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EN BANC
[G.R. No. 101273. July 3, 1992.]
CONGRESSMAN ENRIQUE T. GARCIA, (Second District of Bataan),
petitioner, vs. THE EXECUTIVE SECRETARY, THE COMMISSIONER OF
CUSTOMS, THE NATIONAL ECONOMIC AND DEVELOPMENT
AUTHORITY, THE TARIFF COMMISSION, THE SECRETARY OF
FINANCE, and THE ENERGY REGULATORY BOARD, respondents.
Abraham C. La Vina for petitioner.
SYLLABUS
1. CONSTITUTIONAL LAW; PRESIDENT; AUTHORIZED BY
CONGRESS TO FIX TARIFF RATES AND OTHER DUTIES OR IMPOSTS.
Under Section 24, Article VI of the Constitution, the enactment of
appropriation, revenue and tariff bills, like all other bills is, of
course, within the province of the Legislative rather than the
Executive Department. It does not follow, however, that therefore
Executive Orders Nos. 475 and 478, assuming they may be
characterized as revenue measures, are prohibited to the President,
that they must be enacted instead by the Congress of the
Philippines. There is explicit constitutional permission (Section 28[2]
of Article VI of the Constitution) to Congress to authorize the
President "subject to such limitations and restrictions as [Congress]
may impose" to fix "within specific limits" "tariff rates . . . and other
duties or imposts . . . ." The relevant congressional statute is the
Tariff and Customs Code of the Philippines, and Sections 104 and
401, the pertinent provisions thereof. These are the provisions
which the President explicitly invoked in promulgating Executive
Orders Nos. 475 and 478.
2. TAXATION; TARIFF AND CUSTOMS CODE; CUSTOMS DUTIES;
NAME GIVEN TO TAXES ON THE IMPORTATION AND EXPORTATION
OF COMMODITIES. Customs duties which are assessed at the
prescribed tariff rates are very much like taxes which are frequently
imposed for both revenue-raising and for regulatory purposes. Thus,
it has been held that "customs duties" is "the name given to taxes
on the importation and exportation of commodities, the tariff or tax
assessed upon merchandise imported from, or exported to, a
foreign country."
3. ID.; ID.; ID.; PROTECTION AFFORDED TO LOCAL INDUSTRIES.
The levying of customs duties on imported goods may have in
some measure the effect of protecting local industries where
such local industries actually exist and are producing comparable
goods. Simultaneously, however, the very same customs duties
inevitably have the effect of producing governmental revenues.
Customs duties like internal revenue taxes are rarely, if ever,
designed to achieve one policy objective only. Most commonly,
customs duties, which constitute taxes in the sense of exactions the
proceeds of which become public funds have either or both the
generation of revenue and the regulation of economic or social
activity as their moving purposes and frequently, it is very difficult
to say which, in a particular instance, is the dominant or principal
objective. In the instant case, since the Philippines in fact produces
ten (10) to fifteen percent (15%) of the crude oil consumed here,
the imposition of increased tariff rates and a special duty on
imported crude oil and imported oil products may be seen to have
some "protective" impact upon indigenous oil production. For the
effective price of imported crude oil and oil products is increased. At
the same time, it cannot be gainsaid that substantial revenues for
the government are raised by the imposition of such increased tariff
rates or special duty.
4. ID.; ID.; GENERAL STANDARDS SET FOR THE EXERCISE OF
THE AUTHORITY DELEGATED TO THE PRESIDENT. Section 401 of
the Tariff and Customs Code establishes general standards with
which the exercise of the authority delegated by that provision to
the President must be consistent: that authority must be exercised
in "the interest of national economy, general welfare and/or
national security." Petitioner, however, insists that the "protection
of local industries" is the only permissible objective that can be
secured by the exercise of that delegated authority, and that
therefore "protection of local industries" is the sum total or the
alpha and omega of "the national economy, general welfare and/or
national security." We find it extremely difficult to take seriously
such a confined and closed view of the legislative standards and
policies summed up in Section 401. We believe, for instance, that
the protection of consumers, who after all constitute the very great
bulk of our population, is at the very least as important a dimension
of "the national economy, general welfare and national security" as
the protection of local industries. And so customs duties may be
reduced or even removed precisely for the purpose of protecting
consumers from the high prices and shoddy quality and inefficient
service that tariff-protected and subsidized local manufacturers may
otherwise impose upon the community.
5. ID.; ID.; TARIFF RATES AND CUSTOM DUTIES; LEVIED UPON
ARTICLES NOT PRODUCED IN THE PHILIPPINES. Tariff rates are
commonly established and the corresponding customs duties levied
and collected upon articles and goods which are not found at all and
not produced in the Philippines. In such cases, customs duties may
be seen to be imposed either for revenue purposes purely or
perhaps, in certain cases, to discourage any importation of the
items involved. In either case, it is clear that customs duties are
levied and imposed entirely apart from whether or not there are
any competing local industries to protect.
6. CONSTITUTIONAL LAW; PRESIDENT; EXECUTIVE ORDERS
NOS. 475 AND 478, CONSTITUTIONAL. Executive Orders Nos. 475
and 478 which may be conceded to be substantially moved by the
desire to generate additional public revenues, are not, for that
reason alone, either constitutionally flawed, or legally infirm under
Section 401 of the Tariff and Customs Code. Petitioner has not
successfully overcome the presumptions of constitutionality and
legality to which those Executive Orders are entitled.
D E C I S I O N
FELICIANO, J p:
On 27 November 1990, the President issued Executive Order No.
438 which imposed, in addition to any other duties, taxes and
charges imposed by law on all articles imported into the Philippines,
an additional duty of five percent (5%) ad valorem. This additional
duty was imposed across the board on all imported articles,
including crude oil and other oil products imported into the
Philippines. This additional duty was subsequently increased from
five percent (5%) ad valorem to nine percent (9%) ad valorem by the
promulgation of Executive Order No. 443, dated 3 January 1991.
On 24 July 1991, the Department of Finance requested the Tariff
Commission to initiate the process required by the Tariff and
Customs Code for the imposition of a specific levy on crude oil and
other petroleum products, covered by HS Heading Nos. 27.09, 27.10
and 27.11 of Section 104 of the Tariff and Customs Code as
amended. Accordingly, the Tariff Commission, following the
procedure set forth in Section 401 of the Tariff and Customs Code,
scheduled a public hearing to give interested parties an opportunity
to be heard and to present evidence in support of their respective
positions.
Meantime, Executive Order No. 475 was issued by the President on
15 August 1991 reducing the rate of additional duty on all imported
articles from nine percent (9%) to five percent (5%) ad valorem,
except in the cases of crude oil and other oil products which
continued to be subject to the additional duty of nine percent (9%)
ad valorem. cdtai
Upon completion of the public hearings, the Tariff Commission
submitted to the President a "Report on Special Duty on Crude Oil
and Oil Products" dated 16 August 1991, for consideration and
appropriate action. Seven (7) days later, the President issued
Executive Order No. 478, dated 23 August 1991, which levied (in
addition to the aforementioned additional duty of nine percent (9%)
ad valorem and all other existing ad valorem duties) a special duty
of P0.95 per liter or P151.05 per barrel of imported crude oil and
P1.00 per liter of imported oil products. prLL
In the present Petition for Certiorari, Prohibition and Mandamus,
petitioner assails the validity of Executive Orders Nos. 475 and 478.
He argues that Executive Orders Nos. 475 and 478 are violative of
Section 24, Article VI of the 1987 Constitution which provides as
follows:
"Section 24. All appropriation, revenue or tariff bills, bills
authorizing increase of the public debt, bills of local application, and
private bills shall originate exclusively in the House of
Representatives, but the Senate may propose or concur with
amendments."
He contends that since the Constitution vests the authority to enact
revenue bills in Congress, the President may not assume such power
of issuing Executive Orders Nos. 475 and 478 which are in the
nature of revenue-generating measures.
Petitioner further argues that Executive Orders Nos. 475 and 478
contravene Section 401 of the Tariff and Customs Code, which
Section authorizes the President, according to petitioner, to
increase, reduce or remove tariff duties or to impose additional
duties only when necessary to protect local industries or products
but not for the purpose of raising additional revenue for the
government.
Thus, petitioner questions first the constitutionality and second the
legality of Executive Orders Nos. 475 and 478, and asks us to
restrain the implementation of those Executive Orders. We will
examine these questions in that order.
Before doing so, however, the Court notes that the recent
promulgation of Executive Order No. 517 did not render the instant
Petition moot and academic. Executive Order No. 517 which is
dated 30 April 1992 provides as follows:
"Section 1. Lifting of the Additional Duty. The additional duty
in the nature of ad valorem imposed on all imported articles
prescribed by the provisions of Executive Order No. 443, as
amended, is hereby lifted; Provided, however, that the selected
articles covered by HS Heading Nos. 27.09 and 27.10 of Section 104
of the Tariff and Customs Code, as amended, subject of Annex `A'
hereof, shall continue to be subject to the additional duty of nine
(9%) percent ad valorem."
Under the above quoted provision, crude oil and other oil products
continue to be subject to the additional duty of nine percent (9%)
ad valorem under Executive Order No. 475 and to the special duty
of P0.95 per liter of imported crude oil and P1.00 per liter of
imported oil products under Executive Order No. 478. prcd
Turning first to the question of constitutionality, under Section 24,
Article VI of the Constitution, the enactment of appropriation,
revenue and tariff bills, like all other bills is, of course, within the
province of the Legislative rather than the Executive Department. It
does not follow, however, that therefore Executive Orders Nos. 475
and 478, assuming they may be characterized as revenue measures,
are prohibited to the President, that they must be enacted instead
by the Congress of the Philippines. Section 28(2) of Article VI of the
Constitution provides as follows:
"(2) The Congress may, by law, authorize the President to fix
within specified limits, and subject to such limitations and
restrictions as it may impose, tariff rates, import and export quotas,
tonage and wharfage dues, and other duties or imposts within the
framework of the national development program of the
Government."(Emphasis supplied)
There is thus explicit constitutional permission 1 to Congress to
authorize the President "subject to such limitations and restrictions
as [Congress] may impose" to fix "within specific limits" "tariff rates
. . . and other duties or imposts . . . ."
The relevant congressional statute is the Tariff and Customs Code of
the Philippines, and Sections 104 and 401, the pertinent provisions
thereof. These are the provisions which the President explicitly
invoked in promulgating Executive Orders Nos. 475 and 478. Section
104 of the Tariff and Customs Code provides in relevant part:
"Sec. 104. All tariff sections, chapters, headings and
subheadings and the rates of import duty under Section 104 of
Presidential Decree No. 34 and all subsequent amendments issued
under Executive Orders and Presidential Decrees are hereby
adopted and form part of this Code.
There shall be levied, collected, and paid upon all imported articles
the rates of duty indicated in the Section under this section except
as otherwise specifically provided for in this Code: Provided, that,
the maximum rate shall not exceed one hundred per cent ad
valorem.
The rates of duty herein provided or subsequently fixed pursuant to
Section Four Hundred One of this Code shall be subject to periodic
investigation by the Tariff Commission and may be revised by the
President upon recommendation of the National Economic and
Development Authority.
xxx xxx xxx
(Emphasis supplied)
Section 401 of the same Code needs to be quoted in full:
"Sec. 401. Flexible Clause.
a. In the interest of national economy, general welfare and/or
national security, and subject to the limitations herein prescribed,
the President, upon recommendation of the National Economic and
Development Authority (hereinafter referred to as NEDA), is hereby
empowered: (1) to increase, reduce or remove existing protective
rates of import duty (including any necessary change in
classification). The existing rates may be increased or decreased but
in no case shall the reduced rate of import duty be lower than the
basic rate of ten (10) per cent ad valorem, nor shall the increased
rate of import duty be higher than a maximum of one hundred
(100) per cent ad valorem; (2) to establish import quota or to ban
imports of any commodity, as may be necessary; and (3) to impose
an additional duty on all imports not exceeding ten (10) per cent ad
valorem whenever necessary; Provided, That upon periodic
investigations by the Tariff Commission and recommendation of the
NEDA, the President may cause a gradual reduction of protection
levels granted in Section One hundred and four of this Code,
including those subsequently granted pursuant to this section.
LexLib
b. Before any recommendation is submitted to the President
by the NEDA pursuant to the provisions of this section, except in the
imposition of an additional duty not exceeding ten (10) per cent ad
valorem, the Commission shall conduct an investigation in the
course of which they shall hold public hearings wherein interested
parties shall be afforded reasonable opportunity to be present,
produce evidence and to be heard. The Commission shall also hear
the views and recommendations of any government office, agency
or instrumentality concerned. The Commission shall submit their
findings and recommendations to the NEDA within thirty (30) days
after the termination of the public hearings.
c. The power of the President to increase or decrease rates of
import duty within the limits fixed in subsection `a' shall include the
authority to modify the form of duty. In modifying the form of duty,
the corresponding ad valorem or specific equivalents of the duty
with respect to imports from the principal competing foreign
country for the most recent representative period shall be used as
bases.
d. The Commissioner of Customs shall regularly furnish the
Commission a copy of all customs import entries as filed in the
Bureau of Customs. The Commission or its duly authorized
representatives shall have access to, and the right to copy all
liquidated customs import entries and other documents appended
thereto as finally filed in the Commission on Audit.
e. The NEDA shall promulgate rules and regulations necessary
to carry out the provisions of this section.
f. Any Order issued by the President pursuant to the
provisions of this section shall take effect thirty (30) days after
promulgation, except in the imposition of additional duty not
exceeding ten (10) per cent ad valorem which shall take effect at
the discretion of the President." (Underscoring supplied)
Petitioner, however, seeks to avoid the thrust of the delegated
authorizations found in Sections 104 and 401 of the Tariff and
Customs Code, by contending that the President is authorized to act
under the Tariff and Customs Code only "to protect local industries
and products for the sake of the national economy, general welfare
and/or national security." 2 He goes on to claim that:
"E.O. Nos. 478 and 475 having nothing to do whatsoever with the
protection of local industries and products for the sake of national
economy, general welfare and/or national security. On the contrary,
they work in reverse, especially as to crude oil, an essential product
which we do not have to protect, since we produce only minimal
quantities and have to import the rest of what we need.
These Executive Orders are avowedly solely to enable the
government to raise government finances, contrary to Sections 24
and 28 (2) of Article VI of the Constitution, as well as to Section 401
of the Tariff and Customs Code." 3 (Emphasis in the original)
The Court is not persuaded. In the first place, there is nothing in the
language of either Section 104 or of 401 of the Tariff and Customs
Code that suggest such a sharp and absolute limitation of authority.
The entire contention of petitioner is anchored on just two (2)
words, one found in Section 401 (a) (1): "existing protective rates of
import duty," and the second in the proviso found at the end of
Section 401 (a): " protection levels granted in Section 104 of this
Code . . . ." We believe that the words "protective" and "protection"
are simply not enough to support the very broad and encompassing
limitation which petitioner seeks to rest on those two (2) words.
In the second place, petitioner's singular theory collides with a very
practical fact of which this Court may take judicial notice that the
Bureau of Customs which administers the Tariff and Customs Code,
is one of the two (2) principal traditional generators or producers of
governmental revenue, the other being the Bureau of Internal
Revenue. (There is a third agency, non-traditional in character, that
generates lower but still comparable levels of revenue for the
government The Philippine Amusement and Games Corporation
[PAGCOR].)
In the third place, customs duties which are assessed at the
prescribed tariff rates are very much like taxes which are frequently
imposed for both revenue-raising and for regulatory purposes. 4
Thus, it has been held that "customs duties" is "the name given to
taxes on the importation and exportation of commodities, the tariff
or tax assessed upon merchandise imported from, or exported to, a
foreign country." 5 The levying of customs duties on imported
goods may have in some measure the effect of protecting local
industries where such local industries actually exist and are
producing comparable goods. Simultaneously, however, the very
same customs duties inevitably have the effect of producing
governmental revenues. Customs duties like internal revenue taxes
are rarely, if ever, designed to achieve one policy objective only.
Most commonly, customs duties, which constitute taxes in the
sense of exactions the proceeds of which become public funds 6
have either or both the generation of revenue and the regulation of
economic or social activity as their moving purposes and frequently,
it is very difficult to say which, in a particular instance, is the
dominant or principal objective. In the instant case, since the
Philippines in fact produces ten (10) to fifteen percent (15%) of the
crude oil consumed here, the imposition of increased tariff rates
and a special duty on imported crude oil and imported oil products
may be seen to have some "protective" impact upon indigenous oil
production. For the effective price of imported crude oil and oil
products is increased. At the same time, it cannot be gainsaid that
substantial revenues for the government are raised by the
imposition of such increased tariff rates or special duty.
In the fourth place, petitioner's concept which he urges us to build
into our constitutional and customs law, is a stiflingly narrow one.
Section 401 of the Tariff and Customs Code establishes general
standards with which the exercise of the authority delegated by that
provision to the President must be consistent: that authority must
be exercised in "the interest of national economy, general welfare
and/or national security." Petitioner, however, insists that the
"protection of local industries" is the only permissible objective that
can be secured by the exercise of that delegated authority, and that
therefore "protection of local industries" is the sum total or the
alpha and the omega of "the national economy, general welfare
and/or national security." We find it extremely difficult to take
seriously such a confined and closed view of the legislative
standards and policies summed up in Section 401. We believe, for
instance, that the protection of consumers, who after all constitute
the very great bulk of our population, is at the very least as
important a dimension of "the national economy, general welfare
and national security" as the protection of local industries. And so
customs duties may be reduced or even removed precisely for the
purpose of protecting consumers from the high prices and shoddy
quality and inefficient service that tariff-protected and subsidized
local manufacturers may otherwise impose upon the community.
It seems also important to note that tariff rates are commonly
established and the corresponding customs duties levied and
collected upon articles and goods which are not found at all and not
produced in the Philippines. The Tariff and Customs Code is replete
with such articles and commodities: among the more interesting
examples are ivory (Chapter 5, 5.10); castoreum or musk taken from
the beaver (Chapter 5, 5.14); olives (Chapter 7, Notes); truffles or
European fungi growing under the soil on tree roots (Chapter 7,
Notes); dates (Chapter 8, 8.01); figs (Chapter 8, 8.03); caviar
(Chapter 16, 16.01); aircraft (Chapter 88, 88.01); special diagnostic
instruments and apparatus for human medicine and surgery
(Chapter 90, Notes); X-ray generators; X-ray tubes; X-ray screens,
etc (Chapter 90, 90.20); etc. In such cases, customs duties may be
seen to be imposed either for revenue purposes purely or perhaps,
in certain cases, to discourage any importation of the items
involved. In either case, it is clear that customs duties are levied and
imposed entirely apart from whether or not there are any
competing local industries to protect.
Accordingly, we believe and so hold that Executive Orders Nos. 475
and 478 which may be conceded to be substantially moved by the
desire to generate additional public revenues, are not, for that
reason alone, either constitutionally flawed, or legally infirm under
Section 401 of the Tariff and Customs Code. Petitioner has not
successfully overcome the presumptions of constitutionality and
legality to which those Executive Orders are entitled. 7
The conclusion we have reached above renders it unnecessary to
deal with petitioner's additional contention that, should Executive
Orders Nos. 475 and 478 be declared unconstitutional and illegal,
there should be a roll back of prices of petroleum products
equivalent to the "resulting excess money not be needed to
adequately maintain the Oil Price Stabilization Fund (OPSF)." 8
WHEREFORE, premises considered, the Petition for Certiorari,
Prohibition and Mandamus is hereby DISMISSED for lack of merit.
Costs against petitioner.
SO ORDERED.
EN BANC
[G.R. No. L-2044. August 26, 1949.]
J. ANTONIO ARANETA, petitioner, vs. RAFAEL DINGLASAN, Judge of
First Instance of Manila, and JOSE P. BENGZON, Fiscal of City of
Manila, respondents.
[G.R. No. L-2756. August 26, 1949.]
J. ANTONIO ARANETA and GREGORIO VILLAMOR, petitioners, vs.
EUGENIO ANGELES, Fiscal of City of Manila, respondent.
[G.R. No. L-3054. Agosto 26, 1949.]
EULOGIO RODRIGUEZ, Sr., por si y como Presidente del Partido
Nacionalista, recurrente, contra EL TESORERO DE FILIPINAS,
recurrido.
[G.R. No. L-3055. Agosto 26, 1949.]
LEON MA. GUERRERO, petitioner, vs. THE COMMISSIONER OF
CUSTOMS and THE ADMINISTRATOR, SUGAR QUOTA OFFICE,
DEPARTMENT OF COMMERCE AND INDUSTRY, respondents.
[G.R. No. L-3056. Agosto 26, 1949.]
ANTONIO BARREDO, in his own behalf and on behalf of all taxpayers
similarly situated, petitioner, vs. THE COMMISSION ON ELECTIONS,
THE AUDITOR GENERAL and THE INSULAR TREASURER OF THE
PHILIPPINES, respondents.
L-2044
Paredes, Diaz & Poblador, Jesus G. Barrera, Vicente Hilado, and
Araneta & Araneta for petitioner.
Solicitor General Felix Bautista Angelo, Assistant Solicitor General
Ruperto Kapunan, Jr., Solicitor Martiniano P. Vivo and Assistant City
Fiscal Julio Villamor for respondents.
Claro M. Recto and Padilla, Carlos & Fernando as amici curiae.
L-2756
Araneta & Araneta and Jesus G. Barrera for petitioners.
Assistant City Fiscal Luis B. Reyes for respondent.
Claro M. Recto as amicus curiae.
L-3054
Claro M. Recto, Ramon Diokno, Jose O. Vera, Alejo Mabanag, Jose B.
Laurel, Jr. and Antonio Barredo for petitioner.
Solicitor General Felix Bautista Angelo for respondent.
Vicente de Vera, Chairman, Commission on Elections.
Alfonso Ponce Enrile, Alva J. Hill and Honorio Poblador, Jr. and
Emiliano R. Navarro as amici curiae.
Jesus G. Barrera, Enrique M. Fernando, Ramon Sunico, and
Francisco A. Rodrigo also as amici curiae.
L-3055
Claro M. Recto and Leon Ma. Guerrero for petitioner.
Solicitor General Felix Bautista Angelo for respondents.
V. G. Bunuan, Administrator, Sugar Quota Office.
Jesus G. Barrera, Felixberto M. Serrano, Enrique Fernando, Ramon
Sunico and Francisco A. Rodrigo; Honorio Poblador, Jr. and Emiliano
R. Navarro as amici curiae.
L-3056
Claro M. Recto and Antonio Barredo for petitioner.
Solicitor General Felix Bautista Angelo for respondents.
Vicente de Vera, Chairman, Commission on Elections.
Alfonso Ponce Enrile, Alva J. Hill, Jesus G. Barrera, Enrique M.
Fernando, Ramon Sunico and Francisco A. Rodrigo; Honorio
Poblador, Jr. and Emiliano R. Navarro as amici curiae.
SYLLABUS
1. STATUTORY CONSTRUCTION; INTENTION OF THE LAW,
HOW ASCERTAINED. The intention of an act is to be sought for in
its nature, the object to be accomplished, the purpose to be
subserved, and its relation to the Constitution. The consequences of
the various constructions offered will also be resorted to as
additional aid to interpretation. We test a rule by its results.
2. ID.; ARTICLE VI OF THE CONSTITUTION INTERPRETED.
Article VI of the Constitution provides that any law passed by virtue
thereof should be "for a limited period." "Limited" has been defined
to mean restricted; bounded; prescribed; confined within positive
bounds; restrictive in duration, extent or scope. The words "limited
period" as used in the Constitution are beyond question intended to
mean restrictive in duration.
3. PRESIDENT; EMERGENCY POWERS; JUSTIFICATION OF
DELEGATION OF. Emergency, in order to justify the delegation of
emergency powers, "must be temporary or it can not be said to be
an emergency."
4. ID.; LEGISLATURE HAD RESTRICTED THE LIFE OF
EMERGENCY POWERS. In the language of section 3 of Act No.
671, The National Assembly restricted the life of the emergency
powers of the President to the time the Legislature was prevented
from holding sessions due to enemy action or other causes brought
on by war.
5. STATUTORY CONSTRUCTION; AUTOMATICAL EXTINCTION
OF ACT NO. 671; CONTEMPORARY CONSTRUCTION.
Commonwealth Act No. 671 was only "for a certain period" and
"would become invalid unless reenacted." These phrases connote
automatic extinction of the law upon the conclusion of a certain
period. Together they denote that a new legislation was necessary
to keep alive (not to repeal) the law after the expiration of that
period. They signify that the same law, not a different one, had to
be repassed if the grant should be prolonged.
6. ID.; CONTEMPLATED PERIOD FOR ACT NO. 671;
CONTEMPORARY CONSTRUCTION. When it became evident that
we were completely helpless against air attack, and that it was most
unlikely the Philippine Legislature would hold its next regular
session which was to open on January 1, 1942." It can easily be
discerned in this statement that the conferring of enormous powers
upon the President was decided upon with specific view to the
inability of the National Assembly to meet. Indeed no other factor
than this inability could have motivated the delegation of powers so
vast as to amount to an abdication by the National Assembly of its
authority. The enactment and continuation of a law so destructive
of the foundations of democratic institutions could not have been
conceived under any circumstance short of a complete disruption
and dislocation of the normal processes of government.
7. ID.; ID.; ID. The period that best comports with the
constitutional requirements and limitations, with the general
context of the law and with what we believe to be the main if not
the sole raison d'etre for its enactment, was a period coextensive
with the inability of Congress to function, a period ending with the
convening of that body.
8. CONSTITUTIONAL LAW; ACT NO. 671 BECAME INOPERATIVE
WHEN CONGRESS MET IN REGULAR SESSION; EXECUTIVE ORDERS
THEREAFTER ISSUED, VALIDITY OF. Commonwealth Act No. 671
became inoperative when Congress met in regular session on May
25, 1946, and that Executive Orders Nos. 62, 192, 225 and 226 were
issued without authority of law.
9. ID.; SYSTEM OF SEPARATION OF POWERS; LEGISLATION IS
PRESERVED FOR CONGRESS ALL THE TIME. The Filipino people by
adopting parliamentary government have given notice that they
share the faith of other democracy-loving peoples in this system,
with all its faults, as the ideal. The point is, under this framework of
government, legislation is preserved for Congress all the time, not
excepting periods of crisis no matter how serious. Never in the
history of the United States, the basic features of whose
Constitution have been copied in ours, have the specific functions of
the legislative branch of enacting laws been surrendered to another
department unless we regard as legislating the carrying out of a
legislative policy according to prescribed standards; no, not even
when that Republic was fighting a total war, or when it was engaged
in a life-and-death struggle to preserve the Union. The truth is that
under our concept of constitutional government, in times of
extreme perils more than in normal circumstances "the various
branches, executive, legislative, and judicial," given the ability to
act, are called upon "to perform the duties and discharge the
responsibilities committed to them respectively."
10. JUDGES; DISQUALIFICATION; MEMBERS OF SUPREME
COURT; OBJECTION SHOULD BE MADE ON TIME. A motion to
disqualify a member of the Supreme Court filed after the said
member had given his opinion on the merits of the case cannot be
considered because a litigant cannot be permitted to speculate
upon the action of the court and raise an objection of this sort after
decision has been rendered.
11. ID.; ID.; MEMBER OF SUPREME COURT FORMERLY AS
SECRETARY OF JUSTICE. The fact that a member of the Supreme
Court while Secretary of Justice had advised the Chief Executive on
the question involved in a certain case, does not disqualify him to
act when it is brought before the court, for he cannot be considered
as having acted previously in said case as counsel of any of the
parties when the Chief Executive is not a party thereto.
12. ID.; STATUTORY CONSTRUCTION; WHO MAY TAKE PART IN
THE ADJUDICATION; RULE 53, SECTION 1 WITH RULE 58, SECTION 1,
INTERPRETED. One who is not a member of the court at the time
an adjudication is made cannot take part in that adjudication. The
word "adjudication" means decision. A case can be adjudicated only
by means of a decision. And a decision of this Court, to be of value
and binding force, must be in writing duly signed and promulgated
(Article VIII, sections 11 and 12, of the Constitution; Republic Act
No. 296, section 21; Rule 53, section 7, of the Rules of Court).
Promulgation means the delivery of the decision to the Clerk of
Court for filing and publication.
13. ID.; ID.; ID.; ID. One who is no longer a member of this
Court at the time a decision is signed and promulgated, cannot
validly take part in that decision.
14. CONSTITUTIONAL LAW; EACH OF THE GREAT BRANCHES OF
THE GOVERNMENT TO COMPLY WITH ITS OWN DUTY.
Democracy is on trial in the Philippines, and surely it will emerge
victorious as a permanent way of life in this country, if each of the
great branches of the Government, within its own allocated sphere,
complies with its own constitutional duty, uncompromisingly and
regardless of difficulties.
15. EXECUTIVE ORDERS ARE NOT LAWS. Executive Orders,
even if issued within the powers validly vested in the Chief
Executive, are not laws, although they may have the force of law, in
exactly the same manner as the judgments of the Supreme Court,
municipal ordinances and ordinary executive orders cannot be
considered as laws, even if they have the force of law.
16. ID. Executive orders issued by the President in pursuance
of the power delegated to him under section 26, Article VI of the
Constitution, may be considered only as rules and regulations.
17. JUDGES; REQUIRED NUMBER OF VOTES TO ANNUL
EXECUTIVE ORDERS. There is nothing either in the Constitution or
in the Judiciary Act requiring the votes of eight justices to nullify a
rule or regulation or an executive order issued by the President.
Hence, a mere majority of six members of the Supreme Court is
enough to nullify them.
D E C I S I O N
TUASON, J p:
Three of these cases were consolidated for argument and the other
two were argued separately on other dates. Inasmuch as all of them
present the same fundamental question which, in our view, is
decisive, they will be disposed of jointly. For the same reason we
will pass up the objection to the personality or sufficiency of
interest of the petitioners in case G.R. No. L-3054 and case G.R. No.
L-3056 and the question whether prohibition lies in cases Nos. L-
2044 and L-2756. No practical benefit can be gained from a
discussion of these procedural matters, since the decision in the
cases wherein the petitioners' cause of action or the propriety of
the procedure followed is not in dispute, will be controlling
authority on the others. Above all, the transcendental importance
to the public of these cases demands that they be settled promptly
and definitely, brushing aside, if we must, technicalities of
procedure. (Avelino vs. Cuenco, G.R. No. L-2821.)
The petitions challenge the validity of executive orders of the
President avowedly issued in virtue of Commonwealth Act No. 671.
Involved in cases Nos. L-2044 and L-2756 is Executive Order No. 62,
which regulates rentals for houses and lots for residential buildings.
The petitioner, J. Antonio Araneta, is under prosecution in the Court
of First Instance of Manila for violation of the provisions of this
Executive Order, and prays for the issuance of the writ of
prohibition to the judge and the city fiscal. Involved in case L-3055 is
Executive Order No. 192, which aims to control exports from the
Philippines. In this case, Leon Ma. Guerrero seeks a writ of
mandamus to compel the Administrator of the Sugar Quota Office
and the Commissioner of Customs to permit the exportation of
shoes by the petitioner. Both officials refuse to issue the required
export license on the ground that the exportation of shoes from the
Philippines is forbidden by this Executive Order. Case No. L-3054
relates to Executive Order No. 225, which appropriates funds for the
operation of the Government of the Republic of the Philippines
during the period from July 1, 1949 to June 30, 1950, and for other
purposes. The petitioner, Eulogio Rodriguez, Sr., as a tax-payer, an
elector, and president of the Nacionalista Party, applies for a writ of
prohibition to restrain the Treasurer of the Philippines from
disbursing money under this Executive Order. Affected in case No. L-
3056 is Executive Order No. 226, which appropriates P6,000,000 to
defray the expenses in connection with, and incidental to, the
holding of the national elections to be held in November, 1949. The
petitioner, Antonio Barredo, as a citizen, tax-payer and voter, asks
this Court to prevent "the respondents from disbursing, spending or
otherwise disposing of that amount or any part of it."
Notwithstanding allegations in the petitions assailing the
constitutionality of Act No. 671, the petitioners do not press the
point in their oral argument and memorandum. They rest their case
chiefly on the proposition that the Emergency Powers Act
(Commonwealth Act No. 671) has ceased to have any force and
effect. This is the basic question we have referred to, and it is to this
question that we will presently address ourselves and devote
greater attention. For the purpose of this decision, only, the
constitutionality of Act No. 671 will be taken for granted, and any
dictum or statement herein which may appear contrary to that
hypothesis should be understood as having been made merely in
furtherance of the main thesis.
Act No. 671 in full is as follows:
AN ACT DECLARING A STATE OF TOTAL EMERGENCY AS A RESULT OF
WAR INVOLVING THE PHILIPPINES AND AUTHORIZING THE
PRESIDENT TO PROMULGATE RULES AND REGULATIONS TO MEET
SUCH EMERGENCY.
Be it enacted by the National Assembly of the Philippines:
SECTION 1. The existence of war between the United States and
other countries of Europe and Asia, which involves the Philippines,
makes it necessary to invest the President with extraordinary
powers in order to meet the resulting emergency.
"SEC. 2. Pursuant to the provisions of Article VI, section 26, of the
Constitution, the President is hereby authorized, during the
existence of the emergency, to promulgate such rules and
regulations as he may deem necessary to carry out the national
policy declared in section 1 hereof. Accordingly, he is, among other
things, empowered (a) to transfer the seat of the Government or
any of its subdivisions, branches, departments, offices, agencies or
instrumentalities; (b) to reorganize the Government of the
Commonwealth including the determination of the order of
precedence of the heads of the Executive Department; (c) to create
new subdivisions, branches, departments, offices, agencies or
instrumentalities of government and to abolish any of those already
existing; (d) to continue in force laws and appropriations which
would lapse or otherwise become inoperative, and to modify or
suspend the operation or application of those of an administrative
character; (e) to impose new taxes or to increase, reduce, suspend
or abolish those in existence; (f) to raise funds through the issuance
of bonds or otherwise, and to authorize the expenditure of the
proceeds thereof; (g) to authorize the national, provincial, city or
municipal governments to incur in overdrafts for purposes that he
may approve; (h) to declare the suspension of the collection of
credits or the payment of debts; and (i) to exercise such other
powers as he may deem necessary to enable the Government to
fulfill its responsibilities and to maintain and enforce the authority.
"SEC. 3. The President of the Philippines shall as soon as practicable
upon the convening of the Congress of the Philippines report
thereto all the rules and regulations promulgated by him under the
powers herein granted.
"SEC. 4. This Act shall take effect upon its approval and the rules and
regulations promulgated hereunder shall be in force and effect until
the Congress of the Philippines shall otherwise provide."
Section 26 of Article VI of the Constitution provides:
"In time of war or other national emergency, the Congress may by
law authorize the President, for a limited period and subject to such
restrictions as it may prescribe, to promulgate rules and regulations
to carry out a declared national policy."
Commonwealth Act No. 671 does not in term fix the duration of its
effectiveness. The intention of the Act has to be sought for in its
nature, the object to be accomplished, the purpose to be
subserved, and its relation to the Constitution. The consequences of
the various constructions offered will also be resorted to as
additional aid to interpretation. We test a rule by its results.
Article VI of the Constitution provides that any law passed by virtue
thereof should be "for a limited period." "Limited" has been defined
to mean "restricted; bounded; prescribed; confined within positive
bounds; restrictive in duration, extent or scope." (Encyclopedia Law
Dictionary, 3rd ed., 669; Black's Law Dictionary, 3rd ed., 1120.) The
words "limited period" as used in the Constitution are beyond
question intended to mean restrictive in duration. Emergency, in
order to justify the delegation of emergency powers, "must be
temporary or it can not be said to be an emergency." (First Trust
Joint Stock Land Bank of Chicago vs. Adolph P. Arp, et al., 120 A. L.
R., 937, 938.)
It is to be presumed that Commonwealth Act No. 671 was approved
with this limitation in view. The opposite theory would make the
law repugnant to the Constitution, and is contrary to the principle
that the legislature is deemed to have full knowledge of the
constitutional scope of its powers. The assertion that new
legislation is needed to repeal the act would not be in harmony with
the Constitution either. If a new and different law were necessary to
terminate the delegation, the period for the delegation, it has been
correctly pointed out, would be unlimited, indefinite, negative and
uncertain; "that which was intended to meet a temporary
emergency may become permanent law," (Peck vs. Fink, 2 Fed. [2d],
912); for Congress might not enact the repeal, and even if it would,
the repeal might not meet with the approval of the President, and
the Congress might not be able to override the veto. Furthermore,
this would create the anomaly that, while Congress might delegate
its powers by simple majority, it might not be able to recall them
except by a two-third vote. In other words, it would be easier for
Congress to delegate its powers than to take them back. This is not
right and is not, and ought not to be, the law. Corwin, President:
Office and Powers, 1948 ed., p. 160, says:
"It is generally agreed that the maxim that the legislature may not
delegate its powers signifies at the very least that the legislature
may not abdicate its powers. Yet how, in view of the scope that
legislative delegations take nowadays, is the line between
delegation and abdication to be maintained? Only, I urge, by
rendering the delegated powers recoverable without the consent of
the delegate; . . ."
Section 4 goes far to settle the legislative intention of this phase of
Act No. 671. Section 4 stipulates that "the rules and regulations
promulgated thereunder shall be in full force and effect until the
Congress of the Philippines shall otherwise provide." The silence of
the law regarding the repeal of the authority itself, in the face of the
express provision for the repeal of the rules and regulations issued
in pursuance of it, a clear manifestation of the belief held by the
National Assembly that there was no necessity to provide for the
former. It would be strange if having no idea about the time the
Emergency Powers Act was to be effective the National Assembly
failed to make a provision for its termination in the same way that it
did for the termination of the effects and incidents of the
delegation. There would be no point in repealing or annulling the
rules and regulations promulgated under a law if the law itself was
to remain in force, since, in that case, the President could not only
make new rules and regulations but he could restore the ones
already annulled by the legislature.
More anomalous than the exercise of legislative functions by the
Executive when Congress is in the unobstructed exercise of its
authority is the fact that there would be two legislative bodies
operating over the same field, legislating concurrently and
simultaneously, mutually nullifying each other's actions. Even if the
emergency powers of the President, as suggested, be suspended
while Congress was in session and be revived after each
adjournment, the anomaly would not be eliminated. Congress by a
two-third vote could repeal executive orders promulgated by the
President during congressional recess, and the President in turn
could treat in the same manner, between sessions of Congress, laws
enacted by the latter. This is not a fantastic apprehension; in two
instances it materialized. In entire good faith, and inspired only by
the best interests of the country as they saw them, a former
President promulgated an executive order regulating house rentals
after he had vetoed a bill on the subject enacted by Congress, and
the present Chief Executive issued an executive order on export
control after Congress had refused to approve the measure.
Quite apart from these anomalies, there is good basis in the
language of Act No. 671 for the inference that the National
Assembly restricted the life of the emergency powers of the
President to the time the Legislature was prevented from holding
sessions due to enemy action or other causes brought on by the
war. Section 3 provides:
"The President of the Philippines shall as soon as practicable upon
the convening of the Congress of the Philippines report thereto all
the rules and regulations promulgated by him under the powers
herein granted."
The clear tenor of this provision is that there was to be only one
meeting of Congress at which the President was to give an account
of his trusteeship. The section did not say each meeting, which it
could very well have said if that had been the intention. If the
National Assembly did not think that the report mentioned in
section 3 was to be the first and last and did not think that upon the
convening of the first Congress Act No. 671 would lapse, what
reason could there be for its failure to provide in appropriate and
clear terms for the filing of subsequent reports? Such reports, if the
President was expected to continue making laws in the form of
rules, regulations and executive orders, were as important, or as
unimportant, as the initial one.
As a contemporary construction, President Quezon's statement
regarding the duration of Act No. 671 is enlightening and should
carry much weight, considering his part in the passage and in the
carrying out of the law. Mr. Quezon, who called the National
Assembly to a special session, who recommended the enactment of
the Emergency Powers Act, if indeed he was not its author, and who
was the very President to be entrusted with its execution, stated in
his autobiography, "The Good Fight," that Act No. 671 was only "for
a certain period" and "would become invalid unless reenacted."
These phrases connote automatical extinction of the law upon the
conclusion of a certain period. Together they denote that a new
legislation was necessary to keep alive (not to repeal) the law after
the expiration of that period. They signify that the same law, not a
different one, had to be repassed if the grant should be prolonged.
What then was the contemplated period? President Quezon in the
same paragraph of his autobiography furnished part of the answer.
He said he issued the call for a special session of the National
Assembly "when it became evident that we were completely
helpless against air attack, and that it was most unlikely the
Philippine Legislature would hold its next regular session which was
to open on January 1, 1942." (Italics ours.) It can easily be discerned
in this statement that the conferring of enormous powers upon the
President was decided upon with specific view to the inability of the
National Assembly to meet. Indeed no other factor than this
inability could have motivated the delegation of powers so vast as
to amount to an abdication by the National Assembly of its
authority. The enactment and continuation of a law so destructive
of the foundations of democratic institutions could not have been
conceived under any circumstance short of a complete disruption
and dislocation of the normal processes of government. Anyway, if
we are to uphold the constitutionality of the act on the basis of its
duration, we must start with the premise that it fixed a definite,
limited period. As we have indicated, the period that best comports
with the constitutional requirements and limitations, with the
general context of the law and with what we believe to be the main
if not the sole raison d'etre for its enactment, was a period
coextensive with the inability of Congress to function, a period
ending with the convening of that body.
It is our considered opinion, and we so hold, that Commonwealth
Act No. 671 became inoperative when Congress met in regular
session on May 25, 1946, and that Executive Orders Nos. 62, 192,
225 and 226 were issued without authority of law. In setting the
first regular session of Congress instead of the first special session
which preceded it as the point of expiration of the Act, we think we
are giving effect to the purpose and intention of the National
Assembly. In a special session, the Congress may "consider general
legislation or only such subjects as he (President) may designate."
(Section 9, Article VI of the Constitution.) In a regular session, the
power of Congress to legislate is not circumscribed except by the
limitations imposed by the organic law.
Having arrived at this conclusion, we are relieved of the necessity of
deciding the question as to which department of government is
authorized to inquire whether the contingency on which the law is
predicated still exists. The right of one or another department to
declare the emergency terminated is not in issue. As a matter of
fact, we have endeavored to find the will of the National Assembly
call that will, an exercise of the police power or the war power
and, once ascertained, to apply it. Of course, the function of
interpreting statutes in proper cases, as in this, will not be denied
the courts as their constitutional prerogative and duty. In so far as it
is insinuated that the Chief Executive has the exclusive authority to
say that war has not ended, and may act on the strength of his
opinion and findings in contravention of the law as the courts have
construed it, no legal principle can be found to support the
proposition. There is no pretense that the President has
independent or inherent power to issue such executive orders as
those under review. We take it that the respondents, in sustaining
the validity of these executive orders rely on Act No. 600, Act No.
620, or Act No. 671 of the former Commonwealth and on no other
source. To put it differently, the President's authority in this
connection is purely statutory, in no sense political or directly
derived from the Constitution.
Act No. 671, as we have stressed, ended ex proprio vigore with the
opening of the regular session of Congress on May 25, 1946. Acts
Nos. 600 and 620 contain stronger if not conclusive indication that
they were self-liquidating. By express provision the rules and
regulations to be eventually made in pursuance of Acts Nos. 600
and 620, respectively approved on August 19, 1940 and June 6,
1941, were to be good only up to the corresponding dates of
adjournment of the following sessions of the Legislature, "unless
sooner amended or repealed by the National Assembly." The logical
deduction to be drawn from this provision is that in the minds of the
lawmakers the idea was fixed that the Acts themselves would lapse
not later than the rules and regulations. The design to provide for
the automatic repeal of those rules and regulations necessarily was
predicated on the consciousness of a prior or at best simultaneous
repeal of their source. Were not this the case, there would arise the
curious spectacle, already painted, and easily foreseen, of the
Legislature amending or repealing rules and regulations of the
President while the latter was empowered to keep or return them
into force and to issue new ones independently of the National
Assembly. For the rest, the reasoning heretofore adduced against
the asserted indefinite continuance of the operation of Act No. 671
equally applies to Acts Nos. 600 and 620.
The other corollary of the opinion we have reached is that the
question whether war, in law or in fact, continues, is irrelevant. If
we were to assume that actual hostilities between the original
belligerents are still raging, the conclusion would not be altered.
After the convening of Congress new legislation had to be approved
if the continuation of the emergency powers, or some of them, was
desired. In the light of the conditions surrounding the approval of
the Emergency Powers Act, we are of the opinion that the "state of
total emergency as a result of war" envisaged in the preamble
referred to the impending invasion and occupation of the
Philippines by the enemy and the consequent total disorganization
of the Government, principally the impossibility for the National
Assembly to act. The state of affairs was one which called for
immediate action and with which the National Assembly would not
be able to cope. The war itself and its attendant chaos and
calamities could not have necessitated the delegation had the
National Assembly been in a position to operate.
After all the criticisms that have been made against the efficiency of
the system of the separation of powers, the fact remains that the
Constitution has set up this form of government, with all its defects
and shortcomings, in preference to the commingling of powers in
one man or group of men. The Filipino people by adopting
parliamentary government have given notice that they share the
faith of other democracy-loving peoples in this system, with all its
faults, as the ideal. The point is, under this framework of
government, legislation is preserved for Congress all the time, not
excepting periods of crisis no matter how serious. Never in the
history of the United States, the basic features of whose
Constitution have been copied in ours, have the specific functions of
the legislative branch of enacting laws been surrendered to another
department unless we regard as legislating the carrying out of a
legislative policy according to prescribed standards; no, not even
when that Republic was fighting a total war, or when it was engaged
in a life-and-death struggle to preserve the Union. The truth is that
under our concept of constitutional government, in times of
extreme perils more than in normal circumstances "the various
branches, executive, legislative, and judicial," given the ability to
act, are called upon "to perform the duties and discharge the
responsibilities committed to them respectively."
These observations, though beyond the issue as formulated in this
decision, may, we trust, also serve to answer the vehement plea
that for the good of the Nation, the President should retain his
extraordinary powers as long as turmoil and other ills directly or
indirectly traceable to the late war harass the Philippines.
Upon the foregoing considerations, the petitions will be granted. In
order to avoid any possible disruption and interruption in the
normal operation of the Government, we have deemed it best to
depart in these cases from the ordinary rule relative to the period
for the effectivity of decisions, and to decree, as it is hereby
decreed, that this decision take effect fifteen days from the date of
the entry of final judgment provided in section 8 of Rule 53 of the
Rules of Court in relation to section 2 of Rule 35. No costs will be
charged.
Moran, C.J., concurs in part.
Ozaeta, J., concurs.
Paras, J., concurs and also in separate opinion.
Feria, J., concurs in so far as the decision is not in conflict with his
separate opinion.
EN BANC
[G.R. No. L-6266. February 2, 1953.]
EULOGIO RODRIGUEZ, SR. ETC., ET AL., petitioners, vs. VICENTE
GELLA, ETC., ET AL., respondents.
Eulogio Rodriguez, Sr., Lorenzo M. Taada, Claro M. Recto, Jose P.
Laurel, Jesus Barrera and Leon Ma. Guerrero for petitioner.
Solicitor General Juan R. Liwag and Solicitor Martiniano P. Vivo for
respondents.
SYLLABUS
1. CONSTITUTIONAL AND POLITICAL LAW; CONGRESSIONAL
DELEGATION OF EMERGENCY POWERS TO THE PRESIDENT;
COMMONWEALTH ACT NO. 671; LIMITED DURATION.
Commonwealth Act No. 671, passed in pursuance of section 26 of
Article VI of the Constitution, declared the national policy that "the
existence of war between the United States and other countries of
Europe and Asia, which involves the Philippines makes it necessary
to invest the President with extraordinary powers in order to meet
the resulting emergency," and authorized the President "during the
existence of the emergency, to promulgate such rules and
regulations as he may deem necessary to carry out the national
policy declared in the Act." To be constitutional, this Act must be
construed to be for the limited period fixed or implied therein.
2. ID.; ID.; ID.; ID.; EXPRESS REPEAL UNNECESSARY. Express
repeal of Commonwealth Act No. 671 is not necessary; otherwise it
would be unconstitutional since it may never be repealed by the
Congress, or if the latter attempts to do so, the President may wield
his veto.
3. ID.; ID.; ID.; ID.; ID.; HOUSE BILL NO. 727 CONSIDERED
CONCURRENT RESOLUTION. Although House Bill No. 727,
approved by the Congress, repealing the Emergency Powers Acts,
had been vetoed by the President and did not thereby become a
regular statute, it may at least be considered as a concurrent
resolution formally declaring the termination of the emergency
powers.
4. ID.; ID.; ID.; ID.; EMERGENCY RESULTING FROM LAST
WORLD WAR. Commonwealth Act No. 671 lasted only during the
emergency resulting from the last world war which factually
involved the Philippines when said Act was passed on December 16,
1941. That emergency terminated upon the ending of said war.
5. ID.; ID.; ID.; ID.; KINDS OF EMERGENCIES. Section 26 of
Article VI of the Constitution authorizes the delegation of powers by
the Congress (1) in times of war or (2) other national emergency.
The emergency spoken of in Commonwealth Act No. 671 is one "in
time of war," as distinguished from "other national emergency" that
may arise as an after-effect of war or from natural causes such as
widespread earthquakes, typhoons, floods, and the like.
6. ID.; ID.; ID.; ID.; POWERS OF PRESIDENT TO MAKE
APPROPRIATIONS. Even under the theory that insofar as the
Congress had shown its readiness or ability to act on a given matter,
the emergency powers delegated in Commonwealth Act No. 671
are pro tanto withdrawn, the President cannot set aside funds for
special purposes, since the Congress has been approving
appropriation acts. If the President had ceased to have powers with
respect to general appropriations, none can remain in respect of
special appropriations; otherwise he may do indirectly what he
cannot do directly.
D E C I S I O N
PARAS, C.J p:
As a fitting foreword, it may be recalled that on a previous occasion,
on August 26, 1949 to be exact, this court had already passed upon
the status of Commonwealth Act No. 671, approved on December
16, 1941, "declaring a state of total emergency as a result of war
involving the Philippines and authorizing the President to
promulgate rules and regulations to meet such emergency." Five
members held that the Act ceased to be operative in its totality, on
May 25, 1946 (when the Congress met in regular session) according
to Justices Ozaeta, Feria, Tuason and the writer, and on June 9,
1945 (when the Congress convened in special session) according to
Chief Justice Moran. Justices Bengzon, Padilla, Montemayor, Reyes
and Torres in effect concluded that the powers delegated to the
President had been withdrawn as to matters already legislated upon
by the Congress or on which the latter had demonstrated its
readiness or ability to act. Executive Orders No. 62 (dated June 21,
1947) regulating house and lot rentals, No. 192 (dated December
24, 1948) regulating exports, Nos. 225 and 226 (dated June 15,
1949) the first appropriation funds for the operation of the
Government from July 1, 1949 to June 30, 1950, and the second
appropriating funds for election expenses in November, 1949, were
therefore declared null and void for having been issued after Act
No. 671 had lapsed and/or after the Congress had enacted
legislation on the same subjects. 1
More or less the same considerations that influenced our
pronouncements of August 26, 1949 are and should be controlling
in the case now before us, wherein the petitioners seek to
invalidate Executive Orders Nos. 545 and 546 issued on November
10, 1952, the first appropriating the sum of P37,850,500 for urgent
and essential public works, and the second setting aside the sum of
P11,367,600 for relief in the provinces and cities visited by
typhoons, floods, droughts, earthquakes, volcanic action and other
calamities.
Section 26 of Article VI of the Constitution provides that "in times of
war or other national emergency, the Congress may by law
authorize the President, for a limited period and subject to such
restrictions as it may prescribe, to promulgate rules and regulations
to carry out a declared national policy." Accordingly the National
Assembly passed Commonwealth Act No. 671, declaring (in section
1) the national policy that "the existence of war between the United
States and other countries of Europe and Asia, which involves the
Philippines makes it necessary to invest the President with
extraordinary powers in order to meet the resulting emergency,"
and (in section 2) authorizing the President, "during the existence of
the emergency, to promulgate such rules and regulations as he may
deem necessary to carry out the national policy declared in section
1."
As the Act was expressly in pursuance of the constitutional
provision, it has to be assumed that the National Assembly intended
it to be only for a limited period. If it be contended that the Act has
not yet been duly repealed, and such step is necessary to a
cessation of the emergency powers delegated to the President, the
result would be obvious unconstitutionality, since it may never be
repealed by the Congress, or if the latter ever attempts to do so, the
President may wield his veto. This eventuality has in fact taken
place when the President disapproved House Bill No. 727, repealing
all Emergency Powers Acts. The situation will make the Congress
and the President or either as the principal authority to determine
the indefinite duration of the delegation of legislative powers, in
palpable repugnance to the constitutional provision that any grant
thereunder must be for a limited period, necessarily to be fixed in
the law itself and not dependent upon the arbitrary or elastic will of
either the Congress or the President.
Although House Bill No. 727, had been vetoed by the President and
did not thereby become a regular statute, it may at least be
considered as a concurrent resolution of the Congress formally
declaring the termination of the emergency powers. To contend
that the Bill needed presidential acquiescence to produce effect,
would lead to the anomalous, if not absurd, situation that, "while
Congress might delegate its powers by a simple majority, it might
not be able to recall them except by two-third vote. In other words,
it would be easier for Congress to delegate its powers than to take
them back. This is not right and is not, and ought not to be the law."
2
Act No. 671 may be likened to an ordinary contract of agency,
whereby the consent of the agent is necessary only in the sense that
he cannot be compelled to accept the trust, in the same way that
the principal cannot be forced to keep the relation in eternity or at
the will of the agent. Neither can it be suggested that the agency
created under the Act is coupled with interest.
The logical view consistent with constitutionality is to hold that the
powers lasted only during the emergency resulting from the last
world war which factually involved the Philippines when Act No. 671
was passed on December 16, 1941. That emergency, which
naturally terminated upon the ending of the last world war, was
contemplated by the members of the National Assembly on the
foresight that the actual state of war could prevent it from holding
its next regular session. This is confirmed by the following
statement of President Quezon: "When it became evident that we
were completely helpless against air attack and that it was most
unlikely the Philippine Legislature would hold its next regular
session which was to open on January 1, 1942, the National
Assembly passed into history approving a resolution which
reaffirmed the abiding faith of the Filipino people in, and their
loyalty to, the United States. The Assembly also enacted a law
granting the President of the Philippines all the powers that under
the Philippine Constitution may be delegated to him in time of war."
3 When President Quezon said "in time of war", he undoubtedly
meant such factual war as that then raging.
As early as July 26, 1948, the Congress categorically declared that
"since liberation conditions have gradually returned to normal, but
not so with regard to those who have suffered the ravages of war
and who have not received any relief for the loss and destruction
resulting therefrom," and that "the emergency created by the last
war as regards these war sufferers being still existent, it is the
declared policy of the state that as to them the debt moratorium
should be continued in force in a modified form." 4 It is important
to remember that Republic Act No. 342 in which this declaration
was made bore the approval of the President. Indeed, the latter in
his speech delivered on July 4, 1949, plainly proclaimed that "what
emergencies it (the Republic) faces today are incidental passing
rains artificially created by seasonal partisanship, very common
among democracies but will disappear with the rains that follow the
thunderclaps not later than November 8 of this year," an
admission, that such emergencies not only are not total but are not
the result of the last war as envisaged in Act No. 671.
If more is necessary to demonstrate the unmistakable stand of the
legislative department on the alleged existence of emergency,
reference may be had to House Bill No. 727, hereinbefore referred
to, repealing all Emergency Powers Acts.
Moreover, section 26 of Article VI of the Constitution, in virtue of
which Act No. 671 was passed, authorizes the delegation of powers
by the Congress (1) in times of war or (2) other national emergency.
The emergency expressly spoken of in the title and in section 1 of
the Act is one "in time of war," as distinguished from "other
national emergency" that may arise as an after-effect of war or
from natural causes such as widespread earthquakes, typhoons,
floods, and the like. Certainly the typhoons that hit some provinces
and cities in 1952 not only did not result from the last world war but
were and could not have been contemplated by the legislators. At
any rate, the Congress is available for necessary special sessions,
and it cannot let the people down without somehow being
answerable thereover.
As a matter of fact, the President, in returning to the Congress
without his signature House Bill No. 727, did not invoke any
emergency resulting from the last world war, but only called
attention to an impending emergency that may be brought about by
present complicated and troubled world conditions, and to the fact
that our own soldiers are fighting and dying in Korea in defense of
democracy and freedom and for the preservation of our Republic.
The emergency thus feared cannot, however, be attributed to the
war mentioned in Act No. 671 and fought between Germany and
Japan on one side and the Allied Powers on the other; and
indications are that in the next world war, if any, the communist
countries will be aligned against the democracies. No departure can
be made from the national policy declared in section 1 of Act No.
671. New powers may be granted as often as emergencies
contemplated in the Constitution arise.
There is no point in the argument that the Philippines is still
technically at war with Japan pending the ratification of the peace
treaty. In the first place, Act No. 671 referred to a factual war. In the
second place, the last world war was between the United States and
Japan, the Philippines being involved only because it was then
under American sovereignty. In the third place, the United States
had already signed the peace treaty with Japan, and the Philippines
has become an independent country since July 4, 1946.
It is pointed out that the passage of House Bill No. 727 is
inconsistent with the claim that the emergency powers are non-
existent. But, from the debates in the House, it is patent that the Bill
had to be approved merely to remove all doubts, especially because
this Court had heretofore failed, for lack of necessary majority, to
declare Act No. 671 entirely inoperative.
Reliance is placed on the petition of about seventy Congressmen
and Senators and on House Resolution No. 99, urging the President
to release and appropriate funds for essential and urgent public
works and for relief in the typhoon-stricken areas. It is enough to
state, in reply, that the said petition and resolution cannot prevail
over the force and effect of House Bill No. 727 formally passed by
two chambers of the Congress. If faith can be accorded to the
resolution of one house, there is more reason for accepting the
solemn declaration of two houses.
Even under the theory of some members of this court that insofar
as the Congress had shown its readiness or ability to act on a given
matter, the emergency powers delegated to the President had been
pro tanto withdrawn, Executive Orders Nos. 545 and 546 must be
declared as having no legal anchorage. We can take judicial notice
of the fact that the Congress has since liberation repeatedly been
approving acts appropriating funds for the operation of the
Government, public works, and many other purposes, with the
result that as to such legislative task the Congress must be deemed
to have long decided to assume the corresponding power itself and
to withdraw the same from the President. If the President had
ceased to have powers with regards to general appropriations, none
can remain in respect of special appropriations; otherwise he may
accomplish indirectly what he cannot do directly. Besides, it is
significant that Act No. 671 expressly limited the power of the
President to that of continuing "in force" appropriations which
would lapse or otherwise become inoperative, so that, even
assuming that the Act is still effective, it is doubtful whether the
President can by executive orders make new appropriations. The
specific power "to continue in force laws and appropriations which
would lapse or otherwise become inoperative" is a limitation on the
general power "to exercise such other powers as he may deem
necessary to enable the Government to fulfill its responsibilities and
to maintain and enforce its authority." Indeed, to hold that although
the Congress has, for about seven years since liberation, been
normally functioning and legislating on every conceivable field, the
President still has any residuary powers under the Act, would
necessarily lead to confusion and overlapping, if not conflict.
Shelter may not be sought in the proposition that the President
should be allowed to exercise emergency powers for the sake of
speed and expediency in the interest and for the welfare of the
people, because we have the Constitution, designed to establish a
government under a regime of justice, liberty and democracy. In
line with such primordial objective, our Government is democratic
in form and based on the system of separation of powers. Unless
and until changed or amended, we shall have to abide by the letter
and spirit of the Constitution and be prepared to accept the
consequences resulting from or inherent in disagreements between,
inaction or even refusal of the legislative and executive
departments. Much as it is imperative in some cases to have prompt
official action, deadlocks in and slowness of democratic processes
must be preferred to concentration of powers in any one man or
group of men for obvious reasons. The framers of the Constitution,
however, had the vision of and were careful in allowing delegation
of legislative powers to the President for a limited period "in times
of war or other national emergency." They had thus entrusted to
the good judgment of the Congress the duty of coping with any
national emergency by a more efficient procedure; but it alone
must decide because emergency in itself cannot and should not
create power. In our democracy the hope and survival of the nation
lie in the wisdom and unselfish patriotism of all officials and in their
faithful adherence to the Constitution.
Wherefore, Executive Orders Nos. 545 and 546 are hereby declared
null and void, and the respondents are ordered to desist from
appropriating, releasing, allotting, and expending the public funds
set aside therein. So ordered, without costs.
Feria, Pablo and Tuason, JJ., concur.
Bengzon, J., concurs in the result.
FIRST DIVISION
[G.R. No. 45685. December 22, 1937.]
THE PEOPLE OF THE PHILIPPINES and THE HONGKONG & SHANGHAI
BANKING CORPORATION, petitioners, vs. JOSE O. VERA, Judge ad
interim of First Instance of Manila, and MARIANO CU UNJIENG,
respondents.
Solicitor-General Tuason and City Fiscal Diaz for the Government.
DeWitt, Perkins & Ponce Enrile for the Hongkong & Shanghai
Banking Corporation.
Vicente J. Francisco, Feria & La O, Orense & Belmonte and Gibbs &
McDonough for the respondent Unjieng.
No appearance for respondent Judge.
SYLLABUS
1. JUDGMENT; STAY OF EXECUTION; WRIT OF CERTIORARI;
SUPERSEDEAS BOND. Section 46 (a) of the Rules of this court
requires that in any civil case in which final judgment has been
rendered by this court, if any party thereto gives notice in writing of
his intention to remove the case to the Supreme Court of the United
States by writ of certiorari, this court shall grant a stay for the
period therein mentioned within which said party may give a
supersedeas bond, the sufficiency of which is to be determined by
one of the members of this court.
2. ID.; ID.; ID.; ID.; CERTIORARI AND PROHIBITION
PROCEEDINGS. It is admitted that certiorari and prohibition are
civil remedies but the certiorari and prohibition proceedings
originally instituted in this court were, like the proceedings for
probation, an incident of the criminal case. Apart from this, it will be
noted that the appeal taken is from the judgment of this court
declaring the Probation Act unconstitution and void. That judgment
does not command or permit any act to be done. There is nothing
there to be actively enforced by execution or otherwise. Because of
its negative or prohibitive character, there is nothing to supersede;
nothing, as petitioners assert, upon which the stay bond can
operate.
3. ID.; ID.; ID.; ID. In reality, the supersedeas is intended to
operate on the decision and judgment in the criminal case entitled
"The People of the Philippine Islands vs. Mariano Cu Unjieng, et al."
The decision of the Court of First Instance of Manila in that case,
rendered on January 8, 1934 (Criminal Case No. 42649), was
affirmed by this court on March 26, 1935 (G. R. No. 41200, 35 Off.
Gaz., 738. See also resolutions of December 17, 1935). The decision
of this court in that criminal case has already become final and the
petition for a writ of certiorari to review said decision was denied by
the Supreme Court of the United States in November of last year. At
bottom, supersedeas is being sought to stay the execution of the
final judgment in said criminal case. Thereby, the petitioner will
continue to be at large and this is the status quo desired to be
maintained. The suspensive effect of supersedeas can only operate
in this case on the judgment sought to be reviewed and cannot
arrest the execution of the final judgment rendered in the criminal
case against the respondent M. C. U. (Cyc. of Fed. Proc., Civil and
Criminal, Longsdorf, vol. 6, sec. 2869, p. 362.)
4. ID.; ID.; ID.; ID. The public interest and the interest of the
speedy administration of justice demand prompt execution of the
final sentence of conviction rendered against the petitioner. Said
petitioner has had all the time and opportunity which the law can
possibly afford to anyone in self-defense. He had the assistance of
able counsel and had opportunity to appeal to this court and the
Supreme Court of the United States, and the least that can be said is
that he must abide by this judgment and serve his term. It is further
to be observed that the petition for probation of the respondent M.
C. U. has already been denied by the trial court.
5. ID.; ID.; ID.; ID.; RULE OF FEDERAL PRACTICE IN THE UNITED
STATES. As a rule of federal practice in the United States, section
8 cd. of the Act of Congress of February 13, 1925 (43 Stat., 936, 940;
28 U. S. C. A., sec. 350), provides that in any case the execution and
enforcement of final judgment or decree which is subject to review
by the Supreme Court of the United States on writ of certiorari is
discretionary with "a judge of the court rendering the judgment or
decree or by a Justice of the Supreme Court," and this rule is
reiterated in paragraph 6 of Rule 38 of the Supreme Court of the
United States. (Robertson & Kirkham, sec. 413, p. 831 et seq.)
D E C I S I O N
LAUREL, J p:
After rendition of the judgment of this court in the above-entitled
case, 1 the respondent Mariano Cu Unjieng, on November 26, 1937,
gave notice of his intention to petition the Supreme Court of the
United States for a writ of certiorari for the review of said judgment
and, desiring to stay execution during the pendency of the
application for the writ and of the proceedings relative thereto in
the Supreme Court of the United States, now prays that the
corresponding supersedeas bond be fixed, as provided by the rules
of this court. The People of the Philippines and the Hongkong and
Shanghai Banking Corporation, petitioners in the above-entitled
case, oppose the application of the respondent for the granting of a
supersedeas bond.
The original action instituted in this court which resulted in the
declaration of unconstitutionality of the Probation Act (No. 4221)
was for certiorari and prohibition. Respondent Mariano Cu Unjieng,
thru counsel, states that as certiorari and prohibition are civil
remedies, it is mandatory upon this court to stay enforcement of its
judgment in the above-entitled case. (Sec. 46 [a] infra, Rules of the
Supreme Court of the Philippines.) He also calls attention to the
principle that probation can not be granted after the defendant has
begun the service of his sentence and to the policy of this court to
encourage review of its decisions and judgments on certiorari by the
Federal Supreme Court. In opposition, the petitioners state that the
judgment of this court declaring the Probation Act unconstitutional
and void is self-executing; that there is no judgment in the instant
proceedings to be executed and that the supersedeas will serve no
useful purpose. The petitioner gave answer to the foregoing
objections raised by the respondents and reiterated the arguments
advanced by him in support of his petition for the fixing of the bond.
Section 46 (a) of the rules of this court provides that:
"Whenever it is made to appear by notice in writing that any party
to a civil case in which final judgment has been rendered by this
court intends to petition the Supreme Court of the United States for
a writ of certiorari for the review of the decision and judgment of
this court, and it appears that the case is one which, by reason of
the amount involved or the nature of the questions of law
presented, may be removed to the Supreme Court of the United
States by writ of certiorari, and it further appears that the party
intending to make application for such writ desires to stay the
enforcement of the judgment of thi