Daniel Galadza, Worship of the Holy City in captivity (extract)

5/21/2018 Daniel Galadza, Worship of the Holy City in captivity (extract)

PONTIFICIUM INSTITUTUM ORIENTALE

Facultas Scientiarum Ecclesiasticarum Orientalium

WORSHIP OF THE HOLY CITYIN CAPTIVITY

The Liturgical Byzantinization of the OrthodoxPatriarchate of Jerusalem After the Arab

Conquest (8th-13thc.)

Daniel Galadza

EXCERPTA EX DISSERTATIONE AD DOCTORATUM

Romae2013


Vidimus et approbamus ad normam statutorum InstitutiRomae, ex Pontificio Istituto Orientaledie 25.03.2013

Prof. Stefano ParentiR. P. Boghos Levon Zekiyan

IMPRIMATURdie 23.03.2013! Borys

Episcopus eparchiae Sancti Vladimiri Magni in urbe Parisiensi


TABLE OF CONTENTS OF THE EXTRACT

ABBREVIATIONS AND B IBLIOGRAPHY 5PREFACE 33INTRODUCTION 35CHAPTER II: THE H ISTORICAL CONTEXT 431 The Jerusalem Patriarchate 441.1. Orthodoxy ..................................................................................................... 441.2. The Christian Population and Its Languages .......................................... 471.3. Melkites: A Subgroup? ................................................................................ 49

1.4. Sacred Topography ..................................................................................... 511.5. Pilgrimage .................................................................................................... 531.6. Stational Liturgy .......................................................................................... 541.7. Monasticism ................................................................................................. 561.7.1. Greek Monasticism .................................................................................. 601.7.2. Syrian Monasticism ................................................................................. 621.7.3. Georgian Monasticism ............................................................................ 642 Hagiopolite Decline 662.1. Islamic Occupation ...................................................................................... 662.2. Migrations .................................................................................................... 702.3. Byzantine Contact ....................................................................................... 72

2.4. Arabization ................................................................................................... 732.5. Changes in Topography ............................................................................. 752.6. Destruction of the Anastasis ...................................................................... 772.7. Ecclesiastical Reorganization .................................................................... 832.8. The First Crusade ......................................................................................... 853 Crisis and Contact 863.1. Byzantine Iconoclasm and Its Impact on Palestine ............................... 863.2. Stoudite Monastic Reforms ....................................................................... 884 Constantinopolitan Hegemony 904.1. Byzantine Political Ideology and Motivation ......................................... 904.2. Theodore Balsamon and the Rite of Constantinople ............................. 92

4.3. Excursus: Patriarchal Lists ......................................................................... 944.4. Constantinopolitan Exile............................................................................ 964.4.1. Leontius of Jerusalem ............................................................................. 964.4.2. Athanasius II of Alexandria ................................................................... 994.4.3. Hagiopolite Metochionin Constantinople? ....................................... 1015 Conclusions 103

TABLE OF CONTENTS OF THE THESIS 105


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31

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PREF CEBefore proceeding it is necessary to explain certain technical

details and to thank those who made this work possible.All quotations of Scripture are according to the Septuagint

numbering and, unless otherwise stated, from the Revised StandardVersion (RSV). Quotations from texts in ancient languages, especiallyfrom Greek and Georgian texts, are included so that the reader may haveaccess to, and verify, original texts that are often inaccessible. Anyquotations that are in the body of the text are always translated intoEnglish. Unless otherwise indicated, accents and breath marks in inedited

Greek texts are corrected to conform to current editorial norms. In thecase of Georgian, texts are presented in Modern Georgian script(!"#$%&'(, mxedruli, cavalry), and technical terms or brief phrases aretransliterated. For all languages, I follow the Romanization tables of theLibrary of Congress.

Because of the importance of Greek and Georgian sources for thisstudy, I have invested time in learning these two languages. For thelanguages in which I have no competence, such as Syriac, Arabic, andArmenian, I rely on translations and present technical terms intransliteration.

Bibliographical references are according to the Modern LanguagesAssociation (MLA) format. The names of authors are always given in Latin

characters, either the way they present themselves (i.e. A.M. Pentkovsky)or, when their name only appears in a foreign alphabet, according to theRomanization system of the Library of Congress (i.e. A.A. Dmitrievskii).

I have attempted to use the most up-to-date shelf marks for eachmanuscript, although the system here renders the location name of eachlibrary in English, rather than Latin or another language.1 For example,Vaticaninstead of Vaticanus(Vat.) and Sinaiinstead of Sinaiticus(Sin.). Thesame goes for the manuscript languages: Greek (Gr.) instead ofgraecus(gr.),Georgian (Geo.) instead of ibericus (iber.), Syriac (Syr.), and Arabic (Ar.).Each time a manuscripts shelf mark is given, the date of the manuscript isalso given in parentheses, in order that the reader not have to remember

the dates of every source cited.I wish to express my deep gratitude to Archimandrite Robert F.Taft, S.J., for his mentorship and for suggesting the topic of this doctoralthesis; to my Doktorvater, Professor Stefano Parenti, for hisencouragement; and to the members of the dissertation committee, Rev.

1For the most recent shelf marks of Greek manuscripts, see Rpertoire des bibliothques etdes catalogues de manuscrits grecs de Marcel Richard . Troisime edition entirementrefondue, ed. Jean-Marie Olivier (CCSG, Turnhout: Brepols, 1995).


PREFACE

34

Dr. Boghos Levon Zekiyan and Professor Basilius J. Groen, for their helpful

comments and corrections to the thesis. All remaining errors are my own.My sincere thanks to the Congregation for the Eastern Churches

for a scholarship to study at the Pontifical Oriental Institute, and to liveand pray with the students of the Pontificio Collegio Russicum, as well asto the Trustees of Harvard University for granting me a Junior Fellowshipin Byzantine Studies at the Dumbarton Oaks Research Library andCollection in Washington, D.C. Without these scholarships, the moralsupport of those who offered them, and the friendship of those with whomI worked, I could not have written this thesis.

Rome, March 25, 2013

Feast of the Annunciation of our Most HolyLady, the Theotokos


INTRODU TION

The purpose of this study is to investigate the liturgy of Jerusalemand to understand how it was supplanted by another liturgical traditionafter the Arab conquest, between the eighth and thirteenth centuries.Jerusalems geography and topography was so intimately connected to thelife of Christ in the New Testament, and events from the Old Testamentand the life of the early Church, that places where the events took placewere called holy sites. Hence, Jerusalem became the Holy City (!"#$%&'()), whence the term hagiopolite (!"(*%*'#+,), !"(*%*'(+(-&)),meaning of the holy city, i.e. Jerusalem. From the Paschal Triduum to

the Vespers of Pentecost, Jerusalem has left its mark on the high points ofthe liturgical year in every Christian tradition. Jerusalems cathedralwelcomed the throngs of pilgrims and led them in prayer. Those thatdecided to stay and dedicate their lives to God joined many of the outlyingmonasteries in the Palestinian wilderness, such as St. Sabas Lavra, or themore distant monastery of St. Catherine on Mount Sinai. In turn, thesemonastic centres became formative in the liturgical tradition known todayas the Byzantine Rite, which explains why one can speak of thePalestinization or Jerusalemization of the Byzantine Rite.

Although Jerusalem influenced the liturgical practices of all ofChristendom, the imperial capital of Constantinople the City becamea rising force, eventually spreading its influence even to Jerusalem. Hagia

Sophia, the cathedral of Constantinople, and the citys monasteries, suchas the Stoudios Monastery, rose to such prominence that Jerusalem, thewellspring of Christianity, was relegated to the periphery of the Byzantineimperial capital.

But ecclesiastical and liturgical history reveals that the concept ofperiphery depends upon ones perspective. Within the Pentarchy,Constantinople found itself in second place after Rome. Canonists andpatristic authors later considered all five patriarchal sees equal, puttingConstantinople and Rome on the same level with the three easternpatriarchates of Alexandria, Antioch, and Jerusalem. ParaphrasingSenator Tip ONeil and Father Robert Taft: just as with their politics, their

liturgy was also local. Thus, the periphery of one centre could become thecentre of yet another periphery.Liturgical scholars identified the eighth to thirteenth centuries as

the general period in which Byzantinization occurred. The roughhistorical events delineating our period are the Arab conquest ofJerusalem in A.D. 638 and the fall of Jerusalem to the forces of Saladin inA.D. 1187. The reference to Arab Conquest in the title is meant to givethe reader an immediate understanding of the historical context in which


INTRODUCTION

36

this study is situated. It should be clear that the Arab conquest is not the

only captivity which the Orthodox Patriarchate of Jerusalemexperienced: the arrival of the First Crusade in A.D. 1099 displaced Greekas the primary liturgical language of Christians in Jerusalem. But thegreatest captivity of the worship of the Holy City was its captivity to theforeign liturgical tradition of Constantinople its liturgicalByzantinization.

Our definition of liturgical Byzantinization is: the process ofmaking liturgical practices conformable to those of the Church ofConstantinople, at the expense and detriment of local in this casehagiopolite liturgical practices. The term Byzantinization is preferredto Constantinopolization since the latter fails to recognize the synthetic

nature of Byzantine liturgical practices, which were themselves oftenhighly influenced by Jerusalem and Palestine.The first scholar to identify the phenomenon of liturgical

Byzantinization was the pre-Revolutionary Russian scholar NikolaiKrasnoseltsev (1845-1898) in 1895. In a letter to Alexei Dmitrievskii (1856-1929), Krasnoseltsev noted significant changes to the liturgical content ofa hagiopolite manuscript, Hagios Stavros Gr. 43 (A.D. 1122), containingservices for Holy Week and Pascha in Jerusalem, and hypothesized that thechanges were the result of the influx of new liturgical material fromByzantium in the tenth century.1 Since then, liturgical scholars in theEast, such as Dmitrievskii and Kornelii Kekelidze (1879-1962), and in theWest, most notably Cyril Korolevsky (1878-1959), Joseph Nasrallah (1911-

1993), Gabriel Bertonire, and Robert Taft, have more clearly identified thesources, historical context, and time frame for liturgical Byzantinization inJerusalem, but no one had ventured to study the question on its own.

This deficiency certainly does not point to the topicsinsignificance. The Oxford Handbook of Byzantine Studies mentions theliturgical Byzantinization of the Eastern Patriarchates as one of theunresolved questions facing scholars of liturgical history today.2 LiturgicalByzantinization is also cited in the works of archaeologists, historians, andliterary critics who often encounter liturgy in their diverse disciplines and

1Krasnoseltsev, Review, 641-642; Pentkovsky, !"#"$%&'()*+(&$,-.+, 78 n. 33.2Robert F. Taft, S.J. , Liturgy, The Oxford Handbook of Byzantine Studies, ed. ElizabethJeffreys et al. (New York: Oxford University Press, 2008), 608. See also Taft, Great Entrance,70-76, 120, 131-132, 261, 305; id, Concluding Rites, 230, 278, 283, 368, 412, 545, 572, 615, 633-634, 641-642; id., The Liturgical Enterprise Twenty-Five Years After AlexanderSchmemann (1921-1983): The Man and His Heritage, SVTQ 53:2-3- (2009), 139-163, here141 n. 6; id., Worship on Sinai, 151; id., Maximus, 253; id., The Liturgical EnterpriseTwenty-Five Years After Alexander Schmemann (1921-1983): The Man and His Heritage,SVTQ 53:2-3 (2009), 139-163, here 141 n. 6; id., Worship on Sinai, 151; id., Maximus,253.


INTRODUCTION

37

are waiting for an answer from liturgical scholars on how, when, and why

the liturgy changed.Of the three Eastern Patriarchates, Jerusalem is the only one to

have completely lost its own liturgical tradition. Today, the Copts are theinheritors of the Alexandrian tradition and the various Syrian Churchespreserve forms of the Antiochene tradition. But in Jerusalem, theinheritor of the hagiopolite tradition is the Orthodox Patriarchate ofJerusalem, which now serves according to the Byzantine Rite. Thus, thefocus of this study is a dead liturgical tradition.

How does one study a dead liturgical tradition? By its very nature,a study of the liturgies of Jerusalem and Constantinople is comparative.Thus, the most suitable method is that of comparative liturgy, which

utilizes auxiliary disciplines such as philology, palaeography andcodicology, and archaeology, to investigate primary liturgical sourcesacross traditions, in their original languages, and in context, individuatingtheir possible genetic and structural relationships. The resulting thesis isdivided into five chapters.3

Chapter I The SourcesIn order to delineate sources for this study and to identify which

sources would provide information on the process of liturgicalByzantinization, several criteria were established: 1) the sources had todemonstrate concrete codicological and palaeographic evidence

connecting them to either the geographic territory of the JerusalemPatriarchate or locating them within Arab-occupied lands between theeighth and thirteenth centuries; 2) the sources had to provide a directwitness to the Jerusalem lectionary and its calendar; or 3) the sources hadto provide partial witness to the Jerusalem lectionary and its calendar notcommon to the later synthesized Byzantine Rite.

Based on these criteria, thirty primary liturgical sources, i.e.liturgical books with texts for use in liturgical services, were identified.Although this is the most comprehensive list of hagiopolite liturgicalsources to date, it does not pretend to be exhaustive and more sourcescertainly do exist. Of the thirty sources, eighteen are in Greek, eight in

Ancient Georgian, three are in Syriac, and one is a bilingual Greek-Arabicgospel book. Of the thirty, one-third has never even been described, letalone edited.

3For the complete table of contents, see pages 105-109 of this extract.


INTRODUCTION

38

Chapter II: The Historical ContextHaving established the sources for this study, it becomes necessary

to situate them in their historical context.4 It is within this context thatwe approach the interaction between Jerusalem and Constantinople.Although the rise of Iconoclasm in Constantinople had little impact onJerusalem, the contact between Sabaite and Stoudite monks left a lastingmark on Byzantine Rite liturgy. It is here, within the Stoudite and SabaiteSynthesis and not simply in historical explanations, such as a politicalideology of the Byzantine Empire to consciously export the Rite ofConstantinople, or the influence of the exiled Jerusalemite patriarchs, orbecause of a hagiopolite metochion (representation church) in

Constantinople that the answer to the question of liturgicalByzantinization an historical question, but ultimately a liturgicalquestion is to be found.

Chapter III: The Liturgy of St JamesThe Liturgy of St. James (JAS), the Brother of the Lord and first

bishop of Jerusalem, was the original Eucharistic liturgy of thePatriarchate of Jerusalem. Extant manuscript sources reveal its declinearound the tenth century, and then the complete disappearance by thethirteenth century, when it was replaced by CHR and BAS. Thus, one ofthe litmus tests of liturgical Byzantinization in Jerusalem is the presence

or absence of JAS. The first half of this chapter gathers information fromall known Greek and Georgian manuscripts of JAS and analyses theircontent. The majority of sources are from the tenth and eleventhcenturies, although they also continue into the thirteenth, and evenfourteenth, centuries. Georgian sources often contained an appendix withhymns and readings from the lectionary, showing the close connectionbetween the structure of the Eucharistic liturgy and Jerusalems calendarand lectionary.

This connection is most evident in the second half of the chapter,which presents the structure of the Liturgy of the Word and the Liturgy ofthe Eucharist from JAS. A comparison of liturgical formularies and

lectionaries clarifies the structure of the service. It also reveals thegradual decline of hymnography thematically connected to the decliningJerusalem lectionary. First, the Chant for Hand Washing disappeared.However, the conservative structure of JAS simply shifted the Chant forthe Holy Gifts into its place and introduced the Cheroubikon as the hymnfor the Transfer of the Gifts (the Great Entrance in the Byzantine Rite).

4Chapter II: The Historical Context is printed here in its entirety on pages 43-103below.


INTRODUCTION

39

Ultimately, the Chant for the Holy Gifts also fell into desuetude and the

remaining structure became that of the Byzantine Rite as noted in theConstantinopolitan Typikon of the Great Church.

Chapter IV The Liturgical Calendar of JerusalemApart from a distinct Eucharistic liturgy, Jerusalem also had its

own calendar directly connected to the holy sites and local saints. Itbegan with the Nativity of Christ or the Annunciation and celebratedgreater feasts with an octave. Because of the complexity of liturgicalcalendars, the methods of the study of hagiography, homiletics, andhymnography were applied to fifteen representative case studies in order

to understand how the commemoration of various saints had changedwithin the calendar. Each case study involved comparing eighthagiopolite sources with two Constantinopolitan sources. Closer attentionwas paid to three saints, St. John the Baptist, St. James the Brother of theLord, and St. Stephen, who had a specific connection to Jerusalem, whofigured prominently in hagiopolite calendars, and whose cult was alsoknown in Constantinople. With these three, it was possible to examine notonly the change of the date of their commemorations, but also the changeof hymnography, psalmody, and scriptural readings associated with eachcommemoration. The analysis of the chronological development of eachfeast revealed three broad categories of liturgical calendars: hagiopolite,transitional, and Constantinopolitan. However, a certain level of

variability existed within each category so that no one source perfectlymatches another. This seems to confirm the hypothesis thatByzantinization was a local phenomenon, a kind of spontaneous liturgicalreform.

Chapter V The Jerusalem Lectionary SystemThe final chapter deals with the lectionary of Jerusalem and

presents comprehensive lists of gospel and epistle readings for themoveable cycle. Although certain parts of the Jerusalem lectionarypericope order have been presented and thoroughly studied, especially in

the works of Sebasti Janeras; and Kurt Alands list of Greek NewTestament manuscripts identifies a distinct hagiopolite pericope order;this seems to be the first time that the complete hagiopolite moveablecycle has been presented. Gospel cycles were much easier to identifybecause they have been preserved in more sources. However, apart fromthe seasons of Pascha/Pentecost and Great Lent, epistle cycles were muchmore difficult to identify. Greek and Georgian sources of the Jerusalemlectionary from as late as the tenth century also preserved Old Testament


INTRODUCTION

40

readings at the Sunday Eucharistic liturgy and their subsequent

disappearance can be considered a sign of liturgical Byzantinization.

While the few previous studies that exist have tried to paint anoutline of Jerusalems liturgical Byzantinization in broad strokes of blackand white, this thesis has attempted to highlight the shades of grey in ourfragmentary knowledge of the worship of the Holy City in captivity whether political, to the Arabs and Crusaders, or liturgical, to the practicesof Constantinople. I now list six of the most important conclusions:

1) Despite the interests of maintaining Chalcedonian Orthodoxy onthe part of both the Constantinopolitan and Jerusalem

Patriarchates, there was no concerted effort or systematic programby the Byzantine Empire to impose the Byzantine Rite upon theJerusalem Patriarchate. Canonist Theodore Balsamon provided therationale and ideology, but it was never consciously implemented.

2) The chronological limits used in liturgical historiography toexplain changes in hagiopolite worship, for example the conquestof Jerusalem by the Arabs in A.D. 638 or the destruction of theAnastasis in A.D. 1009, are not reflected in the correspondingliturgical sources themselves. Instead, liturgical sources revealgreat variety and suggest that liturgical Byzantinization was alocally implemented, gradual phenomenon with a transitionalphase. The theory that exiled Patriarchs of Jerusalem returned

home from Constantinople with ready-made Byzantine Riteliturgical books is no longer tenable.

3) The celebration and structure of JAS was directly dependant uponthe Jerusalem lectionary. The lectionarys distinct scripturalreadings for the liturgical year served as the themes for thecontent of the hymnography. The decline of the lectionary madethe hagiopolite hymnography irrelevant and opened the way tochanges in the structure of JAS and new hymnography influencedby Constantinople, before JAS finally disappeared altogether.

4) The case studies of commemorations of feasts and saints inliturgical calendars reveal trends of generalization and

universalization at the expense of local hagiopolite practices. Thecommemoration of Stoudite and Sabaite monks became morefrequent while the celebration of Old Testament Prophets andother biblical figures declined. When faced with a choice betweenthe hagiopolite or Constantinopolitan date for a commemoration,the generic Constantinopolitan date generally prevailed.

5) Lectionary cycles were more difficult to change because theyfunctioned as units. Byzantinization saw the wholesale exchange


INTRODUCTION

41

of hagiopolite cycles for those of Constantinople, with potential

modification at the beginning or end of the units of each cycle.Despite Byzantinization, elements of the Jerusalem lectionary wererecycled, either as readings themselves (i.e. the 11 Matins Gospels,which were originally readings from Bright Week in Jerusalem) oras inspiration for hymnography (i.e. the canons of Great Lent in theByzantine Triodion, based on the hagiopolite Sunday Lentenpericopes).

6) The label of historicism should not be so easily applied to theliturgy of Jerusalem. Claims that the Christians in Jerusalemdivided up the events of salvation history into separate feastsseems to ignore the evidence from many of these liturgical services

themselves, which show great awareness of the unity of theMystery of the Incarnation and Resurrection. That the Church ofJerusalem went from holy site to holy site to celebrate these eventsis simply a normal human reaction when one finds oneself at theplace where the events took place.

Although this is the first monograph dedicated to the question ofliturgical Byzantinization in the Jerusalem Patriarchate, it can certainlynot be the last, and too many questions remain unsettled for it to bedefinitive. The following are three major unanswered questions:

1) Was there a centre of Byzantinization within the Patriarchate ofJerusalem from which new practices spread? The reorganization ofthe dioceses, or eparchies, of the Jerusalem Patriarchate frompastoral centres to holy sites facilitated the easy implementation ofnew liturgical practices. While this seems logical, it cannot beconfirmed. In Antioch, however, historian Ya!y"al-An#ak$ notesthat on October 4, A.D. 996, after the Byzantine re-conquest ofAntioch, Patriarch John, chartophylax of Hagia Sophia inConstantinople, was sent to Antioch to bring order to the churchof Cassian in Antioch [the citys cathedral since the sixth century],based on the model of St. Sophia in Constantinople.5 I have foundno such document for Jerusalem.

2) What was the relationship between the Byzantinization of thePatriarchate of Jerusalem and the Patriarchates of Alexandria andAntioch? Contact between the three patriarchates was quitecommon between the eighth and thirteenth centuries, but thesecontacts provide little liturgical evidence. Recent archaeologicaland patristic-historical studies on the topography of Antioch, as

5Ya!y"al-An!ak", HistoryII, 445-446. For more on this question, see Chapter II, section 2.3on pages 72-73 below.


INTRODUCTION

42

well as an increasing interest in Syriac, suggest Antioch is ready for

investigation and may provide some missing pieces of the puzzle.3) Can the displacement of hymnography from one place to another

in the liturgical ordo shed any more light on Byzantinization?There are numerous cases of a troparion or sticheron inhagiopolite sources being transferred to another part of theliturgical ordo within the Byzantine Rite. A full translation andstudy of the Georgian Iadgari, along with Greek hagiopolite sources,would certainly be helpful in resolving it.

Although the liturgical tradition examined in this thesis is nolonger living, certain elements are still used in the Byzantine Rite today.

The most notable is JAS, which has been revived in recent years. It ishoped that the conclusions of this thesis may be helpful to thosecelebrating this liturgy. And for the remainder, it is hoped that the thesisraises an awareness of the difficult situation of Christians in the Holy Landfor over a millennium and inspires interest in further investigating theliturgical tradition of those who prayed at the places where His feetstood (Ps. 131:7).


CH PTER II

THE H ISTORIC L CONTEXTTo understand how the aforementioned sources of liturgical

Byzantinization (discussed in Chapter I) functioned and underwent change,one must examine and understand their context. As Anton Baumstarkwrites: Liturgical forms are so intimately bound up with the externalhistory of the world and of the Church and with the development of thereligious sentiment, itself conditioned by historical happenings, that theyare constantly being subjected to very great modifications.1 In this

chapter we will address in general terms the questions of why, how, andwhenliturgical Byzantinization occurred, before proceeding in subsequentchapters to the specific topics of the Eucharistic liturgy, the calendar, andthe lectionary, with their particular case studies.

Several theories exist as to whyliturgical Byzantinization occurred.Some have suggested that the Jerusalem Patriarchate lost its liturgicaltradition owing to depredations resulting from the Arab occupation andbecause of the desire to be more closely allied to Constantinople, thedefender of Chalcedonian Orthodoxy.2 Faithfulness to the Greek language,especially among the Sabaite monks, is also cited as a factor influencingthe desire to imitate Constantinopolitan liturgy.3

Questions of precisely how and when this occurred are often

avoided. The few popular works that describe the phenomenon ofliturgical Byzantinization suggest that it occurred in one fell swoop, whenexiled Patriarchs of Jerusalem returned from Constantinople and broughtback with them the Byzantine Rite.4 While this theory is tempting, itreveals a simplistic understanding of the history, internal functioning, andevolution of the Byzantine Rite, and of liturgy in general.

In the absence of any synthetic, authoritative study of hagiopoliteliturgy, we shall endeavour to re-examine these three questions in theirhistorical context.5 The following braided narrative of analysis and

1Baumstark, Comparative Liturgy, 1.2Arranz, Grandes tapes, 46-47; Pentkovsky, !"#"$%&'()*+(&$,-.+, 74-75. See alsopage 77 below.3Nasrallah, Liturgie des Patriarcats melchites, 159; Nasrallah, HistoireII.2, 182-183.4Fu allora che il successore del patriarca gerosolimitano ritorn nella sua sede, avendoormai acquisito nella capitale dellImpero romano dOriente il rito bizantino. Le anticheChiese orientali. Storia e letteratura, ed. Paolo Siniscalco (Rome: Citt Nuova, 2005), 56.5 Several adequate histories of the Jerusalem Patriarchate that consider the variety oflinguistic sources do exist. The recent article on the Jerusalem Patriarchate from theseventh to thirteenth centuries by K.A. Panchenko, /(0&$-%12$3-4 50-."$%-.*-46(03".7, 8921:466-476, serves as an excellent introduction to this complex period.


CHAPTER II

44

storytelling6is by no means complete or free of bias. This is not simply

because of the fragmentary nature of the sources for this period especially the dark ages of the ninth through eleventh centuries.According to literary historian Hayden White,

all original descriptions of any field of phenomena are alreadyinterpretations of its structureThe plot-structure of a historicalnarrative (how things turned out as they did) and the formalargument or explanation of why things happened or turned out asthey did are prefigured by the original description (of the factsto be explained) in a given dominant modality...7

The modality in question here is that of liturgy and the dynamicinteraction between the various people and powers that influenced it.

1 THE JERUSALEM PATRIARCHATEThe focus of this study is the liturgical practice of the Orthodox

Patriarchate of Jerusalem. The position of Sinai on the hagiopoliteperiphery raises the question of other peripheries. How far fromJerusalem did Melkites spread? Certain liturgical documents originatingwell beyond Palestine suggest hagiopolite origins and will be examinedhere briefly. 8 Jerusalems own position on the Constantinopolitanperiphery is what makes it of interest to the study of Byzantine liturgy.9

1 1 OrthodoxyThe majority of Christians in Palestine before and after the Arab

conquest of Jerusalem were Chalcedonian Christians. Anastasius of Sinai(7th c.) believed that all the holy sites were in the hands of the

6This expression to define narrative comes from David Hackett Fischer, Albions Seed: FourBritish Folkways in America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1989), xi. See also AnnaGreen and Kathleen Troup, The Houses of History. A Critical Reader in Twentieth-CenturyHistory and Theory(Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1999), 211.7 Hayden White, The Fictions of Factual Representation, in Anna Green and KathleenTroup, The Houses of History. A Critical Reader in Twentieth-Century History and Theory (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1999), 214-229, here 221-222. Originallypublished in The Literature of Fact, ed. Angus Fletcher (New York: Columbia UniversityPress, 1976), 21-44.8See al-B!r"n!, Melkite Calendar. This source is connected to Melkites in Khw#razm, nearthe Aral Sea. See Hugh Kennedy, ed., An Historical Atlas of Islam, second, revised edition(Brill: Boston, 2002), 8, 9. For more on Melkite liturgy beyond Palestine and Jerusalem,see Taft, Worship on Sinai, 161-162 n. 58.9Parenti, LEucologio slavo del Sinai, especially 21-22; Parenti, Towards a Regional History.


HISTORICAL CONTEXT

45

Chalcedonian Church because its teaching was the true one,10and for this

reason non-Chalcedonian pilgrims were, at times, reluctant to visitJerusalem.11 A quick glance at a list of the hierarchy of the Church ofJerusalem confirms the dominant Orthodox presence, but it also revealsthe complexity of the ecclesial situation in the Holy City after the falloutof the fourth ecumenical Council of Chalcedon (451). Apart from the earlyhierarchy, which continues until the present day with the Greek OrthodoxPatriarchs of Jerusalem, the respective records include Arian, Semi-Arian,Monophysite, West Syrian, Armenian, Georgian, East Syrian, Coptic,Melkite Greek-Catholic, Latin, Ethiopian, and even Anglican bishopsclaiming succession from James, the first bishop of Jerusalem.12 Finding anArian or Semi-Arian hierarchy among the lists of the Church of Jerusalem

may be surprising, but one must remember that certain theologicaldebates, resolved long before in Byzantium, had lingered on in Palestine.13In this case, Orthodox refers to those Chalcedonian hierarchs who werein communion with the Ecumenical Patriarch of Constantinople. 14Chalcedonian means that they accepted the teaching of the FourthEcumenical Council held in Chalcedon in A.D. 451, which defined Christ asone person in two natures. 15 Muslim occupation never disruptedcommunion between Jerusalem and Constantinople, as it did in Antiochand Alexandria, where the Ecumenical Patriarch could not becommemorated after the arrival of the Omayyads (c. 661) until A.D. 937.16Nevertheless, the situation made it difficult for hagiopolite patriarchs toparticipate in Church councils within the Byzantine Empire.17

The titles of liturgical texts from Jerusalem reflect the developingdoctrinal and ecclesial situation. The title of the AL is the Memorial ofthe synaxes which are held in Jerusalem in the holy places of Christ,wherein is indicated the number of the month and the reading of the day,

10Anastasius of Sinai, Quaestiones et Responsiones, PG 89:767-770.11Schick, Christian Communities of Palestine, 9-10.12Fedalto, Hierarchia Ecclesiastica Orientalis II, 999-1013.13 Ibid., 72-82. At the same time, Brock draws attention to the fact that some terms still

used today require revision. One such term is Monophysite which should be replacedwith Miaphysite and refers to the Syrian Orthodox Church. For greater clarity on thisquestion, see Sebastian P. Brock, The Syriac Orient: a third lung for the Church?, OCP71 (2005), 5-20, here 6; Les Liturgies syriaques, ed. F. Cassingena-Trvedy and I. Jurasz(tudes syriaques 3, Paris: Geuthner, 2006), 296-297.14Timothy Ware, The Orthodox Church(Revised edition, London: Penguin Books, 1993), 4.15 See John Meyendorff, Byzantine Theology. Historical Trends and Doctrinal Themes (NewYork: Fordham University Press, 1987), 32-41.16Nasrallah, HistoireII.2, 17.17Nasrallah, HistoireII.1, 56-57.


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and wherein is indicated the psalm proper to the feasts and memories.18

Here there is no question of right worship, only an emphasis on theimportance of the holy sites for the Church of Jerusalem. The title of theKanonarion-Synaxarion of Constantinople is similar, mentioning only theplace and the content of the liturgical source:

!"#$# %&' ()*"' %+, -.+, /.)012'344125*"' 6#")#75.8# 9:0;.8#,69+5%9:+?2%@4A#, 4"> B405%2' 64+1+CD*"'69E %&' 4C:@"4&' 9:E %&' 69


HISTORICAL CONTEXT

47

1 2 The Christian Population and Its LanguagesEgerias account gives us valuable, although perhaps idealized,

information on the life of Christians in Jerusalem, a heterogeneous andmulti-lingual assembly consisting of Greek and Syriac speakers, monasticsand lay people, locals and foreign pilgrims. Apart from their intenseliturgical schedule, requiring them to rise before cockcrow and return toservices several times during the day, they also fasted extensively duringLent, eating nothing but gruel and water ( 28:1-4). Egerias visit toJerusalem also alerted her to separation and unity among the diverselanguage groups in Jerusalem. Her account reads as follows:

Et quoniam in ea prouincia pars populiet grece et siriste nouit, pars etiam aliaper se grece, aliqua etiam pars tantumsiriste, itaque quoniam episcopus, licetsiriste24nouerit, tamen semper greceloquitur et nunquam siriste: itaqueergo stat semper presbyter, quiepiscopo grece dicente, siristeinterpretatur, ut omnes audient quaeexponuntur. Lectiones etiam,quecumque in ecclesia leguntur, quia

necesse est grece legi, semper stat, quisiriste interpretatur propter populum,ut semper discant. Sane quicumque hiclatini sunt, id est qui nec siriste necgrece nouerunt, ne contristentur, etipsis exponitur eis, quia sunt alii fratreset sorores grecolatini, qui latineexponent eis.25

Now in that province some of thepeople know both Greek and Syriac,while some know Greek alone andothers only Syriac; and because thebishop, although he knows Syriac, yetalways speaks Greek, and never Syriac,there is always a priest standing bywho, when the bishop speaks Greek,interprets into Syriac, that all mayunderstand what is being taught. Andbecause all the lessons that are read in

the church must be read in Greek, healways stands by and interprets theminto Syriac, for the people's sake, thatthey may always be edified. Moreover,the Latins here, who understandneither Syriac nor Greek, in order thatthey be not disappointed, have (allthings) explained to them, for thereare other brothers and sisters knowingboth Greek and Latin, who translateinto Latin for them.

Schwartz (Berlin: W. de Gruyter, 1940), 113, 121; Flusin, Lhagiographie palestinienne,39.24It is often unclear what language is intended since terms such as Syriac, Syro-Palestinian, and Aramaic are often used interchangeably. The term siriste here mayactually mean the Syrian language, closer to Christian Palestinian Aramaic, rather thanthe written language of Edessene Syriac. I thank Dr. Jack Tannous for this observation.See Nasrallah, HistoireII.2, 183; Nasrallah, Liturgie des Patriarcats melchites, 160.25Egeria, Itinraire, 314 (47:3-4).


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48

Egeria seems to imply that the relevance of the hymns, antiphons,

readings, and prayers to the feast and site where they were celebratingmade it easier to comprehend what was going on, even if she did notunderstand Greek ( 47:5).

Although the bishop preached in Greek, he may not have been anative speaker of the language. Thus, despite St. Cyrils classical educationand knowledge of Greek philosophy, 26 Pierre Maraval senses Cyrilsfrustration with the difficulties of Greek, suggesting his native tongue wasprobably Aramaic.27 Maravals hypothesis is based on St. Cyrils commentabout students and education: They spend so many years learninggrammar and other subjects only to speak Greek well; and yet all do notspeak Greek equally well.28

Armenians and Georgians were also a significant presence in theHoly Land from the time of their Christianization. Although ecclesiasticalunion between Armenia and Byzantium had been achieved twice after theCouncil of Chalcedon, in 572 and 591, the Armenians in Palestine were