

according to some, even earlier, in 100821). Under al-Hakim's son,

al-Zahir, the churches of Jerusalem, particularly the Church of Zion, were threatened with destruction, so that their stones could be used to

rebuild the city wa1l22). In 1056 there are reports of the confiscation of all the belongings of the Church of the Resurrection by order of the

caliph al-Mustansir, in retaliation for the fact that the 'Abbasid da'wa

was substituted for the Fatimid in the mosque of Constantinople. Immense treasures were found in and taken from the church of

Jerusalem 23). These relatively frequent waves of destruction most probably

provided compelling motivation for emergency appeals and dona- tions. Before going into detail on these, as far as contemporary sources permit, it is necessary to review sources testifying the reconstruction and repair operations which usually came after the

bad times were over. On these we are not as well informed as on acts of destruction. However, there is a report on the reconstruction of the dome at the Church of the Holy Sepulchre in ca. 820. As the situation in Jerusalem became very precarious and the city was almost entirely abandoned by the Muslims, the patriarch Thomas obtained 50 cedar and pine trunks with which the dome was reconstructed. The money was supplied by a donation of an Egyptian, Bakkam, a man of Bayt Bura, who was very rich. He insisted that no money should be taken from anyone else.

When the 'Abbasid commander, 'Ubaydallah b. Tahir, arrived from Egypt on his way back to Baghdad (827), complaints were

brought before him by the Muslims of Jerusalem, who insisted that the Christians had violated the law by building a dome bigger than the former one, as big as the one of the Dome of the Rock.

162

'Ubaydallah initiated an inquiry into the matter, threatening to have Thomas the patriarch flogged if the accusation proved correct. For a bribe of 1000 dinars and the promise of a pension to himself and to his heirs similar to that enjoyed by the beadles of the church, a certain Muslim proposed a scheme to the patriarch. He was to assert that the dome was only repaired, not enlarged, and that anyone claiming the

contrary would have to prove that the former dome was smaller. The scheme succeeded and the family of that Muslim received the pension until the only remaining heir was a girl24).

A letter written in 881 by Elias, patriarch of Jerusalem, to all

bishops, princes, and "nobles of the Gallic kingdom", mentions that a Christian became the governor of the province and ordered the

rebuilding of the churches. In order to obtain the necessary funds all church estates were mortgaged, even vineyards and olive planta- tions25).

In 966, after the Church of the Resurrection was burnt down, Kafur, the ruler of Egypt, sent word to the emperor in Constan-

tinople that he would allow him to rebuild it so that it would be even better than previously26). No agreement seems to have been reached and the episode seems to have been somehow connected with the

Byzantine offensive launched against the Muslims in Syria. The reconstruction of the churches after their destruction under al-

Hakim was apparently started only during the reign of his son, al-

Zahir; it was made possible through considerable aid from Constan-

tinople, and completed under al-Mustansir, in 1048, some 40 years after the destruction. Special mention is made of Constantine IX

Monomachus (emperor from 1042) who responded to the appeal of the patriarch Nicephorus. The patriarch sent a special delegation to

Constantinople, headed by Ioannes Carianitis, a native of Constan-

163

tinople who had become a monk in Jerusalem2'). In fact, it seems that

security was already assured the churches again in 1020, by al-Hakim

himself28). Constantine IX also decided a few years later, that all taxes and debts to the treasury in Cyprus be consecrated to the

building of a wall around the Christian quarter of the city29), It is understandable that the Christian population of Jerusalem, im-

poverished by frequent acts of oppression and plunder, was not able

by itself to meet the enormous cost of the maintenance of the churches and monasteries, let alone the reconstruction works undertaken after those waves of destruction described above. Nor did the estates of the

churches, which apparently included both urban buildings and rural tenements and farm land, suffice for that purpose. Another burden was the pilgrims, who were mainly poor, or who had been plundered en route and arrived in the city totally penniless. In addition, every pilgrim had to pay one dinar (ca. 4.2 gr. of gold) to the Muslim authorities for permission to enter the city3°). It was only natural

then, that big operations of reconstruction required special donations and consecrations, like that of the emperor Constantine IX men- tioned above. Such aid arrived not only from the Byzantine emperor, but also from the west, from Rome, and from various parts of

Europe; beginning with the l lth century such aid arrived from

Hungary also31). There is ample evidence of much aid from the Frankish Kingdom,

164

designated of course for the Latin institutions and pilgrims. Most of the sources in this matter relate to the donations and foundations of

Charlemagne. Mention is made of big sums of money donated by him, and the reconstruction of monasteries with his help. Later

legends have him making the pilgrimage to Jerusalem, and adorning every holy place there with gold. The caliph even made these holy places the personal property of Charlemagne, and declared himself to be merely his agent in regard to them.

I

Bernard, the Frankish monk, mentions the hospice for pilgrims erected by Charlemagne; also, the Church of St. Mary and its

library; besides, 12 lodging houses, fields, vineyards, and a planta- tion, in the Valley of Joshaphat, all of them foundations established

by Charlemagne. In addition, the monastery on the Mount of Olives was also believed to have been founded by him32).

A donation to the Church of the Sepulchre of which we have evidence is that of Hugo of Tuscany and Julitta (should be: Juditha), who on 29 October 993 donated a rural property in the village of

Arisa, including 24 houses and other property33). In 1002 king Stephen of Hungary founded a monastery in

Jerusalem, intended for the care of the Latin pilgrims. A foundation to provide for its maintenance, consisting of farm land and vineyards was established 34).

165

Another act of donation occurred in 1053; Odilus, son of Rudolf, de comitatu Rudense (= of Rouergue), while on a pilgrimage, was inspired by God to donate one tenth of his properties to the Church of the

Holy Sepulchre, for the blessing of his soul and those of his wife

Cecilia, his father Rudolf, etc.35). A short time before the crusades, in 1083-1085, some of the

Albigeois people in southern France (Tarn), established foundations ad honorem et pauperibus hospitalis lerosolimitani. These donations were made through the intermediary of Anselinus, the overseer of the

hospice of Jerusalem, and the bishop of Albi, Aldegarius3s). A very special chapter in these activities is the role played by the

Amalfians. The merchants of this southern Italian city had good rela- tions with the Fdtimid authorities, due to their intensive involvement in the trade with Egypt. Somewhere in the second half of the llth

century, the caliph gave them permission to erect a monastery in front of the Church of the Resurrection. This they did, and the

monastery was called Sancta Maria de Latina. They also founded

hospices for pilgrims, and an oratorium dedicated to the memory of

John Eleymon ("the generous"), a Cypriot who had become

patriarch of Alexandria (and died on 23 January 616)37).

166

After being again permitted to live in Jerusalem shortly after the Muslim conquest, the Jews there maintained themselves mainly

through the aid sent to them by Jews all over the Diaspora. Unfor-

tunately, we have no sources on this aid antedating the period covered by the Cairo Geniza documents i.e., before the beginning of

the 11 th century, with one exception, belonging to the middle of the

9th century. a prominent member of the Jewish communi-

ty of Oria in southern Italy, is said to have made the pilgrimage to

Jerusalem three times; each time he brought with him "the vows", 100 dinars "for the sake of the students of the Torah and for those

who mourn over the palace of His splendor. " Towards the end of the

10th century another descendant of that family, Samuel, consecrated

20,000 dinars "to the poor, the scholars ... teachers, cantors, to (bur-

ning) oil for the sanctuary inside the Western Wall ... to the yeshiva,

etc."38). Some time in the 10th century an event of great importance for

Jewish life in Jerusalem occurred, the transfer of the yeshiva from

Tiberias to Jerusalem. The Palestinian yeshiva, known during the

ancient period as the sanhedrin (from Greek synhedrion, council), was

still, in the medieval period, considered authoritative by a great part of the Jewish diaspora, in the main the communities in the areas

formerly belonging to the Byzantine empire. This comprised besides Palestine itself, Syria and Egypt, and

probably some of the communities of North-Africa and Spain. Those

remaining under Byzantine rule, inclusive of southern Italy, also con-

tinued to recognize the supremacy of the Palestinian yeshiva. There

was also continuous competition between the yeshivot of Babylonia, which continued to flourish under Muslim rule, and that of Palestine,

regarding influence and authority in the various communities all over

the Diaspora. The yeshiva of Palestine survived periods of serious

distress, the best known of which are those of the 11 th century. Economic conditions in Jerusalem were rather harsh, and the yeshiva

167

often issued urgent appeals for aid. Besides, there were frequent acts

of oppression on the part of the Muslim authorities. Very often

special heavy taxes were imposed, which aggravated the already

precarious situation of both the yeshiva and the Jewish population of

Jerusalem39). It must be remembered that taxation in Jerusalem was

probably different from that found in other parts of the Muslim world. It seems that Jews there had to pay a comprehensive lump sum for the whole Jewish population of the city, regardless of its numbers. When the population decreased as a result of wars and Bedouin

upheavals, the burden on each individual became heavier4°). In such situations the yeshiva was forced to borrow money, against

.

heavy interest, from wealthy Muslims. When the time of repayment arrived, Jewish notables were in danger of being imprisoned, as the

yeshiva was not in a position to accumulate the funds it had to return. In some cases people were actually incarcerated and it took a great deal of effort to collect the funds necessary for their release 41 ). An

example is the letter written by Abraham, the son and main assistant of Solomon b. Yehuda, head of the yeshiva, to the sons of Mevasser, a family of parnasim of Fustat, asking them to keep their promise to send the aid in time to pay the kharaj42).

In such and similar cases special envoys were sent from Jerusalem, to request urgently needed help and to organize the collection of funds. Thus, for instance, a letter, written around 1055 by the scribe of the yeshiva under Daniel b. cazarya, mentions the success of such an envoy, the parnas of the community of Jerusalem, Eli ha-Kohen b. Ezekiel; thanks are sent to the leader of the community in Fustat,

168

for "the righteous deed he accomplished for our sake and for the sake of the elders of Jerusalem, the reading of the letter (of the yeshiva, in

public), and the appeal made by It goes without saying that contributing money to Jerusalem was

considered a kind of holy tithe, equivalent to the offerings once

brought to the Temple. From this point of view, they resembled

charity, and were of special value in assuring one's share in the world to come"). Thus, Jerusalem was often the object of pious vows. In one interesting instance, a certain Hayyim b. Harun of Sahrajt promised to donate ten dinars to Jerusalem if anyone could confirm that he had married a woman in Fustat (besides the one he wished to

marry now). As the accusation against him was proven, problems arose of how the payment should be carried out45).

An important source of revenue for the yeshiva of Jerusalem were the taxes on the shehita, the ritual slaughter of animals. As several Geniza documents show, the yeshiva usually received one half of this

revenue46) .

169

However, the main source of aid for Jerusalem were the founda- tions established with the special purpose of supplying such aid. There was a whole compound in Fustat which had been donated to

provide alms for the poor of Jerusalem4'). In around 1020 we have information of how money from vows and

revenue from foundations used to be transferred to Jerusalem. This was done through the intermediary of the Jewish merchants engaged in the Mediterranean trade. A letter to one of the prominent mer- chants of that period, Joseph b. Jacob b. 'Awkal, contains instruc- tions about such transfers, among other commercial and financial information and instructions48).

Moses b. Isaac b. Nissim al-'Abid wrote to Ism-a'-il b. Barhun al- Tahirti concerning the sale of 22 %2 ratls of silk, which brought in 64

dinars, "of which 58 dinars were to be deducted for mathibat ai-sham"

(the yeshiva of Jerusalem; ca. 1050)49). Another instance is a letter from the yeshiva, probably from 1025,

to the leader of the Palestinian community in Fustat, enquiring about the transfer of the money from the revenue of the foundation for the

poor of Jerusalem, and requesting that the money be sent via ` `one of the righteous trustees", probably referring to one of such mer-

chants50). Money was generally sent by means of payment orders, the

cheques of those times, Hebrew diyoqne, Arabic suftaja.

170

In one of his letters, yeshiva head Solomon b. Yehuda deals with

such a diyoqne which apparently was lost. He asks his correspondent to

send another one and assures him that there is nothing to worry about; the money will not be cashed in twice, he himself being

responsible for it; the receiver will sign in person upon receipt of the

money (1029)51). There are also data on direct legacies for the Jewish population of

Jerusalem. Solomon b. Yehuda expresses thanks to Sahlan b.

Abraham, the leader of the Babylonian community in Fustat, for a

diyoqne of ten dinars that was sent to Jerusalem. The money was given to the parnasim in charge of Jerusalem's poor. It was part of a legacy of

a Spaniard, Abraham b. Nahum al-Andalusi.

A letter from Eli ha-Kohen b. Ezekiel, dated 14 April 1059, also

mentions a legacy, of the late Ben Kuraish (?); part of it, 80 dinars

(quite a sum!), already has reached Jerusalem, and is to be divided

between the ta'ifatayn, the two communities, that is the Rabbanites

and the Karaites. In the same letter the writer complains that he

keeps writing to Fustat about the revenue from "the houses", al-dur, but has received no answer52).

Special donations used to be made for "the cave" the

synagogue of Jerusalem, which was located beneath the" gate of the

priest", in the western wall (the "Wailing Wall") of the Temple Mount. Such contributions are mentioned mainly at a time (around

1035) when the synagogue was seriously damaged by the collapse of a

wall53).

171

A very special reward for fund raising for the sake of Jerusalem was the proclamation of the names of the donors and fund-raisers during the assembly on the Mount of Olives on the day of hoshac-nä rabba; that was the time when Jerusalem was full of pilgrims and the men- tion of one's name by the head of the yeshiva during his sermon was the highest honor54).

It should also be added that the information we have in the Geniza concerns in the main the foundations and donations of Fustat, where the Geniza was found. It is however almost self-understood that a similar situation obtained in other cities as well. Some information about that is even found in the Geniza letters. Thus, in a letter of

1025, written by the head of the yeshiva, Solomon ha-Kohen b.

Joseph, we find a statement saying that the tax due from the Jews of

Jerusalem used to be covered, in earlier times, by a foundation con-

sisting of stores in Ramla 51). Also mentioned is aid from Sicily, from Syria, and from the city of

Tyres6). It is with the aid of these considerable amounts of money, gathered

by donations and revenue from foundations, that Christians and Jews managed to maintain themselves and their institutions in Jerusalem. Whereas in regard to the Christians, the aid was the expression of the

172

power and wealth of the Christian countries, the aid provided for the

Jews expressed the unique strength of their community life and

organization.

Bibliography and abbreviations

Ah ma as, The Scroll (MS. Toledo 86/25), ed. B. Klar2, Jerusalem, Merkaz, 1974. Aimé (Amatus), L'ystoire de li Normani, Paris: Renouard, 1835; Storia de Normani,

Roma: Tipografia del senato, 1935. AOL = Archives de l'Orient latin. Assaf, S., Letters from Qayrawan (in Hebrew), Tarbiz, 20:177; 1939-40. Bar-Hebraeus, Chronicon Syriacum, ed. Bedjan, Paris 1890; ed. and transl. E. A. W.

Budge, Oxford: Univ. Pr., 1932. Baumstarck, A., Abendlaendische Palaestinapilger des ersten Jahrhunderts und ihre Berichte,

Koeln: Bachem, 1906. Baumstarck, A., Die modestinianischen und die konstantinischen Bauten am heiligen Grabe

zu Jerusalem, Padeborn: Schoeningh, 1915. Berlière, D. V., Les anciens monastères bénédictins de Terre-Sainte, Revue

bénédictine, 5:437, 1888. Bodl. = Bodleian Library, Oxford. Bréhier, L., Charlemagne et la Palestine, Revue historique, 157:277, 1928. Bréhier, L., L'église et l'Orient au moyen-âge6, Paris: Lecoffre, 1928. Cahen, Cl., Réflexions our le waqf ancien, Studia Islamica, 14:37, 1961. (Georgius) Cedrenus, Compendium historiarum, ed. J. Bekker, Bonn 1838-39. Citarella, A. O., The Relations of Amalfi with the Arab World before the Crusades,

Speculum, 42:299, 1967. Clermont-Ganneau, Ch., Recueil d'archéologie orientale, II, Paris: Leroux, 1898. Constantelos, D. J., The Moslem Conquests of the Near East as Revealed in the

Greek Sources of the Seventh and the Eighth Centuries, Byzantion, 42:325, 1972.

Constantinus Porphyrogenitus, De administrando imperio, ed. J. Bekker, Bonn 1840. Couret, A., La Palestine sous les empereurs grecs, Grenoble: Allier, 1869. Daniel, Vie et pélérinage, in Itinéraires russes en Orient, ed. B. Khitrovo, Genève:

Fick, 1889. Dhahabi, see Ibn Miskawayh. Dositheos (patriarch of Jerusalem, 1669-1707), Paraleipomena ek tès historias peri

ton en Hierosolymois, see Papadopoulos-Kerameos (I). Dropsie = Dropsie University, Philadelphia. Elias of Nisibis, Opus chronologicum, I, in Corpus scriptorum Christianorum orientalium,

Syri, t. 23. ENA = E. N. Adler Collection, at the Jewish Theological Seminary, New York. Every, G., Syrian Christians in Palestine, Eastern Churches Quarterly, 6:363, 1946. Fischel, W. J., Jews in the Economic and Political Life of Mediaeval Islam, London:

Royal Asiatic Society, 1937. Friedman, M. A., Polygamy-New Information from the Genizah (in Hebrew),

Tarbiz, 43:166, 1973-74.

173

Funes, J. A. de, Coronica de la ilustrissima milicia y sagrada religion de San Juan Bavtista de Jerusalem, I, Valencia 1626.

Gil, M., Documents of the Jewish Pious Foundations from the Cairo Geniza, Leiden: Brill, 1976.

Gil, M., The Jewish Quarters of Jerusalem during Early Muslim Rule (in Hebrew), Shalem, 2:19, 1976.

Goitein, S. D., Arabic Documents on the Palestinian Gaonate (in Hebrew), Eretz- Israel, 10:100, 1971.

Goitein, S. D., Did the Caliph Omar Allow the Jews to Reside in Jerusalem? (in Hebrew), Melila, 3-4:156, 1950.

Goitein, S. D., Jerusalem in the Arab Period (638-1099; in Hebrew), Yerushalayim (ed. Ish-Shalom), 1953:82.

Goitein, S. D., A Mediterranean Society, Berkeley: Univ. of Calif., 1967 et seq. Goitein, S. D., New Sources on the Palestinian Gaonate, S. W. Baron Jub. Vol.,

Jerusalem 1975:503. Goitein, S. D., On the History of the Palestinian Gaonate (in Hebrew), Shalem,

1:15, 1974. Golb, N., A Study of a Proselyte (in Hebrew), Sefunot, 8:85, 1964. Guarmani, C., Gl'Italiani in Terra Santa, Bologna: Garagnani, 1872. Heyd, W., Histoire du commerce du Levant au moyen-âge (reprint), Amsterdam 1967. Ibn Miskawayh, ed. Amedroz and Margoliouth: Eclipse, etc., Oxford: Blackwell

1920. Ibn Muyassar, Muh. b. All , Akhb r misr, ed. H. Massé, Cairo: IFAO, 1919. Ibn Taghr Bard , Abu'l-Mah sin Yusuf, Al-nuj m al-z hira, Cairo: D r al-kutub,

1929-56. Joranson, E., The Alleged Frankish Protectorate on Palestine, American Historical

Review, 32:241, 1927. al-Khass f, Ahmad b. Amru al-Shayb n , Ahk m al-awq f, Cairo 1904. Kremer, A. von, Zwei arabische Urkunden, ZDMG, 7:215, 1853. Le Quien, Oriens Christianus, III, Paris: Impr. du roi, 1740. Macpherson, J. R., The Church of the Resurrection, English Historical Review,

7:417, 669, 1892. al-Mak n (Ibn al- Am d), abdallah b. Ab Ily s, Ta¸r kh al-muslim n, ed. Cl. Cahen,

Bulletin de l'école orientale, 15:109, 1955-57. Mann, J., Jews in Egypt and in Palestine under the F timid Caliphs2, N.Y.: Ktav, 1970. Mann, J., Texts and Studies in Jewish History and Literature, Cincinnati: HUC, 1931. al-Maqr z , Ahmad b. Al , Khitat misr, Beirut: D r s dir, n.d. Marinus Sanctus (Torsellus, patricius Venetus), Liber secretorum fidelium crucis super

terrae sanctae, Hanoviae 1611 (Historia orientalis, t. II). Marmorstein, A., Solomon b. Judah and Some of His Contemporaries, JQRQ

NS, 8:1, 1917-18. Martène, E., Thesaurus novus anecdotorum, I, Paris 1717. Martène, E., Durand, U., Veterum scriptorum et monumentorum etc., amplissima

collectio, I, Paris 1724. al-Mas d , Al b. Husayn, Mur j al-dhahab, ed. C. Barbier de Meynard, Paris:

Impr. nat., 1861-77. Meinardus, O. F. A., The Copts in Jerusalem, Cairo 1960.

174

MGH = Monumenta Germaniae Historica (SS = Scriptores). Michael the Syrian, Chronique, ed. J. B. Chabot (reprint), Bruxelles 1963. Musca, G., Carlo Magno ed Harun al Rashid, Bari: Dedalo, 1963. Musset, H., Histoire du Christianisme, spécialement en Orient, Harissa: St. Paul,

1948-49. Papadopoulos-Kerameos, A., Analekta hierosolymitik s stakhyologias (reprint),

Bruxelles 1963. Pargoire, J., L'église byzantine, Paris: Lecoffre, 1905. Pargoire, J., Les LX soldats martyrs de Gaza, Echos d'Orient, 8:40, 1905. Peeters, P., Le tréfonds oriental de l'hagiographie byzantine, Bruxelles: Bollandistes, 1950. PL = Patrologia Latina, ed. Migne. RHC = Recueil des historiens des croisades (Occ. = Occidentaux). Riant, M., La donation de Hugues, marquis de Toscane, au Saint-Sépulcre,

Mémoires de l'académie des inscriptions et belles-lettres, 31(2):151, 1884. Riley-Smith, J., The Knights of St. John in Jerusalem and Cyprus, London: MacMillan,

1967. Sa d Ibn Bitr q, Annales, ed. L. Cheikho, Leipzig: Harrassowitz, 1906-1909. Saige, G., De l'ancienneté de l'hôpital S. Jean de Jérusalem, Bibliothèque de l'école des

chartes, 25:552, 1864. S w r s Ibn al-Muqaffa , Ta¸r kh bat rika misr (IV) ed. B. Evetts, Patrologia Orientalis

vol. X (5), Paris: Firmin-Didot, 1904. Schoenborn, C. von, Sophrone de Jérusalem, Paris: Beauchesne, 1972. Schwab, M., Textes judéo-égyptiens, REJ, 70:44, 1920. Strehlke, E., Ueber byzantinische Erzthueren des XI. Jahrhunderts in Italien,

Zeitschrift fuer christliche Archaeologie und Kunst, 2:100, 1858. al-Tabar , Muh. b. Jar r, Ta¸r kh al-rusul wa¸l-mul k, ed. De Goeje, Leiden: Brill

(reprint), 1964. Theophanes Confessor, Chronographia, ed. De Boor, Leipzig: Teubner, 1883. Tobler, T., Golgatha, St. Gallen: Huber, 1851. Tobler, T., Molinier, A., Itinera Hierosolymitana, Genève: Fick, 1879-85. TS = The Taylor-Schechter Collection, University Library, Cambridge. ULC = University Library, Cambridge. Vailhé, S., Le monastère de Saint Sabas, Echos d'Orient, 3:18, 1899-1900. Vailhé, S., Saint Michel le syncelle et les deux frères Grapti, Revue de l'Orient chrétien,

6:313, 1901. Vincent, H., Abel, F. M., Jérusalem, II, Paris: Gabalda, 1914. Yahy Ibn Sa d al-Antak , Ta¸r kh, ed. J. Kratchkovsky, A. Vasiliev, Patrologia

Orientalis XVIII (5), XXIII (2); also in continuation of Sa d Ibn Bitr q, from vol. II, 91, see above.