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8/10/2019 Dayton - The Tiwanaku Colonies
1/4
aney Publishing
Andean Diaspora: The Tiwanaku Colonies and the Origins of South American Empire by PaulGoldsteinReview by: Chris DaytonJournal of Field Archaeology, Vol. 30, No. 4 (Winter, 2005), pp. 474-476Published by: Maney PublishingStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/40025568.
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474 Book
Reviews
Schick,
Robert
1998
Palestine n the
Early
Islamic Period: Luxuriant
Legacy,
Near Eastern
Archaeologist
1
: 74- 108
Stern,
Ephraim,
editor
1993
The
New
Encyclopediaf
Archaeological
xcavations
n the
Holy
Land.
New
York:Simon and Schuster.
Whitcomb,
Donald
1998
Islamand the
Socio-
culturalTransition f Palestine- Ear-
ly
Islamic
Period
(638-1099 CE),
n ThomasE.
Levy,
ed.,
The
Archaeologyf
Society
n the
Holy
Land. London: Leices-
ter
University
Press,
488-501.
Vroom,
Joanita
2003
AfterAntiquity:
Ceramics
nd
Society
n the
Aegean rom
the
7th to the20th
Century
.C.
A
Case
Studyrom
Boeotia,
Cen-
tral Greece. eiden: Leiden
University.
Andean Diaspora: The Tiwanaku Colonies
and the
Origins
of South American
Empire
paul
Goldstein. 403
pages,
121
figures,
6
tables,
end-
notes,
bibliography,
ndex.
Gainesville:
University
Press
of
Florida,
2005.
$59.95
cloth. ISBN 0-8130-2774-8.
Reviewed
by
Chris
Dayton, Department
of Archaeolo-
gy,
Boston
University,
675
Commonwealth
Avenue,
Boston,
MA
02215.
PaulGoldstein'sAndean
Diaspora
s an innovativeex-
amination f the
far-flung
olonies
of
Tiwanaku,
he
enig-
maticstatethatdevelopedon the frigidBolivianaltiplano
(high plain)
in the 1st
millennium
a.d.
Goldstein's
crisp
summaries f
previous
Tiwanaku
esearch,
iscussionsof
difficult
concepts
uch
as the
ayllu
(an
exasperatingly
luid
Andeankin
collective),
and
syntheses
of
broader heoreti-
cal
ssueswill
appeal
o
students
and
lay
readers,
while his
well-organized resentation
f
original urvey
and excava-
tion
data
will
appeal
o
specialists.
He
ties all of
these ele-
ments
together
with a
themethat is sure
to incite
debate,
to
say
the
least.
Contrary
o
globalists
nd
neoevolu-
tionists who
concentrateoo
much,
he
says,
on
economic
and
political
entralization,
oldstein
interprets
iwanaku
as a
consensual
onfederation f
diverse
people
seeking
to incorporate spectsof Tiwanaku
ideology
and material
culture
nto their
dentities,
a
process
he calls
ethnicity
n
motion
[p.
1],
Although
Goldstein
decrieswhat
he sees
as
uncritical
application
f
cross-cultural
erms
uchas
state
and
empire,
e does
not
reject
comparative
tudiesand
classification
outright.
nstead,
he
uses an
agency-focused,
or
bottom-upapproach
to
celebrate
Tiwanaku s an
op-
portunity
o
test the
limits of
evolutionary
ypology p.
310],
hoping
to
demonstratehat
early
tates
n
the An-
des,
and
probablyhroughout
he
ancient
world,
were far
more
heterogeneous
nd
far ess
centralized
hanhas been
presumed
p.
327].
This bookarrivesduringanexcitingperiod n Tiwanaku
scholarship,oining
a relative
orrent
of
high-quality,
ata-
rich works
about
Tiwanaku,
ts
precursors,
nd
its
neigh-
bors
(e.g.,
Kolata
2003;
Stanish
2003;
Janusek
2004).
While
this handful
of books
may
not sound
ike
a
torrent,
one has to
keep
n mind that
the
archaeology
f Tiwanaku
has
lagged
behind hat
of other
major
prehistoric
iviliza-
tions and
has
only recently
ntered
a
spirited
dolescence
[p.
2]
of
rigorously
mpirical,
heoretically
nformed
tud-
ies
that reach
beyond
he
monumental
apital.
Previous
generations
f researchersoncentrated
lmost
exclusively
n
the Tiwanaku
ite
itself,
an understandable
focal
point given
its massive
central
platform
mound,
monolithic culptures,inemasonry rchitecture,ndclear
overall
planning.
Some
nterpretations,
owever,
were
per-
hapsoverly
nfluenced
y
the
city'sapparently
esolate
ur-
roundings
andthesheer
impressiveness
f
its monuments.
Although
n
recentdecades
esearchersavedemonstrated
that Tiwanaku
armers
adapted
and
innovatedo
produce
massive
quantities
f food
in the
harsh,
unpredictable
lti-
plano
environment
(e.g.,
Kolata
1986),
early
nvestigators
interpreted
he site as an
empty
ceremonial
enter,
imply
too cold andtoo
high-
at
nearly
000
m in elevation-
to
support
a
significant
rban
population Squier
1877;
Ben-
nett
1934).
Even as more modern
archaeologicalrojects
such as
Carlos
Ponce
Sangines'
Centro
de
Investigaciones
Arqueologicas en Tiwanaku (1950s-1960s) and the
Proyecto
Wila
Jawira
irected
by
Alan Kolataand Oswal-
do Rivera
Sundt
(1980s-1990s)
studied
the Tiwanaku
phenomenon
n a more
systematicway,
the bulk of re-
search esources
emained oncentrated t the centerwith
some
notable
exceptions
e.g.,
Bermann
1994).
Another
important
ssue is the
power
of nationalist
sentiment,
which has
reinforced he site's
unique
stature
(e.g.,
Pos-
nansky
1945;
Ponce
1972).
In
the midstof Bolivia's
peren-
nial
economic
hardships
nd
political
urmoil,
Tiwanaku
hasbecome he
centerpiece
f the nation's
ultural
heritage
and a
particularly otent
symbol
to the
indigenousAy-
mara,
who make
up
the
majority
f
the Bolivian
popula-
tion
(and
who are ndeed
probably
escended rom he Ti-
wanaku).
Given
these
factors,
t is
perhaps
not
surprising
that hedominant
iew of
Tiwanaku,
rom
Goldstein's
per-
spective,
continues o be
that of a
centralized,
xpansive
state
with
agriculture,
raft
production,
and
religious
ac-
tivities
directed
by
elitesat
the
capital.
Here t
must
be
not-
ed that other
recent
bookssuchas
those
by
Stanish
2003)
and
Janusek
2004)
contain
updates
and nuancedchal-
lenges
to
this
notion,
but asGoldsteinadmitswith
regret
in Andean
Diaspora,
manuscript
eadlines
prevented
him
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3/4
Journal
of
Field
Archaeology
Vol. 30,
2005
475
from
fully incorporating
these
new works into his own
analysis.
When Goldstein carried out his dissertation studies in
the 1980s at
Omo,
a Tiwanaku
colony
in the arid Mo-
queguaValley
of southern
Peru,
he
applied
a
site-centered
excavation
framework similar to that
carried
out in the Ti-
wanaku
homeland. He
initially interpreted
Omo's
temple
platform,
modeled
on much
larger originals
in the
capital,
as evidence of a centralized
altiplano authority
consolidat-
ing
annexed
territory hrough
state ceremonies. One of the
strengths
of Andean
Diaspora,
however,
is Goldstein's
can-
dor
about
the intellectual
process;
he describes how
his
thinking
has evolved
along
with
his
dataset,
which now
in-
cludes
a
full-coverage
settlement
survey
over
most of the
Moquegua Valley.
Afterhis first globalise nalysisat Omo, Goldstein be-
gan
to look
more
closely
at individual
and
group
identities,
inspired
by
informal
observations
of
present-day
altiplano
migrants
in
Moquegua
and
by
the famous Andean
verti-
cal
archipelago
model
proposed
by
John
Murra
(1985).
The
vertical
archipelago
s a mode of socioeconomic
orga-
nization-described
in other mountainous
areas
but
par-
ticularly
influential
in
Andean
studies- in which
a
single
community
(variously
defined)
maintains
a
demographic
presence
in several resource
zones,
often
at
dramatically
different
elevations.
Since
the vertical
archipelago
model
is
sometimes
criticized
for
excessive
vagueness,
Goldstein
tightens
the
definition
by adding
two
key
conceptual
in-
gredients:
the idea of diaspora o capture a longing for
the
homeland
and
a lack
of
assimilation
into host
commu-
nities,
and
the
ayllu,
a much-debated
Andean
socioeco-
nomic
group
based
on
real and
mythical
kin
connections.
According
to
Goldstein,
Andean
archipelagos
are
ayllus
n
diaspora
p.
42].
Members
of these
archipelagos
continu-
ally
redefine
their
identities
(thus
ethnicity
n
motion )
in
opposition
to the
other
groups
they
encounter
away
from
the homeland.
Goldstein
proposes
four
archaeological
correlates
for
Tiwanaku
ayllus
in
diaspora.
First,
he
says,
there should
be
large,
permanent
settlements
outside
the
original
core area.
Second,
the
material
culture
of
diaspora
communities
should
closely
resemble that of the homeland, indicating
maintenance
of
everyday
expressions
of
identity.
Third,
Goldstein
says
there
should be
evidence
of structural
re-
production
of
internal
social divisions
similar
to
those
of
homeland
populations.
Fourth,
there
should
be
evidence
of
multiethnicity, groups
of
people
with
different
material
cultures
and
apparently
different
traditions
living
side
by
side without
assimilation.
Of
course,
only
the
first and
sec-
ond
of these
correlates
are
truly
material
correlates-
in the
sense
that
they
refer
directly
to
physical
evidence
and
not
to an
inferred
explanation
for its
patterning-
and
only
the
first
is
uncontroversial.
Nevertheless,
Goldstein makes a
persuasiveargument that the archaeologicalrecord of the
Tiwanaku
colonies,
and of the
Moquegua
Valley
in
partic-
ular,
contains
evidence that fits
within these
categories
and
supports
his
explanation.
He
presents
survey
and excava-
tion
data from
four
major
contexts:
agrarian
settlement
patterns,
household
archaeology,
burials,
and
public
ritual
architecture.Conclusions relevant to the
correlates
above
are
briefly
summarized below.
The settlement
patterns
of Tiwanaku
colonists,
who ar-
rived in
Moquegua
in the
mid-lst millennium
A.D.,
are
markedly
different from the
local
population,
known as
Huaracane.
While
dozens of small
Huaracane settlements
dotted the river'snarrow
floodplain
more or less uniform-
ly, Tiwanaku established four large clusters of permanent
settlements and
irrigated
fields
(correlate one)
at
previous-
ly unoccupied
sites,
a
pattern
that also occurredin the Lake
Titicaca basin
during
Tiwanaku's initial
rise to
power.
Moreover,
differences
among
the settlement clusters-
for
example, overlap
between distinct
ceramic
styles
dubbed
Omo
and Chen Chen-
seem
to
correspond
to divisions in
the Tiwanaku
homeland
populations, satisfying
correlates
three and
possibly
four. Additional evidence
for correlate
four is
provided
by
an
apparent
lack
of interaction
with
other
occupants
of the
valley,
the
indigenous
Huaracane
and the
contemporary
colony
established further
up
the
valleyby
the
usually
militaristicWaristate
of the central
Pe-
ruvian highlands. The Wari chose a remarkablenatural
fortress-
the
towering
mesa of CerroBaiil-
for their
main
settlement,
but there
is
no evidence of warfare
between
the
colonies,
even
though
the
heavy
demands
of Wari's
upper-
valley
irrigation
projects
may
have left Tiwanaku
farmers
without
sufficient
water
for
their own
fields
(Williams
and
Nash
2002).
Examining
the
archaeology
of Tiwanaku
households
in
Moquegua,
Goldstein
posits
a
uniquely
Tiwanaku
habitus
in
ways
of
cultivation,
cuisine,
couture,
craft,
and
cult
[p.
236],
fulfilling
correlate
two. The colonists
either
carefully
reproduced
homeland
styles
or
imported
them
directly
from the
capital,
particularly
n
the case of fine ceramics.
Again, the Omo-Chen Chen distinction appears,possibly
indicating
different
ayllus
or divisions
within an overall
ayl-
lu.
Mortuary
contexts
provide
more
evidence
for Gold-
stein's
first,
second,
and
third
correlates.
The sheer
number
of burials-
perhaps
over
20,000-
suggests
sizeable
per-
manent settlement.
East-facing
interment
and distinctive
highland clothing
suggest
adherence
to homeland
burial
customs. While
the
precisepatterning
has not been
fully
es-
tablished,
there
are trends in cranial deformation
practices
This content downloaded from 190.190.114.230 on Sun, 1 Jun 2014 17:57:03 PMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
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476
Book
Reviews
thatseem
to indicate
ocial
divisions,
although
t must
be
said
that
the same
type
of deformation
was
used
by
Omo
and ChenChenpopulations.
Goldstein's
inal
category
of
material
evidence,
ritual
public
architecture,
ocuses
primarily
on
the
temple
at
Omo,
which
he excavated
efore
he
larger
urvey
project.
As
before,
he
interprets
he
complex
as a smaller-scale
er-
sion
of
the central
mound,
platforms,
and courts
at Ti-
wanaku
tself,
satisfying
orrelate
wo.The
maindifference
betweenhis
previous
globalist
nterpretation
nd
the
currentmodel
seems
to
be the
inclusion
of
phenomeno-
logical
considerations
f the
temple
precinct
as a seriesof
gateways
nd
carefully ligned
paces
o be
experienced
n
a
procession.
Whereas
Goldstein
nitially
aw
the
temple
as
a
sign
that
ritual
activity
was
controlled
by
the
state,
dis-
coveriesof dedicatory achesand accoutrementsf cere-
monial
easting
n homes
ndicate
hat
many
rituals nstead
took
place
n
private.
Unfortunately,
one
of these
categories
f
evidence
s so
clear-cut
hat Goldstein's
ottom-up
model
emerges
as the
only
logicalexplanation;
centralized
tate
could
still
have
been
calling
he shots.
Furthermore,
hereare
some
partic-
ularlyknottyproblems
ate n the 1st millennium
.d.,
near
the end of
the Tiwanaku
olonial
occupation
nd
of the
Ti-
wanaku
tate tself.
For
instance,
ome structureswere
re-
configured
o follow
the orientation
f the
temple,
storage
facilities
were built
to
stockpile
ncreasing
quantities
of
craft temsand
food,
and
perhaps
most
mysteriously
f
all,
ChenChensitesweresystematicallyazedbyunknownas-
sailants. t is
not
entirely
fair to demand
answers
rom
Goldstein;
is
model,
after
all,
s
primarily
bout
Tiwanaku
expansion
ather han decline.
In
sum,
Goldstein
provides
a
very
readable
synthesis
f
the
archaeology
f
Tiwanaku,
with
special mphasis
n its
expansion
nto
peripheral
reas.His
provocative agency-
orientedalternative o
globalist
models
[p.
49]
is
com-
pelling
or its humanismand
for the
challenge
t
presents
to traditional
op-down
notions
of archaic tates.
Regard-
less of whetheror not all readers re convinced
by
his ar-
guments,
Goldstein's
ngaging tyle
will
guarantee
hat he
book is
widely
read
and
discussed.
Bennett,
Wendell
C.
1934 Excavations
at Tiahuanaco.
Anthropological apersof
the
AmericanMuseum
of
Natural
History
34.
New
York:Amer-
ican
Museum of Natural
History.
Bermann,
Marc
1994
Lukurmata:Household
Archaeology
n
Prehispanic
olivia.
Princeton:Princeton
University
Press.
Janusek,
ohn
W.
2004
Identity
and
Power
n the AncientAndes: TiwanakuCities
through
Time.
London:
Routledge.
Kolata,
Alan L.
1986
The
Agricultural
Foundations
of the
Tiwanaku
State:
A
View
from
the
Heartland,
American
Antiquity
51:
748-762.
Kolata,
Alan
L.,
editor
2003
Tiwanaku
ndIts Hinterland:
Archaeology
nd
Paleoecology
f
an Andean
Civilization,
Vol.
2: Urban
and
Rural
Archaeol-
ogy.
Washington,
D.C.:
Smithsonian
nstitution
Press.
Murra,
John
V
1985
C E1
rchipelago
Vertical'
Revisited,
n S.
Masuda,
I. Shi-
mada,
and C.
Morris,
eds.,
Andean
Ecology
nd Civilization:
An
Interdisciplinary
erspective
nAndean
Ecological
omple-
mentarity.Tokyo:
University
of
Tokyo
Press,
3-14.
Ponce
Sangines,
Carlos
1972
Tiwanaku:
Espacio,
Tiempo,
Cultura.
La
Paz: Academia
Nacional
de Ciencias
de
Bolivia.
Posnansky,
Arthur
1945
Tiahuanacu:
TheCradle
of
American
Man,
Vols.
1,
2. New
York:J. J.Augustin.
Squier,
Ephraim
G.
18 77 Peru:
ncidents
f
Travel
nd
Exploration
n
the
Land
of
he n-
cas.New
York:
Harper
Brothers.
Stanish,
Charles
2003
Ancient
Titicaca:The
Evolution
f
Complex
ociety
n South-
ernPeru
and Northern
Bolivia.
Berkeley:
University
of Cal-
ifornia
Press.
Williams,
Patrick
R.,
and Donna
J.
Nash
2002
Imperial
nteraction
n the Andes
Huari
and
Tiwanaku
t
Cerro
Baul,
n William
H.
Isbell
and
Helaine
Silverman,
eds.,
Andean
Archaeology
:
Variations
n
Sociopolitical
rga-
nization.New
York:Kluwer
Academic/
Plenum
Publishers,
243-265.
WILLIAM
E. DOOLITTLE
AND
JAMES
A.
NEELEY,
editors.
Anthropological
apers f
the
University f
ArizonaNo.
70.
191
pages,
93
figures,
36
tables,
2
color
plates,
2
appen-
dices, references,
ndex.
Tucson,
AZ:
University
of Ari-
zona
Press,
2004.
$16.95
paper.
SBN
0-8165-2428-9.
The Safford
Valley
Grids:
Prehistoric
Cultivation
in
the
Southern
Arizona
Desert
Reviewed by Michael W. Diehl, Desert Archaeology
Inc.,
3975
N.
Tucson
Blvd.,
Tucson,
AZ 85716.
The
Safford
Valley
n
se
Arizona
has numerous
idges
coveredwith stone-bordered
ectangular rids
of
prehis-
toric
vintage.
Firstdocumented
by
Frank
Russell
n
1908,
it has been
commonly
assumed
hat these
grids
were
relat-
ed
to food
procurement
r
production-
probably
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