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SO303 Special Research Topic- Third Year Sociology
“How has austerity impacted on a local music scene and
how is this issue being addressed or explained?”
David Coffey
13314626
Third Year Sociology
Special Topic Leader: Colin Coulter
Submission Date: 29/4/2016.
1
Table of Contents
Acknowledgements (page 4)
Abstract (page 5)
(1) Introduction and Research Question
(1.1) Introduction (pages 6-9)
(2) Literature Review
(2.1) Contextualisation: ‘Make it a pop song so we can sing along’ (pages 10-13) (2.2) ‘Come back to the house where nobody lives’: The rise, fall and anticipation of Drogheda’s music scene (pages 14-17)
(3) Research Question, Methodology and Methods
(3.1) Aim (page 18)
(3.2) Qualitative Methods (pages 18-19)
(3.3) Data Sources (page 20)
(3.4) Ethics (pages 20-21)
(3.5) Positive and Negative Aspects (pages 21-23)
(4) Discussion of Findings
(4.1) Introduction (page 24)
(4.2) “Working for a livin’”: Singing on the job (pages 25-30)
(4.3) “Pay me my money down”: The financial struggle (pages 31-34)
(4.4) “Build it up, tear it down”: the rise (again) of dance music and reflections on where the scene is heading (pages 34-36)
(4.5) Conclusion of Findings (page 36)
Conclusion (pages 37-38)
Bibliography (pages 39-43)
2
Appendices (pages 44-52)
3
Acknowledgements
I would like to thank everyone who has helped me throughout the last few months in
completing this research project. I would like to thank all the interviewees who gave up their
time and provided me with some invaluable information and insights. In addition, I would
like to thank my thesis supervisor, Colin Coulter, for his steady guidance and patience over
the course of the year. Finally, I wish to thank my parents, Mary and Pat for their unwavering
support in all my pursuits. The early morning lifts and scrambled egg breakfasts mean more
than you’ll ever know.
4
Abstract
This piece of research addresses the lived experience of the musical community in the town
of Drogheda during the most recent period of economic recession and supposed recovery.
For all the media attention that has focused on Irish international musical exports and
historical musical tradition, little to no investigation has been carried out regarding what is
an integral part of every Irish town and village- a music scene. Through the use of
qualitative interviews with selected figures, ranging widely in age, a picture will be
constructed of the sharp decline and now apparent improvement in such a scene, in a town
consistently noted for its musical and artistic prowess. The course it has taken correlates
with existing literature on music scenes in times of economic downturn and in addition, is
reflective of recent academic and political commentary on the state of the nation.
5
Chapter 1: Introduction and Research Question
(1.1) Introduction
‘I still owe money to the money to the money I owe’- The National, ‘Bloodbuzz Ohio’
Not so long ago, while scrolling mindlessly through the political host of comedy gold that is
the Journal.ie article comments, I stumbled upon one of the strangest yet thought-inspiring
websites I have encountered in some time. It’s called ‘Free Ireland’, and its two most
prominent features are entitled ‘Bailout and Recession Songs’ and ‘Punk Economics’, a video
blog created by renowned economist and broadcaster David McWilliams. Both of these titles
jumped out immediately to this suddenly intrigued final year undergraduate, whose ideas for
a thesis seemed to have run as dry as the taps that were beyond repair in a crumbling
Maynooth student house. The woes of the Irish economy and its people have been given
ample column inches and media coverage since the fateful issuing of the bank guarantee on
30th September 2008 by then Minister for Finance Brian Lenihan- a sum which amounted to
€440 billion, ‘more than twice the value of the Irish economy’ (Coulter 2015: 7). This, from a
country that had been ranked third on an economic Index of Freedom only one year
previously and had, from 1994 to 2001 ‘registered economic growth of around 8 per cent’, an
unprecedented figure (Allen and O’Boyle 2013: 4; Coulter 2015: 5). McWilliams emerged
during the so-called Celtic Tiger (a phrase actually coined by a UK economist, Kevin
Gardiner, who compared Ireland’s rapid economic growth with that of the Asian ‘tiger’
economies) as a staunch critic of the rapidly expanding and ultimately unsustainable housing
bubble that lasted from 2000 to 2007. His expert opinions, after years spent working as an
economist in the Central Bank of Ireland and Banque Nationale de Paribas to name but a few,
6
expounded in the form of ‘not thousands, but hundreds of thousands of words’ remained a
constant irritant to politicians, bankers and others who continued to gain immeasurably from
exceptional economic expansion (McWilliams 2015). However, as ‘an old Irish psyche
replaced a new one and ‘post-nationalist ideals’ began to express themselves strongly in the
new millennium, voices like McWilliams’ were shunted to one side and only recalled ruefully
when the damage was already well and truly done (see the Report of the Joint Committee of
Inquiry into the Banking Crisis- David McWilliams – Early Warnings, Divergent &
Contrarian Views) (Coulter 2003: 14-15). Currently, you would be hard pressed to find avid,
total support for the governmental regime (or lack thereof) in place. There is widespread
revisionism promulgated throughout Irish politics, where the ‘section of people who grew
comfortable, prosperous and powerful in southern society’ during the boom who were
reluctant to challenge prevailing ideologies of greed and excess are now the same characters
set to form a new government, advocating the tightening of belts to a country that once again
was living ‘way beyond its means’ (Ferguson 2011; Hogan 2011).
The huge injustices that the majority of Irish citizens have had to endure since the
bank guarantee and the subsequent IMF-negotiated bailout two years later has led to a
cacophonic response but one without unity. My question to you is: in a time of economic and
social upheaval that this country has not experienced since perhaps its formation, where is the
unifying voice of song to express the blatant anger and frustration felt by so many for the last
number of years? Regarding the second feature of the website mentioned earlier, the ‘Bailout
and Recession Songs’, whose titles include ‘Session thru the Recession’ and ‘Brian Cowen
song’, their corresponding meme-based, political caricature videos are more reminiscent of
Liveline’s ‘Funny Fridays’ segment than a serious artistic expression of revolt against
societal injustice. Historically, music has served as a unifying expression of emotion towards
a particular event or existing structure and can act as ‘a powerful means of recruitment and
7
strengthen a sense of community’ (Pieslak 2015). The research I have carried out draws on
the experience of a variety of people, some who I have built relationships with over the last
few years and others who I sought out to provide me with greater insight into an aspect of
local community that has intrigued, involved and excited me for most of my teenage years. I
have played in different bands for almost five and a half years at the time of writing, but have
been raised and surrounded by music from a much earlier age- it is a central ingredient of my
day-to-day life. As someone who had just begun secondary school when Minister Lenihan
made the momentous decision to save the ‘big six’ banks at the expense of the Irish taxpayer,
my understanding of gargantuan policy decisions was limited to quick scans of newspaper
headlines- there was probably a new album on release that I had a much keener interest in
buying. Now, my aim is to unite a newfound knowledge of how this country entered into
such a dramatic financial meltdown with my ever-present interest in all things musical.
Music and politics have for centuries been intertwined, from the proclamation in 1734
of then-governor of New York, William Cosby, promising a reward for the ‘detection of
“Scandalous Songs or Ballads” and the subsequent public burning of broadsides collected’ to
the biting protest songs of Bob Dylan, campaigning for justice for wrongly imprisoned boxer,
Rubin Carter (Dunaway 1987). My intention is to cast some light on how political decisions
have had repercussions for musical expression on a much smaller, much less celebrated scale.
As will be explored further in this work, it will become clear that music has meant something
very different to each of the people I have been in conversation with. For some it is merely a
passionate pursuit, a hobby that they indulge in away from work and family commitments.
For others, it is their primary source of income, whether through gigging, organising gigs or
on a grander scale, stemming away from a purely local setting, radio work, public relations
and marketing. For the rest and for so many others, it is something that they are aware of in
the background, existing as noise to be shouted over- much like the political rhetoric that has
8
being spouted for best part of three decades.
9
Chapter 2: Literature Review
(2.1)- Contextualisation: ‘Make it a pop song so we can sing along’
Last month, an Irish singer-songwriter by the name of Gavin James won the prestigious
Choice Music Prize for ‘Song of the Year 2015’ with his ballad, ‘Bitter Pill’ (Laverty 2016).
He did this in the face of stiff competition in an eclectic category, which included songs by
artists experiencing phenomenal success presently, such as Hozier and Kodaline, and
promising upcoming artists like Mullingar-based band The Academic and stalwarts of the
Irish music scene, Fight Like Apes. The winning song deals with the familiar subject matter
of a failed relationship, which James cited travelling and touring as the reason for its demise
(ibid.). The track is a fairly run-of-the-mill, four-chord ballad and James’ voice is indicative
of the current trend in the transatlantic charts which have shot male personalities to stardom,
such as Ed Sheeran and Sam Smith. Something feels out of place however. As Ed Power
(2016) wrote recently in the Sunday Times, the musicians of, but not confined to Ireland
seem ‘obsessed with being liked by everyone and selling albums.’ This is not an outlandish
statement nor a particularly original one. Since the birth of popular music and its
commercialisation, artists make records to generate money. According to Bagguley
(1991:154 as cited in Longhurst 1995: 38), the characterisation of a culture industry, as
defined by Adorno, is ‘mass production articulated to mass consumption.’ This approach has
been employed since the post-war period and has been changed and reshaped and repackaged
to keep up to date with rapidly-changing technologies but has not digressed massively, at
least in terms of the aims of the popular music industry, whose maxim is to generate profits
(ibid. 29-30). Nonetheless, as a nation of ‘rebels, upstarts and awkward outsiders’, the current
musical trends do not reflect this widely-held stereotype (Power 2016). As Georgina Born
10
(1993) notes, ‘the overwhelming forces for centralization and standardisation in the
production and dissemination of popular music’ assert their control, thus creating an insipid,
apolitical musical cultural policy (267). As Power further remarks in his excellent article,
‘Bring on the Bland’, twisting the knife into the field of up-and-coming artists and already
established ones, it is a ‘demographic that regards blandness not as character flaw but as
virtue’ where ‘a fluffy, let’s not offend philosophy has apparently been inculcated in an entire
generation’ (ibid.). Although I do not agree with the author entirely, his description of the
prevailing tastes among the majority of music-consuming public reflects an ideology that has
permeated through the country as a whole, with particular regard to the leadership in
government we have experienced for the past 20 years or more. This is a statement that
requires validation and is not without objection.
In 2007, a now infamous publication entitled, Best of Times? Social Impact of the
Celtic Tiger, produced by researchers almost all employed by the Economic and Social
Research Institute (ESRI), drew a picture of boom time Ireland that, ‘in terms of material
conditions has been to the advantage of nearly everyone’ (Fahey et.al 2007: 276). There were
holes to be picked in the findings presented by the researchers, not least the enumerating of
‘social phenomena’, such as the population’s morale, where it shouldn’t or couldn’t have
been quantitatively assessed (Coulter 2015: 20). Colin Coulter dissects the reciprocal
relationship that existed between institutions such as the ESRI and other social science
research bodies during the Celtic Tiger and the ‘neoliberal orthodoxies’ of the period- namely
governing bodies. The ‘fluffy, let’s not offend philosophy’ became something more sinister,
and cataclysmic- a you scratch my back and I’ll tell you whatever you want to hear strategy.
In its Medium Term Review, published less than a year after the self-appraising Best of Times,
the institute predicted a growth rate for the Irish economy of 3.75 per cent per annum and
declared that the ‘fundamentals of the Irish economy are sound’ (Fitzgerald et.al, as cited in
11
Coulter 2015: 21). As it transpired, nothing could be further from the truth. Nevertheless, as
Coulter notes, the ‘fog of cultural amnesia’ that has descended upon Ireland post-Celtic Tiger
has enabled incompetent and subservient researchers, economists and other figures in a
position of academic influence to skulk in the background, their misguided (or downright
foolish) forecasts consigned to the dust of decadence and excess (ibid.).
The ‘insularity and self-referential provincialism’ of the findings presented in Best of
Times? are scathingly deconstructed by Kieran Keohane in his review article on the
publication. He notes the damaging effect modernity and the apparent progress it begets
poses for this country, a fact glossed over by the ESRI. Modernity, he states, ‘replicates
perennial problems in new guises’ and is defined by the ‘co-existence of dialectical
oppositions’ (Keohane 2008: 119). This undermines the tendency to enumerate social
transformations by addressing their ambivalent nature. For example, as the State becomes
more secular and the shackles of McQuaid and DeValera loosen ever rapidly – a good thing,
in many respects- it brings with it ‘existential anxiety, inner loneliness and boundless egoism’
as a ‘transference of allegiance from institutions to self’ is set in motion (ibid; Breen and
Reynolds 2011: 3). The reality is much more complex than the ‘cheerleading’ campaign the
ESRI performed for the political party in power- for every element of perceived progress or
improvement appearing to occur, there is a negative impact elsewhere. Keohane published his
article in Spring of 2008, a mere few months before the ‘Galway tent’ mentality and
cronyism of the Fianna Fáil government and its loyal puppies would come under huge
scrutiny from the media and the general public (Kelly 2015). The decision to guarantee the
banks a mere number of months later would prove to be, arguably stated by Donal Donovan
and Antoin E. Murphy in their book, The Fall of the Celtic Tiger- Ireland and the Euro Debt
Crisis, ‘the single most controversial action in Ireland’s short economic and financial history’
(2013: 172). How this affected people’s livelihoods and family structures by way of
12
emigration and suicide was tumultuous and heart-breaking. The latter issue is addressed in
Michael Cronin’s excellent chapter ‘Ireland’s disappeared: suicide, violence and austerity.’
His commentary on the effects of the EU/IMF bailout in 2010 once again highlights the
‘group think’ mentality that was prevalent amongst the authority figures in Anglo-Irish Bank,
the ‘let’s not offend philosophy’, so to speak, that derived from a ‘fear of censure’ (Cronin
2015: 144). This ‘fear of censure’ let to a far greater fear, with much further reaching
consequences- a culture of fear ‘centred around debt and dispossession’ (ibid. 146). It is the
personal stories, particular to each community, that are often overlooked in the creation of the
grand narrative detailing the global recession and even the implementation of austerity in this
country. The correlation between ‘unemployment and alcohol consumption among younger
males’ for example, is a theme that arose during the interviews that I carried out for this
research project, a fact that presented itself tangentially to my line of inquiry. Even now, the
apparent ‘statistical’ recovery we are supposedly experiencing does not account for a
continued ‘human’ recession- GDP rates and job prospects may be slowly improving but as
Cronin points out, for all the ‘single occupant’ cars that have driven ‘into walls in the early
hours of the morning’, what does that mean to families that can never speak to their loved
ones again? (McNally 2010: 24; Cronin 2015: 149).
13
(2.2)- ‘Come back to the house where nobody lives’: The rise, fall and anticipation of
Drogheda’s music scene
There is an urgent need therefore, to address the personal stories of those ordinary citizens
whose lives that have been impacted upon incalculably from decisions made by people they
will never meet. The town of Drogheda, where I was born and have predominantly lived for
the last 21 years, is a visual microcosmic representation of what austerity has meant for any
large, or indeed smaller town in Ireland. Located less than 30 miles from Dublin, it is one of
the most popular places of commuter residency in the last 15 years, its population
increasingly sizeably in that time. According to the last census, it possesses the southern part
of the country’s largest urban area population (standing at 38,578), with a further
approximate 10,000 citizens residing in its hinterland (CSO 2011). It is traditionally noted for
its industry, in particular the linen mill which employed thousands of workers when in
operation, situated in Greenhills on the outskirts of the town. It is also celebrated for its
historical heritage, notably the Anglo-Norman built St. Laurence’s Gate, which is still erect
and the preserved head of St. Oliver Plunkett, kept in St. Peter’s Church on West St
(Wakeman 1848). In contemporary times, the town has experienced the economic benefits
that came with economic expansion and attraction of foreign investment during the Celtic
Tiger years. Famously, the Coca-Cola plant situated in an industrial park on the south side of
the river was generating profits of up to £400m with a workforce of only 200 people (Coulter
2003: 19). This was typical of the ‘disproportionate’ attraction of mostly US multinational
companies to Ireland, whose absurdly low corporation tax rate of 12.5% enabled companies
such as Coca-Cola to sell components required in production to their Irish branch at cheap
prices and then sell the completed product at much higher rates (ibid.) Critics of the
neoliberal regime in Ireland, like Coulter, Keohane and Kirby to name but a few, who
advocated at the beginning of the last decade, a ‘cautious and critical spirit’ was what was in
14
fact needed in tandem with unprecedented growth. As Kirby (2001: 2) remarked in his review
of former Finance Minister Ray McSharry and former Managing Director of the Industrial
Development Agency Padraic White’s self-congratulatory account of social partnership and
economic expansion, The Making of the Celtic Tiger: The Inside Story of Ireland’s Boom
Economy, the issues of ‘poverty and inequality’ were unlikely to be eradicated by the
economic model being implemented by Bertie Ahern’s government. These words now appear
wastefully prophetic.
With a brief background now illustrated of the Irish context in the lead up to and the
subsequent chain of events set in motion by the bank guarantee, it is now pertinent to focus
specifically on the issue I have isolated at the start of this piece. The town of Drogheda, in
addition to being renowned for its historical and industrial heritage, is also celebrated for its
strong musical tradition. Like most towns in Ireland, it is home to a collection of pubs and
bars whose sheer amount over-generously reflects the amount of business they do. Currently,
there are over 40 licensed bars and pubs in operation, not including establishments in the
town’s surrounding areas. There are two nightclubs in constant competition, with one of the
two undergoing rejuvenation every eighteen months or so in an attempt to lure the majority of
revellers from whatever establishment is most popular at a given time. There is a hub of
social nightlife and artistic talent to be given attention, something that in credit to local
authorities and government, is widely recognised. A realisation of Drogheda’s huge potential
to attract tourism because of its location as an ‘important strategic urban settlement…within
the Eastern Economic Corridor’ was outlined in the development strategy drafted by the
Drogheda Borough Council in 2009, working in alliance with the Louth County Council. It
had as its main objective the ‘(development) of the economic potential of the town core
through physical regeneration of the public realm and…enhancement of tourist attractions
and facilitation of artistic and cultural activities’ (Louth County Council 2009). Nonetheless,
15
as this strategy was drafted to begin implantation from 2011-2017, no further development
has essentially taken place to facilitate such an enhancement. In fact, the largest-scale
projection for the town, an estimated €20m, NAMA-backed injection into the quayside area
to build a new cinema, a restaurant and an extension of retail space where the Scotch Hall
shopping centre is situated, never materialised, a disheartening but nonetheless typical
setback common to the property crash (Comyn 2012)
One development that was given the green light though was the €500,000 release in
2012 by the National Asset Management Agency for the construction of a gastropub also
located at the quayside- W.M Cairnes. Known colloquially as the shortened ‘Cairnes’, it set
about establishing itself as an alternative to the long established venues and watering holes
who provided musical entertainment for so many decades. It was an opportunity to shake the
old guard down and attract a new generation to experience a multi-faceted social experience,
with food, entertainment and other assorted cultural events, not purely an alcohol-driven
occasion. Personally, it gave myself and others with similar interests as me (namely,
desperately attempts to secure gigs for fledgling bands) and opportunity to ‘get our foot in the
door’, as it were (Hodge et.al 1997). In the last month, the establishment has suspended all
live music scheduling until the end of this calendar year, maintaining only a DJ for
entertainment on weekend nights, until their financial situation becomes clearer. This is an
aspect of the scene I wished to explore in some detail in carrying out this research. By
interviewing people who have both performed in live bands and DJ’d for years, whether in
Drogheda or beyond, I felt that their experience in dealing with pub staff/venue promoters
and general people in positions of authority to negotiate payment and secure gigs would be
invaluable to my understanding of how the scene has changed throughout the years.
The word ‘scene’ itself is a hotly-contested term as David Hesmondhalgh argues in
his truly fascinating article ‘Subcultures, Scenes or Tribes? None of the Above.’ He sketches
16
the origin of the term, which he accredits both to an ‘influential’ article by Will Straw and a
book by Barry Shank on the ‘“rock and roll music scene”’ (Shank 1994, as cited in
Hesmondhalgh 2005: 27). The former contends that what constitutes a ‘scene’ is a balancing
point between a ‘community…with a heritage of geographically rooted forms’ and the
influence of a ‘larger international music culture.’ Shank on the other hand, claims that a
‘productive anxiety’ takes hold as ‘temporary identifications’ among people manifest
themselves as an interchangeable fluidity of roles i.e. ‘fans become musicians, musicians are
always already fans’ (ibid). Both offerings can be drawn upon in order to gain an
understanding of the term but in this postmodern era, where the distinctiveness of boundaries
are made abundantly less clear, in the Baudrillardian sense, Straw’s account is perhaps more
appropriate. French philosopher and sociologist Jean Baudrillard’s theory of simulacra and
hyper-reality is germane in this respect, as in an age of ubiquitous social media and online
file sharing, bringing with it a host of instantaneous yet artificial composition, the “residual
distinction” between what is real and what is a simulation has become “radically uncertain”
(Ransome 2010: 363; Baudrillard 1981). With instant access to music from all across the
globe, especially as we see the unstoppable rise of electronic dance music, a ‘cosmopolitan
transcending of place’ has occurred, which means to separate the distinctions between one
scene or community from another has now become extremely difficult (Hesmondhalgh 2005:
28). The findings that emerged from the interviews that were carried out in creating this
research project make this porously clear. Whatever ‘scene’ has existed up to this point,
whether it be in the town of Drogheda or any town in this country and probably beyond, the
‘cozy intimacy’ it might once have enjoyed is now all but eradicated as each actor in the
community must adapt to a rapidly changing but uncertain cultural landscape (Hesmondhalgh
2005: 30; Straw 2001: 248).
17
Chapter 3: Research Question, Methodology and Methods
(3.1)- Aim
The aim of this topic is to gain an insight into the lived experience of people directly affected
by the impact that austerity had on the music scene in Drogheda and what the existence of a
music scene means for the town from a sociological and economic standpoint. Qualitative
methods were employed during my research, namely the use of semi-structured interviews
and documentary analysis. Qualitative research methods have a number of distinct elements
that mark themselves apart from other types of social research, like surveys or experiments
for example. In this case, as will become apparent, they ‘focus on human subjectivity’, that is
the experiences people have and how they give meaning to such experiences (Chambliss and
Schutt 2016: 200) In addition, they focus on ‘previously unstudied processes and
unanticipated phenomena’, which enables the researcher to use to his or her advantage the
exploratory nature of such research methods as a means of explanation, in a way that highly
controlled or structured experiments cannot (ibid.).
(3.2)- Qualitative Method
Seven in-depth, wide-ranging semi-structured interviews with a variety of people associated
with or actively involved in the Drogheda music scene were carried out in order to gain a
comprehensive insight into the changing nature of its existence and determine how austerity
impacted directly on each of these respondents in this capacity. They ranged in age from 19
to 48 and all, bar one, had lived in Drogheda for either most of their lives or for a significant
period. These specific people were chosen because of their wealth of individual experience
relating to the town’s musical community and also because each one offered a different
18
aspect of the scene to examine- from the impact of austerity on the pub industry to the
processes involved in promoting bands and attempting to generate income through organising
gigs. Before contacting my potential interviewees, I visited the local newspaper offices and
then the town library in an attempt to uncover any secondary material pertaining to my
chosen topic, however limited in relevance. I was able through the use of microfilm to access
over 40 years’ worth of archived newspaper material which proved useful for establishing
how the music scene has diminished in stature over the last few decades, particularly the
closure of a number of venues levelled for other developments, such as car parking spaces
(Reynolds 2004).
After this initial gathering of background information, which enabled me to set the
scene (no pun intended) and assemble ideas I would draw upon in conducting interviews, I
then made contact with each of my intended respondents. Each interview lasted between 30
and 40 minutes approximately, which although were focused around pre-ordained questions I
had made did not dictate the entirety of the conversation. These type of interviews can be
referred to as ‘intensive’ or ‘depth’ interviewing (Chambliss and Schutt 2016: 215). Their
aim is to generate a ‘comprehensive picture’ of the interviewee’s background and attitudes to
the matters being discussed, which requires ‘active listening’- suspending one’s judgement
and ascertain the ‘subject’s views and feelings’ (ibid. 216). The people that I interviewed
came from a range of socio-economic backgrounds and their current employments varied
hugely, from a marketing executive to a barber. Hence, each set of questions were tailored to
determine the respondent’s own experience growing up in Drogheda, how the age of austerity
had impacted on them and their families personally and then more common questions were
posed concerning their experience and knowledge of the music scene.
19
(3.3)- Data Sources
The interviewees for this research project were composed of a sample of seven people, aged
between 19 and 48. Only two of the seven relied directly on the music scene of Drogheda as
their primary source of income, that is, by way of gigging or gig promotion/organisation. The
remainder of the sample had other means of employment that was subsidised by their
involvement in the music scene. Their jobs varied greatly, showing the heterogeneity of the
sample- a barber, a publican, a local councillor, a marketing executive (one of a number of
positions held at the time) and a retailer. The other data collected and analysed as mentioned
above were collections of microfilm from the Drogheda library and local newspaper offices,
although these yielded minimal useful results.
(3.4)- Ethics
The four general principles as outlined by the Sociological Association of Ireland were
adhered to while carrying out this research project. They are as follows:
(I) Professional Competence:
According to the guidelines, all sociologists and social researchers are to maintain the
‘highest levels’ of competence in their work. This includes, but is not limited to, the
requirement to undertake tasks only for which their education or training enables them to. As
this is this researcher’s initial attempt at a piece of work involving participants outside of the
university realm, it was important not to put oneself in a position, perhaps of a sensitive
nature, that my education could not prepare me for.
(II) Integrity:
Again, under the guidelines, including but not limited to these elements, researchers must be
‘fair and honest in their conduct’ and must do their best to ‘protect the reputation’ of the
20
discipline of sociology.
(III) Respect for Human Rights, Diversity and Equality:
The most apposite aspect of this principle was the duty of the researcher to ‘acknowledge the
rights of others…to hold values, attitudes, and opinions that differ from their own.’
(IV) Social Responsibility:
The researcher has a ‘general duty to safeguard the confidentiality of privileged information.’
This principle was adhered to strictly over the course of the project, in particular regarding
information divulged by the respondents.
This researcher obtained ‘informed consent’ (Chambliss and Schutt 2016: 51) from all
respondents prior to the interviews taking place. A consent form was presented to each
interviewee, with ‘clear and understandable’ information yet was ‘sufficiently detailed’ to
explain what the research encompassed. A copy of the consent form that was presented to
each respondent is included in the appendices (see appendix 1).
The above ethical codes are as described by the Sociological Association of Ireland.
(3.5) Positive and Negative Aspects
The use of qualitative methods, as Chambliss and Schutt discuss in Making Sense of the
Social World, are excellent for their allowing the researcher to understand how ‘social
processes unfold over time’ and by way of interviews, can help to reveal what people ‘really
mean by their ideas and allows you to explore their feelings at great length’ (2016: 317). This
became evident throughout the course of the interviewing process of my research. By
recording each interview, simply through the voice memo application on a smartphone, and
experiencing said interview face-to-face, ‘social cues’, such as tone of voice and body
language are easier to recall during transcription and ultimately, during analysis (Opdenakker
21
2006). Face-to-face interviews also allow increased spontaneity which can give a more direct
and accurate reflection of the respondent’s thoughts and feelings towards a question with
minimal delay.
On the opposite side of the coin, due to their interactive nature, the carrying out of semi-
structured interviews requires of the researcher a ‘double attention’- the ability to listen
carefully to the respondent’s answers while concurrently formulating reactive questions yet
still covering the issues needed to be addressed in a particular time frame (ibid.). Another
negative aspect of using in-depth interviewing is that it is time-consuming. The period spent
organising meeting times, modifying questions to suit each interviewee, carrying out the
interview itself and then transcribing and analysing the data afterwards is taxing on the
researcher, particularly in a limited amount of time. In addition, ‘generalizable results’ are
difficult to produce from such a small number of cases, in this instance seven interviews
(Chambliss and Schutt 2016: 317).
Personally, the most positive aspect of my methodological approach to this research topic
were the intimate levels of detail disclosed over the course of the interviews from the
respondents, from what I found to be a well-intentioned and genuine position of interest in
discussing their experience of the Drogheda music scene. As this was an area of discussion
that each person had a great level of passion towards, I felt there to be full disclosure over
concerns, past experiences and advice, either for my research methods or in general terms,
when in conversation. Conversely, on an administrative level, it was quite difficult to
organise meetings that would suit the schedules of both myself and a number of interviewees,
because of college and work commitments on my part and work and family commitments on
the part of the respondents in question. Likewise, some potential interviewees I had made
contact with initially declined to take part in an interview, for reasons undisclosed. This again
created time pressures to obtain the requisite amount of information needed to create an
22
accurate portrayal of the scene as a whole. In addition to this, the sample interviewed were all
male, bar the final interviewee, which although probably didn’t affect the findings drastically,
was not conducive to a gender-inclusive approach.
23
Chapter 4: Discussion of Findings
(4.1) Introduction
The aim of this research project was to gain an understanding into how the most recent period
of economic recession, the implementation of austerity and its rhetorical conclusion has
impacted on the once-thriving music scene in the town of Drogheda. More specifically, as
discussed earlier in the literature review, there is a need to explore the way in which this
period of time has impacted on those actively involved in the scene, in other words their lived
experience, while the scene has undergone noticeable changes. The literature referred to
previously briefly described the national economic and social impact a culture of greed and
excess meant for this country. While the issue I am focusing on may be considered a trivial
topic in many respects, it has had a significant impact on the sample I chose for interview and
many more I didn’t, in terms of the financial support it generates, the communal aspect and
its stature as an integral element of the town. The three main issues that arose during the
interviews I conducted over the last few months were that of the employment the scene
provides, payment and the changing tastes of the music-consuming public, particularly in the
last three to four years, reflected in the rise in popularity of electronic-dance music (EDM)- a
finding that produced more insights than I would’ve believed before undertaking this
research. See the appendices for a table of interviewees.
24
(4.2) “Working for a livin’”: Singing on the job
As mentioned previously, with such a large quantity of venues, in the way of bars, nightclubs,
community halls and even an arts centre, Drogheda has no shortage of places to
accommodate small to large groups of people, from events such as stand-up comedy gigs and
white-collar charity boxing nights to acclaimed band tribute nights and intimate acoustic
sessions. For many people in the town, involvement in culture and the arts is a voluntary
pastime, a weekend pursuit outside of work and family commitments. It can serve as an
opportunity to make some extra money, or it may simply present a way in which to inspire
young kids and teenagers from disadvantaged areas to learn musical instruments (as one of
my interviewees has done, completely free of charge). My first interviewee is someone
whose lifeblood and soul is poured into the local music scene. It completely sustains him
financially, which as a career choice is something that he recognises attracts criticism.
“There’s no point in pretending that it’s easy to live comfortably from pursuing this path. It
involves putting yourself out there, you know, constantly looking for gigs, getting your name
on the door for the Friday or Saturday night. You can sit on your hole for days at a time if
you want, but at the same time there’ll be some other fella out taking those bookings you
could’ve got…it’s easy if you’re not doing it all the time to say it’s a pisshead kind of attitude
but it can be quite a slog, especially in winter.” (Interview 1)
This was a person that I have known for quite a while, from gigging with, attending gigs and
just generally from having made acquaintances, in a town that despite the statistics, is really
quite small. Especially in the scene itself, there is not quite a comradery but a sort of mutual
respect exists between those associated with it.
25
“Even being out and about on the town, you’ll always run into someone you know who
probably is playing somewhere that night or during the week…I know I’m probably doing it
so long that it’s become second nature to stop and have a chat, even, you know, if you’re not
that close, but people are still genuinely interested as to where you’re playing, if there’s a
late bar…usual craic you know yourself but it’s nice to keep on the pulse.” (Interview 4)
As the interviews progressed, particularly by talking to people who had played or currently
played in bands or assorted groups, the securing of work relied immensely on the motivation
and commitment of the group as a collective. This was a sentiment echoed by the acclaimed
professor of popular culture, Andy Bennett, in his book Cultures of Popular Music. He states
that being a musician is not simply ‘about being able to play a musical instrument’ but rather
that it is a ‘special commitment…a belief that music should come before everything else’
(Bennett 2001: 139). As someone who has played in bands for over five years now, this
certainly rings true. Because of the fierce level of competition in the town to secure gigs, the
people doing so must be self-motivated as well as talented.
“Anyone can play something half-decent so it’s up to at least one person, if it’s a band or just
someone on their own to make the contacts that you need to keep work coming in regularly.
It’s not enough to just make a Facebook page and hope that a few of your friends are gonna
share it to get a crowd big enough to make McPhails (local pub, regarded highly for its
quality of live music) look lively. It’s all about the effort and sometimes you mighn’t be
arsed…but if manage to get a calendar year of gigs from one or two spots, you’re in
business!” (Interview 5)
Another of my interviewees was someone who acknowledged his passion for music and
26
decided to think big in his projects. He established a small record label just under a year ago,
initially started out of his bedroom, and what was originally a college project has now
become a full-time venture.
“I wanted to put music out for my friends and just bands I like and didn’t have the money to
do it. I had connections and I had some hardware at home and some equipment so I said I
could do it then…” (Interview 2)
This respondent had recently organised a series of charity gig nights in order to raise money
for mental health awareness. This is an extremely relevant topic at the moment, as news
emerged this week of the decision on the part of the Department of Health and the HSE to
divert €12m of the €35m mental health budget to ‘shore up funding shortfalls’ elsewhere
(Irish Times 2016). Although acting on a much smaller scale to the formation of ‘proactive
socio-political movements’ started in the UK as a result of ‘spatial and official’ authoritative
pressure placed on alternative groups, such as the anti-road building movement, there is an
element of political dissatisfaction here helping to mobilise a group or groups of people
(Bennett 2001: 130). Political interest and involvement is also another factor that reared its
head throughout the course of the interview process, with two respondents in particular.
“I work as a barber and run my own business here on Peter St, or Barber’s St as we all call
it! (Peter’s St is home to no less than five barbers). My week is usually hectic enough, with
family ties and other commitments too…I’m also sitting on the local borough council for Sinn
Féin for more a decade, something that I take very seriously…At the weekends then, as you
know, I DJ in Fusion (local nightclub) once a month or so now but I used to do more regular
gigs, just don’t fancy the late nights so much now!” (Interview 4)
27
This interviewee provided wonderful insights into the town in days gone by, with his
extensive historical knowledge of the town and with a wealth of DJing experience, was able
to encapsulate Drogheda’s transition from pre- to post-Celtic Tiger perfectly.
Myself: “I came across an article recently, I think it was just from the Drogheda
Independent, and it named the town as a ‘mecca’ for live music. What would you say to
that?”
Interviewee: Oh definitely, especially going back to the 80s and that. You had the Subway,
where the Central is now- a fucking dive but it was deadly buzz…they used to have loads of
class nights on there…they had an Ian Curtis tribute on once, which had all these candles lit
and that- nothing like you’d have now…the old Boxing Club too, that was hopping and you’d
get quality Irish bands down, like The Stunning and Hothouse Flowers at the end of the 80s
into the 90s…yous are missing out now, there’ll be nothing like that again, too many
rules…” (Interview 4)
This response calls to mind the attitudes uncovered in “Punk’s Not Dead”, a qualitative study
examining how older punk rock fans ‘articulate their continuing attachment to the music and
its associated visual style (Bennett 2006:219). This interviewee, because of his age and his
interests and lifestyle, embodies the spirit of punk articulated in Bennett’s article. In his
capacity as councillor for Sinn Féin, themselves now positioned as perhaps the strongest
opposition to the stationary political regime still trying to decide who to get into bed with, he
is identifying with a political stance that wishes to oust an outdated, tried and tested
administration. In his role as DJ, heavily involved with various ‘retro’ nights hosted in
Drogheda, including punk, ska and reggae-themed occasions, he assumes the role of
‘forefather’ alluded to in ‘Punk’s Not Dead’, introducing to younger generations and keeping
28
alive for those who were there the first time round the music of a now distant era (ibid. 228).
This spirit was also being kept alive by another of the interviewees, who is benefitting from
the renewed interest in vinyl collection that has become very popular. Like another industry
associated with a ‘hipsterdom’, it has become known as the ‘craft beer of music formats’
(Brewster 2015). He runs a vintage shop, opened four years ago when many small and
medium sized businesses in the town were closing their doors or downsizing. He attributes
the shop’s success to a number of factors, but one in particular struck a chord.
“…you know, there’s this huge buzz about the town for all things musical. I’m not from here
originally but there’s this, kind of, burgeoning sense, if that’s the right word, of something
happening here. I’ve people from 15 to 65 coming in here looking for everything from John
Lennon and Beach Boys to Pet Shop Boys and house mixes right back to Miles Davis and
Chuck Berry…I’m travelling up North or to the UK at least once a week to get original vinyl
in to sell here. Our demographic is mostly 30 or under and you can see a real interest in
everyone that comes in to enquire about getting their hands on a particular record…
disposable income may not be what it used to and things like streaming have taken over but
nothing beats getting the physical copy and a lot of the youngsters realise this.” (Interview
6)
A recurring theme from the conversations was the sense that the golden age of music in the
town had gone. With tighter pub regulations and the cost incurred in socialising in pubs and
clubs, there seems to be a yearning, especially from the old guard, for a time gone by. The
quality and attractiveness of the nights on offer seems to have diminished in recent times but
this has to be taken with a pinch of salt. Nostalgia for days of yore and for the people who
29
were teenaged or in their early twenties during the times being described will naturally lead
to a skewed interpretation and remembrance of what actually happened.
“We grew up through it so, eh, ya know it has affected us but we haven’t noticed it because
it’s all we’ve ever known…they give odds on horses but when it comes to the race, the horse
doesn’t know what its odds are, it’s gonna run as fast as it can…When we start up bands we
don’t think, “oh this was better 10 years ago”, we just fuckin’ get on with it.” (Interview 2)
“I personally think that people want to live in what they remember as being good more so
than what’s coming ahead.” (Interview 3)
“There’s no point hanging onto the past ‘cos it’s gone…let’s get with it and fucking move
on…well, definitely remember it but always keep thinking what more can we do and what
more can we bring in” (Interview 1)
With two new venues after opening in the town in the last 12 months, one designed
specifically to cater for live music, the thirst for the live experience has definitely not gone
away. The question remains however: can the symbiotic relationship between the pubs and
the musicians generate enough pulling power to get the punters in the door? This question
was also addressed in the interviews, with varying responses, as seen below.
30
(4.3) “Pay me my money down”: The financial struggle
The essential aim of this research was to investigate the direct economic impact that austerity
had on Drogheda’s music scene. Within this, it was necessary to understand the effects from
a dualistic viewpoint. This included, for the musicians, any notable detrimental (or increased
as the case may be) rates in payment for gigging/performing over the last few years. In the
case of the venues housing the entertainment, it was important to examine was there a
significant reduction in accommodating said performers and how their budget for
remunerating musicians and entertainers was reshaped by cutbacks and reduced footfall into
their premises. One of the respondents, who works as a barber full-time and DJs at the
weekends, gave the most useful insight into the matter on the side of the performers and my
fifth interviewee, who has worked as a bar manager for nearly the last 20 years was best
placed to comment from the other side.
“The recession has had such a massive impact for the town and live music…I’ve seen four
venues open and close since I started getting into music, just going to nights, then Djing
meself…It’s made a big impact on the wage of a person in the music industry; before ’08 we
would all have been on great money, whether you were a band, whether you were a DJ,
whether you’d be an entertainment fella- price was no object…” (Interview 3)
In order to endure this dip, people in the music scene had to adapt drastically. This involved
working longer hours and playing for less, in order to remain attractive enough for venues to
keep them in consideration. It was a fact that presented no alternative to those who wished to
keep earning through music, but it was by no means an easy choice. This respondent
established a sort-of collective of DJs in the town, after spotting a “niche” in the market, as
he put it. They are probably the most well-known group in the town, that are not a band or
31
solo act, by way of a strong social media presence and well-established contacts. The
collective grew out of a personal response towards the closure of certain venues, that would
have been conducive to the type of music they were playing. Their current success is
symbolic of the ascension of popularity of dance-orientated nights, something to be revisited
shortly.
“When ’09 hit it went back then in 2010 it hit rock bottom…we survived because we weren’t
charging as much as others at the time…we played longer hours and tried to give people
more value for money and that eventually led to us growing and the start of the ‘casual’
scene as I call it- your phone calls in from people instead of pubs and clubs.”
“When the Purple Room closed, there was nowhere for us to go to express that type of music
(on the recently established house-orientated club night ‘Deep Inside’, brainchild of the
respondent)…it grew out of a house-branded internet radio station called Phever…
we’ve gotten two international acts so far- Fish Go Deep and Justin Robertson, a godfather
of house music…but on the night we’re they’re ourselves, it dwindles and it’s so hard to get
the average Joe Soap to follow what we do’ (Both Interview 3)
On the other side of things, the pubs and clubs must negotiate a balancing act between
covering overhead costs while still marketing themselves attractively enough to get punters in
the door, beyond the regulars. This is exemplified in the publican’s response to my question
on the matter.
“I’ve been here the guts of 20 years and the last four, maybe five years have definitely been
some of the quietest I’ve experienced. People aren’t willing to come out and spend as much
32
money in pubs as they did during the Celtic Tiger, that sort of cash just isn’t there anymore…
it’s also the sort of thing with younger people now, they’re thinking ‘why would I want to
hear a cover band when I can listen to it at home; why would I want to drink in a pub if I can
drink cheaper at home?’ (Interview 5)
The rise in popularity of ‘pre-drinking’ among Irish people, especially the 18-24 age bracket,
before a night out, has been well documented in the last few years, with alarming levels of
alcohol consumed in short spaces of time in order to save money when out in the pub or
nightclub later on and to become inebriated faster (see ‘Quantum Change in Irish Drinks
Culture- Report September 2010 http://banda.ie/wp-content/uploads/Quantum-Change-In-
Irish-Drinks-Culture-Rport.pdf).
“You see all the 18, 19 year olds, only starting to go out- they’ll get cheap cans in Aldi or
Lidl and tank up and head straight to the nightclub…they don’t care what’s playing so long
as it’s something they can dance to, for most of them anyway…it’s sad really but I suppose if
you’re working off a weekend job or mam and dad’s pocket money, you make the most of it.”
(Interview 1)
One thing becomes apparent from all the quips and comments- a massive drinking culture is
intricately linked to the music scene and socialising done by all ages in the town, which is not
surprising given the amount of media coverage devoted to the over-extension of emergency
departments every night, purely related to alcohol abuse incidents. One thing that is striking
is the large shift in attitudes and tastes in the town towards the type of music on offer- namely
dance-orientated. This is not a new phenomenon by any means, as one only has to look at the
rave culture that swept Britain in the early to mid-1990s. However, it is interesting to view
33
the time at which it has become popular again. For Britain in the 80s, the rise of dance music
and rave culture was inextricably linked to the last strands of Thatcherism, a ‘mass
collectivity…revolting against the normative values of English culture’, with drug use,
particularly that of ecstasy and amphetamines exploding in terms of popularity and
subsequently infamy (Gilbert and Pearson 1999: 152). While such a scene existed in Ireland,
in more covert forms and on a much lesser scale, it is unreasonable to suggest that this is now
the Irish version of reaction to the Fianna Fáil mess and Fine Gael’s inability to clean it up- a
politics of sound?
(4.4) “Build it up, tear it down”: the rise (again) of dance music and reflections on
where the scene is heading
As outlined in Jeremy Gilbert and Ewan Pearsons’s very accessible and enjoyable account of
the history of dance music and the politics associated with it, Discographies, there are
striking similarities between the politics of dance culture and the political mandate being
enforced in Irish society today. The stultifying effect that the neoliberal regime imposed by
the political powers and their institutions for the last three decades or more has undoubtedly
now in the context of Drogheda’s music scene served as a ‘liberating and democratizing
force’ in some respects (1999: 161). With regard to the aforementioned growing success story
of a dance music night (inclusive of all relevant subgenres- house, techno, drum ‘n’ bass etc.)
being held on weekend nights in the town presently, this move from a previously
underground movement to one of notoriety is a classic example of the rejection of the
shackles of ‘bourgeois modernity’ and ‘hegemonic political ideas’ in favour of a ‘liberatory
jouissance’, however fleeting this trend may turn out to be (ibid. 161-66).
My first interviewee, whose full-time pursuit is entirely musically-orientated,
34
recognised the benefits of embracing such a mass collectivity. As someone who has
campaigned in the past for social justice with movements such as ‘Occupy Dame St’, the
power of collective energy, without necessarily being subversive, is something that he felt is
yet to be tapped into fully in the local context. His current project, which is an online radio
show, was devised in attempt to bring together the main competing venues in the town under
one project and give all budding and existing local musicians the chance to get recognised or
be given greater exposure.
“‘The aim of it was to create a logo that everyone (venues) could kind of get behind…to try
get them all in a room together and promote Drogheda as one, like, synchronised town
rather than competing against each other in this small kind of bubble’ (Interview 1)
At the older end of the age spectrum, the respondents who had experienced the jouissance of
electronic dance music when it initially emerged are now excited, but also wary other in
respects as to what it will mean for Drogheda’s music scene, specifically the pub industry.
“There’s no doubt that dance music is on the rise again…these things always come in
circles…bands will get big again like after the last time it happened, like look at England
with Blur, Oasis and those bands being born out of acid house and all that scene in the 90s…
the big thing with it all, which you’d have to be concerned about is the drug culture
associated with it, bad enough as the drinking is watching bands in pubs, it’s a different
atmosphere entirely.” (Interview 6)
“It’s so easy now for anyone to make music…you can do it in your bedroom, you could do it
on your flight over to feckin’ anywhere, make the tune, boom, two hours and finished,
35
exported, in the deck, ready to play…and that’s why that dance music is evolving so much
right now- it’s easy and it’s quick” (Interview 3)
So what does it all mean for the scene itself? Would a celebration of community through the
ubiquity of dance music ‘encourage a return to collectivist politics’? (Gilbert and Pearson
1999: 182) The answer is probably no. The scene is very much a youth-driven one and with a
culture focused more on having a good time in the moment rather than creating something
perhaps more sustainable, its improbable that this current trend really amounts to anything
more than youthful exuberance and just having a good time. The current political guard have
little to fear from this wave of ravers, only the half-empty pubs and concerned parents do.
(4.5) Conclusion of Findings
In conclusion then, the impression that is created of the music scene in Drogheda is quite a
mixed one. Evidently, it is not necessarily harder to obtain gigs than it was in the past but a
real passion shines through with those who do actively seek them out, with a decrease almost
universally in pay rates in exchange for longer hours now standard fare. There are
movements and ideas in constant generation, as seen by the creation of an independent label,
an online radio station and various events and themed nights being hosted consistently. A
definite shift in taste has occurred, as discussed above, but whether this will be a passing
trend or shall remain in situ for the foreseeable future is difficult to determine. What is clear
nonetheless, is that despite the setbacks imposed by less disposable income in an age of
austerity, it hasn’t appeared to dampen the spirits of those who adapted to meet the challenges
it faced or stifled the creativity that is alive and well in a thriving musical town.
36
Conclusion
This research project has allowed me to reconcile my passion for all things music-related
with a university course and specific module, in the form of the class supporting this thesis,
that has enabled me to understand the complexities of Irish politics. As someone who was
perhaps a few years too young to fully appreciate the seismic events that were occurring
around him in terms of a shifting political culture and landscape, it is only in the last few
months while conducting extensive background research on the glaring short-sightedness of
those in positions of power, that I’ve come to understand the abundant anger and great
frustration felt by the ordinary citizens of Ireland. The mentality that was prevalent, even as
the economic crash was incumbent, that ‘no Irish bank be allowed fail’, neatly encapsulated
the rapaciousness and unscrupulousness that permeated Irish corporate and political culture
(Donovan and Murphy 2013: 174). The widespread effect that this policy had was untold in
its damage. In bailing out the banks, government debt was racked up from ‘25% of GDP to
118%’ and the estimated loss to the national pension fund ‘was estimated to come to a total
of €17bn’- astronomical figures, beyond comprehension to most of us (Allen and O’Boyle
2013: 8). We, as a nation, will suffer the consequences for generations to come, as a result of
a crippling neo-liberal regime whose ‘fundamental faith in the generative power of capital’
has left thousands unemployed, homeless and has decimated families by way of emigration
and suicide (Coulter 2015: 25).
In terms of my own motivation for carrying out this research topic, I chose the module
‘Ireland under Austerity’ with a view to informing myself in a structured and guided setting
about how our fair nation has come to be in its current situation, which at this point could be
described as an incredibly gradual recovery, though only in some respects. The marrying of
my field of interest and the broader module background was difficult initially, but pointers to
relevant literature and possible avenues to explore ignited an enthusiasm for research
37
previously untapped. I wish to sincerely thank my thesis supervisor in this respect again.
With regard to the research itself and the findings uncovered, there is great inspiration and
hope to be drawn from the entrepreneurial spirit that is visible within Drogheda’s musical
community. The main findings that emerged in the hours of conversation I have recorded in
the last few months shows an energy present in the town, that is almost tangible. Issues
surrounding payment and supporting oneself financially, purely from the music scene, are
touched upon and could be investigated in further detail, but the sensitive nature of personal
finances is always an issue that can be difficult to probe. In addition, the conspicuous lack of
secondary material and media focus devoted to local music scenes in Ireland, at least from
my extensive trawling of online libraries and sources, highlights a niche for potential further
research into the phenomena. As mentioned earlier, what may well be regarded as an area of
trivial concern to many concurrently seems to ignite the passions of those in the know.
In conclusion, the age of austerity has impacted on Drogheda’s local music scene,
mostly in ways that mirror the effects that the economic downturn as a whole. It’s not a case
that ‘money’s too tight to mention’, but rather that people are more selective in their
expenditure of disposable income in terms of choosing nights out and who they go to see and
local artistry suffers because of this (Valentine 1985). The rise of electronic music in the
town reflects its growing popularity on a global scale, reproduced in a local context but as
discussed earlier, it is yet unclear whether this will remain as the dominant trend. ‘The
future’s uncertain and the end is always near’ (Morrison 1970).
38
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Appendices
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(1)- Letter of Consent
Letter of Consent for Research Participants
Please read this consent document carefully before you decide to participate in this study.
Purpose of this research study: This research is being carried out by David Coffey as part of a final year project in an undergraduate sociology degree at Maynooth University. This research project has been approved by the Sociology Department of Maynooth University.
What’s involved? The research will be carried out through interviews with the researcher, David Coffey. The interview should take 20-30 minutes approximately. David may have to contact you after the interview in relation to something mentioned in the interview but this will be done through email/Facebook or via phone call.
Participant’s Rights: You may decide at any point during the study/interview that you no longer want to take part, without any explanation. You have the right to ask that any data you have given to be withdrawn and/or destroyed. You have the right to omit or refuse to answer or respond to any question that is asked of you in the course of the research. You have the right to have your question in regards to the research answered. If you have any questions as a result of reading this information sheet, you should ask the researcher before continuing with the research.
Agreement:
I have read the information described above. I voluntarily agree to participate in the study and I have received a copy of this information
Name of Participant:
Contact No:
Date:
Researcher contact information:
David Coffey
44
(2) Table of Interviewees
Interviewee Age Gender Occupation
1 26 Male Full-time musician
2 19 Male Student/ Gig
promoter / Running
an independent label
3 32 Male Barber/ DJ
4 48 Male Barber/Councillor/DJ
5 40 Male Publican
6 45 Male Retailer (vintage
shop owner)
7 29 Female Marketing executive/
band manager/ public
relations
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(3) Interview Transcript
Interview 2- Student/Gig promoter/Running an independent label
So a nice general one to kick us off firstly. When and how did you first get into music?
Who did you listen to/how did your tastes change/who have you always loved?
“I first got into music ‘cos it was never not playing in our house. It wasn’t exactly the kind of
music I liked or ever would like, it was a lot of country music but my Dad was big into
collecting vinyl, he was huge into the Sex Pistols, loved Jethro Tull and stuff, so, em, true
that I kind of…once the Internet kind of, was in the house, that’s where it all started. I was
able to find my own music and stuff. I got really big into ska, listened to metal for a while,
still do- I listen to all kinds of music but yeah, the thing that kind of kick-started it all was
having the Internet in the house.
So a fair mix of vintage and a modern introduction to it all really. You’ve played in
bands too, a good few really?
“Yeah, loads over the years.”
And what kind of stuff were you playing?
“Eh, we were mostly cover bands up to the age of about 16 or so, I started when I was 12 or
13. We were doing like, pop-punk covers and stuff like that and then we started to try write
our own music and the first band that I was in that wasn’t doing covers, we did all our own
originals and eh, set out to record a 12-track album. We rushed it so fast...”
Where’d you go to record it?
“We went to Kildare to record it, a mate of mate sort of thing got us set up. When we were
gigging in that band, we were playing in The Purple Room and stuff like that, which I’m sure
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you’re gonna be talking about…”
Haha, yeah at stages anyway, you’re jumping ahead of me
“Haha yeah, we’d be playing there a lot and we decided, fuck it, head towards Dublin so I
started looking up event pages and stuff on, I think it was…so far back it was like Bebo event
pages. Anyway, we found The Mezz and Irish Film House, I think it was but we were gigging
there in Dublin a lot and through the other bands that were playing there, there was this band
called Slap and their bassist had his own studio. So we went up there for four days to record.
We tried to beat out 12 songs and maybe only three of them were actually worth, you
know…”
Recording?
“Yeah, well no, not even worth recording but only three of them came out okay cos we
rushed it so much but sure…we were young and we saved up €400 between us and we
wanted to get our money’s worth- we just didn’t know what that worth was at the time so…”
A good experience all the same though I’m sure?
“Yeah, it was a lot of sleeping on floors and stuff like that, good parties haha.”
Nice one, good stuff. Right so, you have grown up through the recession like myself that
has affected this country massively, in terms of job loss, emigration and so on. What
impact, if any, do you think it has had on the music scene here in Drogheda, regarding
live music in pubs, venues, different nights being organised and the type of music that is
most popular?
“It’s strange cos as you say, we grew up through it so, eh, ya know it has affected us but we
haven’t noticed it because it’s all we’ve ever known, like…you know they always say they
give odds on horses but when it comes to the race, the horse doesn’t know what its odds are,
it’s gonna run as fast as it can so that’s what we do and that’s what we try to do as best as we
can. When we start up bands we don’t think, “oh this was better 10 years ago”, we just
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fuckin’ get on with it. And yeah, there were a lot more gigs back 10 years ago and I started
doing gigs because I thought it was just a lot of cover bands and there wasn’t enough so…I
was kind of, putting forward this whole thing of, there wasn’t enough gigs for us when we
were kids, we were playing all-ages ones so I decided to start organising over-18s gigs with
original music…”
Like Machine Gun Baby and those bands?
“Well Machine Gun Baby, they’re a Drogheda band but they moved to Germany because…
well you probably know, that’s where a lot of people say you make it and there’s where a lot
of people do make it…like obviously The Beatles were bigger in Germany before the UK or
the rest of the world. Same with Ed Sheeran. Anyway, I think Machine Gun Baby are
something to do with NuMu, who manage or have something to do with a Drogheda band,
Featuring X…”
Yeah that’s dead right. That’s a cool thing they’ve got going on there actually, a little
offshoot of, I think Universal, correct me if I’m wrong?
I think that people running NuMu are employed by Universal but that is their own project-
that’s their brainchild, you wouldn’t wanna quote me on it like.”
Of course, something for meself to look into. Actually, just on part of that same
question, do you feel like there’s less venues for live music now than there used to be?
“I think the amount hasn’t changed but the actual goals of the venues has…when a venue
opens, it’s not to have good live music or you know, not even to have a bar at this stage, it’s
to get the crowd out of other places that are more popular and people are trying different kind
of nights, there’s always gonna be trends and stuff like that but em, I don’t think it’s changed
at all, I just think people’s attitudes have changed dramatically…”
Towards going out or?
“Well if you think about it, not even with going to hear live music or anything, but just going
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on days like St. Patrick’s Day or St. Stephen’s night, now its pre-drinking. It saves money
and if people aren’t willing to go to their local to pay for a few drinks, why pay into a cover
band? So when you introduce original music it kind of makes it more interesting but it’s
actually about putting towards to people that it is original music…a lot of people won’t
understand that but people who do are very passionate and they will bring their friends and
that too, works out grand…”
But this is the thing, and I’ve thought this before, with people that are working Monday
to Friday, the vast majority just wanna go out and hear all the songs they know and get
pissed for the weekend and then a small minority are like ‘I wanna hear good or
original music’ or whatever- it’s hard to get the majority on board cos most people just
want to blow off steam.
“Oh that’s absolutely true. Like I’m running this label in my spare time, I’m trying to put
music forward as much as possible…but I’d be lying if I said I didn’t skip out on gigs that
could’ve been important…like it’s a bad attitude to have but it’s human.
Bang on. Well, we’re after covering a load of questions unintentionally here but I
wanted to pose this one anyway. Drogheda was regarded as having a thriving music
scene all throughout the 1980s and into the 90s- the last major recession. What do you
think is so different nowadays or is that just people looking back with fond memories?
Do you think the scene is really failing or not?
“The people who say the scene is failing or whatever aren’t involved and don’t have any
interest in being involved, they just want something to bitch about. Like, I’ll tell you about
the last gig I had, it was great for the people who did come but it was really annoying…
heartbreaking actually, these people, I had it on Facebook, blagging their way into a charity
gig, and for, not even the live music but a cause like that, mental health awareness, that’s
disgusting. Even that status, more than 100 people liked it but not even an eighth of them
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probably would’ve been there…”
Liking the sentiment really is all. I know myself, I’m living away and you try to keep up
to date with what’s going on at home and for people who are away longer, is there a pull
there to come home?
“I live in Ballyfermot as well as here and sometimes I don’t want to come back to Drogheda
and the only nights I do end up coming home were all either going out on the piss or I’ve a
night organised…it’s a selfish thing really.”
That’s another thing, people are always gonna go out and we can say there’s less money
but people…
“There’s a big difference between not having money and not having disposable income and
people treat them as the same thing which is ridiculous.”
Agree with you big time there, if I say I’ve no money, it’s there’s nothing until I get paid
again, simple. Right, onto the money-maker of a question. You recently started the
Yeah Meng label in the last year. What’s its aim and how has it worked out so far?
What’s the story with funding/attracting/promoting bands? Do you think it’s going to
ignite people’s interest in what’s going on in musically in the town etc.
“It’s done a hell of a lot. There weren’t many original gigs, I’m not saying oh I kick-started it
but…there was a really, really good response from it and other people have started doing
similar nights in other venues and stuff but why I started it up it I wanted to put music out for
my friends and just bands I like and didn’t have the money to do it. I had connections and I
had some hardware at home and some equipment so I said I could do it then. It got to the
stage where I said even if I have the knowhow, it’s gonna cost money so I started running
gigs to make the money. I’ve never made any money from this, all the money goes into either
the next gig or putting out music for people, Facebook advertising- tryna get bands bigger
that deserve to be big that they might have an unconventional sound or won’t be a pop sound
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now…you now bands that need that bit of a push just to get out there. That’s just what I’ve
being trying to do. We’ve signed some artist but we’ve worked with a lot more. I don’t really
believe in signing anyone, it’s just having trust in each other. If I do something for them and
it makes money, so long as I get my share back, that’s alright. I’m not in this for money at all,
it’s just to get my friends’ bands out there you know. We’ve blown up, bands like Modern
Baseball who have 110,000 followers on Facebook and over a million Youtube hits are on the
label…I’m working with bands I used to fanboy over…”
So is it a managerial type thing or what?
“Ah it’s a real two-way thing. Like it’s just pure love for it. Because it’s such an
unconventional career choice, people are like ‘Yeah that’s a cool hobby, when are you gonna
get a real job?’ but I think I’m doing really good work…it’s not here’s where I can make
money, it’s here I can make a difference.”
Excellent. Right, the last question is a bit, well you might challenge it I’d say. The rise of
electronic dance music nights has gotten so popular, because they’re cheap admission
wise, cheap to run etc. Is this an overall shift in taste or just a sign of the times?
“It’s a cheaper way to run things, that’s right. But although I’ll never say a DJ isn’t an artist,
there is a lack of artistry in the whole thing that’s happening. Live bands are really absent at
the moment because of it, it’s kind of the opposite of hang the DJ- no one wants to see a live
band, it’s all DJs. I think a lot of bands are learning to rolling with the times though now…
there’s a lot of bands incorporating synth and that into their sound and that’s cool, if you like
it, you like it- it’s just the thing that’s popular at the moment. But stick to your guns either
way, things go in and out of fashion so don’t be afraid to say what you like even if it goes
against what’s in at the moment.
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