dancewithmebythesidesofhighways.files.wordpress.com · Web viewPage 1 of 16. To what extent do you agree . that. the. CCP’s policies from 1991 have exacerbated the problem of

Name: Yee Zi Hui Idelle Subject Code: 9733Ctr/Index: 3024/0020

To what extent do you agree that the CCP’s policies from 1991 have

exacerbated the problem of Uyghur separatism in China?

Name : Yee Zi Hui IdelleNRIC : S9529894ZCentre/Index : 3024/0020School Name : Victoria Junior CollegeSubject Name: China Studies in English Higher 2Subject Code : 9733

RESEARCH ESSAY / PROJECT / INDEPENDENT STUDY DECLARATION AND SUBMISSION FORM

Subject: China Studies in English Higher 2 Subject Code: 9733Candidate’s Name: Yee Zi Hui Idelle Index Number: 0020Centre Name: Victoria Junior College Centre Number: 3024


Teacher’s Name: Miss Goh Hui Hua Year of Examination: 2013Title of Research Essay / Project / Independent Study:

To what extent do you agree that the CCP’s policies from 1991 have exacerbated the problem of Uyghur separatism in China?Word count for Research Essay / Project / Independent Study: 2625 words

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Subject: China Studies in English Higher 2 Subject Code: 9733Candidate’s Name: Yee Zi Hui Idelle Index Number: 0020Centre Name: Victoria Junior College Centre Number: 3024Year of Examination: 2013 NRIC / FIN: S9529894ZTitle of Independent Study:To what extent do you agree that the CCP’s policies from 1991 have exacerbated the problem of Uyghur


separatism in China?

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Ms Goh Hui Hua

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CHINA STUDIESHIGHER 2

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INDEPENDENT STUDY PROPOSAL FORM

Candidate’s Name: Yee Zi Hui Idelle Index Number: 0020Centre Name: Victoria Junior College Centre Number: 3024Year of Examination: 2013 NRIC / FIN: S9529894ZIf this is the 2nd submission, please tick hereResearch Topic or Area of Study:Uyghur Separatism in ChinaRationale for Choice of Topic:In China, Uyghur separatism has been at the forefront of much controversy, with the Uyghur separatist movement and the CCP constantly at loggerheads. CCP policies towards the Uyghur separatist movement have become increasingly harsh, but violent uprisings by Uyghur militant groups have been on the rise rather than been suppressed. This raises the question as to whether CCP policies have exacerbated the problem of Uyghur separatism rather than suppressed the movement as a whole. CCP policies have become increasingly harsh and these uprisings more frequent since the independence of the Muslim Central Asian states in 1991 as well as the 9/11 Islamist attacks. Using the contemporary reference point of 1991 to present day, this essay will examine why, and also evaluate whether CCP policies from 1991 onwards have further exacerbated the problem of Uyghur separatism.Proposed Title of Independent Study:To what extent do you agree that the CCP’s policies from 1991 have exacerbated the problem of Uyghur separatism in China?Synopsis of Independent Study:[State clearly the objective(s) and scope of your research or area of study, and identify any potential problems or limitations]The essay will observe the changes in both the CCP policies towards the Uyghurs as well as in the actions of the Uyghur separatist movement following the key flash points of the independence of the Central Asian states in 1991 as well as the 9/11 terrorist attacks. In particular, it will examine how the Uyghur separatist movement has responded to the measures, policies and even the crackdowns imposed upon them by the CCP government. Given that these two events occurred in the last two decades, using them as reference points would be more relevant to the issue of determining whether CCP policies enacted from after these events have resulted in an upsurge in Uyghur rebellion in the contemporary context. It is also noteworthy that after both these events, there was an upsurge in Uyghur separatist activity, including the increase in activities of groups considered to be terrorist organisations by the CCP government.Using a chronological framework, the research paper will then evaluate the impact of the CCP policies in relation to other factors that have affected Uyghur separatism after 1991 – namely, the influence of the newly independent Central Asian states after the collapse of the USSR, the 9/11 attacks and the growing Islamic global movement, and how these triggered a new wave of Uyghur nationalism. Local conditions, such as the Uyghurs’ ethnic and religious identity falling outside the predominantly Han culture PRC, will also be evaluated to ascertain


whether it is really CCP policies that have aggravated Uyghur separatism.Possible problems that may arise may be that sources from within the PRC itself with local insight into the issue of Uyghur separatism may also be difficult to access, as these particular sources may not have been translated and shared for public viewing.Literature Review (i.e. an overview of the current state of research and knowledge in this area of study):There is literature that supports the view that CCP’s policies from 1991 onwards have exacerbated the problem of Uyghur separatism rather than suppressed it. This includes “Violent Separatism in Xinjiang: A Critical Assessment” by James Millward, “Conceptualising Uyghur Separatism in Chinese Nationalism” by Abanti Bhattacharya, and “China’s “War on Terror” in Xinjiang: Human Security and the Causes of Violent Uighur Separatism” by Michael Clarke. These sources demonstrate the opinion of internationally recognised institutions and think-tanks such as the School of Oriental and African Studies from the University of London and the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses from New Dehli, that CCP policies have exacerbated Uyghur separatism.There is also literature that suggests that from 1991 onwards, local conditions within the PRC other than CCP policies have further exacerbated the problem of Uyghur separatism. This consists largely of sources from within the PRC itself, such as the government white papers and articles from the state mouthpiece, the Xinhua News Agency, which largely purport that it is Uyghur initiative itself that is exacerbating the problem of Uyghur separatism in China. Asian Affairs’ June Teufel Dreyer’s “China’s Vulnerability to Minority Separatism” also purports that China’s ethnic history has resulted in the inevitable exacerbation of Uyghur separatism.Other sources evaluate external conditions such as the position of Islam and the Uyghur separatist movement within China, such as Druc C Gladney in “Islam in China: Accommodation or Separatism?” as well as J. Todd Reed and Diana Raschke in “The ETIM: China’s Islamic Militants and the Global Terrorist Threat. PSI Guides to Terrorists, Insurgents and Armed Groups.” These sources suggest that the rise of Uyghur separatist activity is linked to the growing Islamic global movement. Geoffrey C. Gunn’s “Review: Islam in China: Hui and Uyghurs Between Modernization and Sincization” also offers valuable insight into the position of Islam in China.

Methodology (if applicable):[State clearly which, if any, qualitative and/or quantitative methods will be used]I will conduct qualitative analysis of secondary material, including academic journals such as The China Quarterly from the Cambridge Press, which compares past and present CCP policies towards the Uyghurs. Sources from within China as well as Western sources will be juxtaposed to offer a basis of comparison between different perspectives of the same issue of Uyghur separatism. Quantitative analysis of statistics both from sources native to China as well as from research conducted by academics in established universities abroad will also be conducted. This will be done to adopt a multi-dimensional approach to the complex issue of Uyghur separatism.Candidate’s Signature: Date:

5 February 2013Teacher’s Name:Ms Goh Hui Hua

Signature: Date:5 February 2013


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This is the start of the independent study.

Introduction and Literature Review

The impact of CCP policies from 1991 on Uyghur separatism in China has spawned

debate. Some scholars advocate that the harshness of CCP control over Uyghur areas

and the inefficiency of CCP policies such as China’s Western Development Strategy

have exacerbated the problem of Uyghur separatism. Lai posits that “Uyghur rioters

might have been motivated by unemployment, low income and discrimination by the

Han”1. Becquelin agrees, that “CCP policies conducted over the past decade have

actually increased the marginalisation of ethnic minorities”2, encouraging a lack of

belonging to the larger PRC and separatist tendencies amongst the Uyghur people.

Other scholars suggest that local conditions and Uyghur initiative have exacerbated the

problem of Uyghur separatism. Van Wie Davis posits that the Uyghur population is a

monolithic community that is banding together in a distinct ethno-national religious

movement3. Mackerras agrees, calling Xinjiang an isolated enclave of latent pan-

Islamist fundamentalist terrorism in Central Asia4.

Another group of scholars, however, suggests that the rise of Uyghur separatist activity

is related to the growing Islamic global movement. Bhattacharya postulates that “the

9/11 terrorist attacks on the US added the new dimension of terrorism to the Uyghur

1 Lai, Hongyi (2009). China’s Ethnic Policies and Challenges. East Asian Institute. Special Feature 5, East Asian Policy Jul/Sep 2009 Volume 1 No. 32 Becquelin, Nicolas. Staged Development in Xinjiang. China’s Campaign to “Open Up the West”: National, Provincial and Local Perspectives (June 2004). The China Quarterly, NO.178 pp. 358-378.3 Van Wie Davis, Elizabeth. Uyghur Muslim Ethnic Separatism in Xinjiang, China: State Responses. Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies (January 2008)4 Mackerras, Colin (2001). Xinjiang at the turn of the century: the causes of separatism, Central Asian Survey, 20 (3). pp. 289-303

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Name: Yee Zi Hui Idelle Subject Code: 9733Ctr/Index: 3024/0020movement”5 with the CCP government linking the crack-down on the Uyghur movement

as part of the global war on terrorism. Gladney agrees, stating that the rise of the global

Islamic movement has resulted in the “international popularisation of the Uyghur

cause”6. Finally, academics such as Millward propose that this linkage is dubious, as

Uyghur “groups…accused of militancy against the PRC espouse primarily

nationalistic… goals”7. Lutener agrees, stating that “there is no true Islamist threat to

national security and… rule of…Xinjiang region… [the Chinese government] has

exaggerated that threat”8.

This essay will evaluate the impact of CCP policies from 1991 on the problem of Uyghur

separatism in China, and seek to explore the factors driving the Uyghur separatist

movement today in relation to both local socio-cultural factors as well as the

international conditions of the growing global Islamic movement.

Impact of CCP Policies from 1991 on Uyghur Separatism

It can be argued that CCP policies from 1991 have exacerbated Uyghur separatism.

Currently, China’s minority policy is heavily premised on the Regional Ethnic Autonomy

Law (promulgated 1984, amended 2001)9, which designates Xinjiang as an autonomous

5 Bhattacharya, Abanti. (2003). Conceptualising Uyghur Separatism in Chinese Nationalism. Strategic Analysis, Vol. 27, No. 3, Jul-Sep 2003. Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses6 Gladney, Dru C (2003). Islam in China: Accommodation or Separatism?

The China Quarterly, No. 174, Religion in China Today (Jun 2003), pp. 451-4677 Millward, James (2004). Violent Separatism in Xinjiang: A Critical Assessment. Policy Studies 6, East-West Center Washington. 8 Lutener, Robert. (2009). The Islamist Boogeyman in Beijing’s Closet: Uyghur Ethno-Nationalism, Separatism, and Discrimination. Pol 335. Dr. Peggy Meyer9 Potter, Pitman (2005). Governance of China’s Periphery: Balancing Local Autonomy and National Unity, Columbia Journal of Asian Law 19, No.1 (Fall 2005), 315; Lai, Hongyi (2009). China’s Ethnic Policies and Challenges. East Asian Institute. Special Feature 5, East Asian Policy Jul/Sep 2009 Volume 1 No. 3

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Name: Yee Zi Hui Idelle Subject Code: 9733Ctr/Index: 3024/0020region with autonomy over the implementation of regulations and policies from higher

authorities.10

In recent years, economic development has become the main thrust of CCP policies

towards Xinjiang, as evidenced by the economic focus in the 2003 and 2009 White

Papers on Xinjiang11.

Beijing launched the Western Development Strategy, also known as “Go West”, in 2000

and the “flourishing borders and prosperous people” programme in 2005 to help

promote economic development, modernise society and improve the region’s

infrastructure. The programmes allow ethnic regions to have a larger share of the state

budget for capital and infrastructure construction.12 The 2009 White Paper states that

since the implementation of the two programmes, the per-capita net income of farmers

in Xinjiang is 1.2 times more than in 200013. It also states that after the implementation

of Go West and the “flourishing borders and prosperous people” programme, the

amount of government subsidies to Xinjiang has grown by 24.4% on average annually,

reaching 68.56 billion yuan in 2008. This seemingly indicates the concrete success of

CCP policies in improving the lives of the Uyghurs and avoiding the “severe economic…

inequalities [are] a significant…factor for violent [separatist] conflict”14. It can thus be

10 Lai, Hongyi (2009). China’s Ethnic Policies and Challenges. East Asian Institute. Special Feature 5, East Asian Policy Jul/Sep 2009 Volume 1 No. 311 Information Office of the State Council of the People's Republic of China. 2003 White Paper on Xinjiang: History and Development of Xinjiang. Information Office of the State Council of the People's Republic of China. 2009 White Paper on Xinjiang: Development and Progress in Xinjiang12 Lai, Hongyi (2009). The Evolution of China’s Ethnic Policies, Executive Summary No. 8 East Asian Institute, EAI Background Brief No. 440 (12 March 2009). 13 Information Office of the State Council of the People's Republic of China. 2009 White Paper on Xinjiang: Development and Progress in Xinjiang14 Brown, Graham (2005). Horizontal Inequalities, Ethnic Separatism, and Violent Conflict: The Case of Aceh, Indonesia. Human Development Report 2005. Human Development Report Office (Occasional Paper). UNDP.

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Name: Yee Zi Hui Idelle Subject Code: 9733Ctr/Index: 3024/0020argued that CCP policies have not exacerbated Uyghur separatism but rather helped

quell it as improving the lives of the people reduces the incentive and impetus to rebel

against the government .

However, Becquelin posits that the “XUAR does not seem much sounder economically

than it was before”, with “a minimal amount of FDI”15. While foreign trade reached

“US$2.34 billion by the end of 2002, almost double the 1999 figures”16, real economic

benefits for the region have not been concrete. A large proportion is actually “politically

motivated barter trade”17 between China and its central Asian neighbours, particularly

Kazakhstan, bound by the diplomatic obligations of the Shanghai Cooperative

Organisation. Xinjiang also lacks its own sustainable economic infrastructure: Becquelin

states that “Xinjiang’s “exports” are…manufactured in…coastal areas”18. Goodman

concurs that CCP’s economic policies in Xinjiang have been half-hearted: “[state]

investment has been…limited” vis-à-vis nationwide. While government statistics portray

a generally positive trend, stating that Xinjiang “grows at about the same pace as the

developed coastal provinces in the 2000s”19, these vague descriptors gloss over the

realities of relative economic growth. This exacerbates the separatist problem in

Xinjiang as economic policies cannot improve living standards, rendering the region

more prone to separatism as poverty and poor living standards serve as a impetus for

communities to rebel against the state. These policies for economic development have

15 Becquelin, Nicolas. Staged Development in Xinjiang. China’s Campaign to “Open Up the West”: National, Provincial and Local Perspectives (June 2004). The China Quarterly, NO.178 pp. 358-378..16 Ibid.17 Ibid.18 Ibid. 19 Lai, Hongyi (2009). The Evolution of China’s Ethnic Policies, Executive Summary No. 8 East Asian Institute, EAI Background Brief No. 440 (12 March 2009).

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Name: Yee Zi Hui Idelle Subject Code: 9733Ctr/Index: 3024/0020been accompanied by harsh repressive policies such as the 1996 ‘Strike Hard’

campaign20, which underscored to the Uyghurs their second-place status in the state

and sparked renewed support for separatist movements21. The campaign was

designated as a response to the rise of separatist movements such as the East

Turkistan Islamic Movement22 (ETIM), but instead generated widespread support for

general unrest against the government, where before there had only been isolated

pockets of rebellion represented by extremist militant groups such as the ETIM. The

simultaneous dangling of the carrot and the stick resulted not in increased subservience

and assimilation into the state, but rather culminated in unrest: “protests, explosions,

and assassinations of ethnic Uyghur officials”23 This substantiates the notion that CCP

policies from 1991 have exacerbated Uyghur separatism, as the ineffective combination

of policies of economic development and harsh, repressive policies resulted in an

increasing pervasiveness of the Uyghur separatist movement. While this pervasiveness

did not necessarily translate to cohesiveness, CCP policies did cause anti-Han

sentiment to become increasingly widespread, represented by unexpected outbursts of

unrest from the general Uyghur public.

Local Conditions

Local conditions in Xinjiang can also be argued to have exacerbated the problem of

Uyghur separatism. Bhattacharya notes that Uyghurs “twice achieved brief statehood”

20 Bhattacharya, Abanti. (2003). Conceptualising Uyghur Separatism in Chinese Nationalism. Strategic Analysis, Vol. 27, No. 3, Jul-Sep 2003. Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses21 Millward, James (2004). Violent Separatism in Xinjiang: A Critical Assessment. Policy Studies 6, East-West Center Washington.22 Bhattacharya, Abanti. (2003). Conceptualising Uyghur Separatism in Chinese Nationalism. Strategic Analysis, Vol. 27, No. 3, Jul-Sep 2003. Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses23 Ibid.

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Name: Yee Zi Hui Idelle Subject Code: 9733Ctr/Index: 3024/0020pre-1949, which “produced a… protonational identity”24, resulting in a strong sense of

independence and nationhood, a local condition that developed easily into a culture of

separatism under the CCP. Van Wie Davis posits that the presence of a “Muslim

majority in Xinjiang”25 renders the region particularly vulnerable to the rise of Islamic

militant groups such as the ETIM who conduct terrorist attacks against PRC property

and local officials26.

However, Rudelson argues that local conditions, “rather than promoting a united and

effective Uyghur separatist front capable of putting further pressure on the CCP

government to grant Xinjiang greater autonomy, in fact further fragments it”27. This can

be attributed to the “geography of the region, where oases are relatively isolated from

one another, [and there are] fragmented visions and cross-cutting allegiances of the

three major social groups (intellectuals, peasants and merchants)”28 which collectively

prevent the formation of a cohesive Uyghur separatist movement. Rudelson is

supported by Gladney, who states that the Uyghur separatist movement is “divided from

within”29 by socio-cultural factors such as religion (Sufi and non-Sufi) or language. In

sum, it can be said while Uyghurs have a strong sense of national identity separate from

that of the PRC, it is not cohesive enough to be significant. It is therefore CCP policies

24 Eriksen, Thomas, Ethnicity and Nationalism: Anthropological Perspectives. 1991. Pluto Press; London.25 Van Wie Davis, Elizabeth. Uyghur Muslim Ethnic Separatism in Xinjiang, China: State Responses. Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies (January 2008)26 Millward, James (2004). Violent Separatism in Xinjiang: A Critical Assessment. Policy Studies 6, East-West Center Washington.27 Rudelson, Justin Jon (1997). Oasis Identities: Uyghur Nationalism Along China's Silk Road. Columbia University Press.28 Ibid.29 Gladney, Dru C (2003). Islam in China: Accommodation or Separatism? The China Quarterly, No. 174, Religion in China Today (Jun 2003), pp. 451-467

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Name: Yee Zi Hui Idelle Subject Code: 9733Ctr/Index: 3024/0020which generate dissent and resentment against the central government, resulting in the

formation of militant groups such as the East Turkistan Islamic Movement (ETIM) and

exacerbating the problem of Uyghur separatism.30 While the groups taking on an Islamic

character may be attributed to the local conditions of Xinjiang being a primarily Islamic

region31, this is secondary to the fact that without the trigger of CCP policies, the region

had been too divided in its separatist tendencies to unify in a cohesive separatist

movement. Islam and the Muslim majority in Xinjiang did not result in separatist

movements before this trigger although it had always been present in the local

conditions. It can thus be argued that local conditions are not as important as CCP

policies in exacerbating Uyghur separatism.

Impact of Global Islamic Movement on Uyghur Separatism

International conditions must also be taken into account. Kan and Bhattacharya posit

that in the wake of the 9/11 attacks, China increasingly links its suppression of the

separatist threat in Xinjiang to the global war on terror, thus justifying its repressive

attitude towards the Uyghur separatists.32 The growing Islamic global movement can be

said to have influenced the local conditions of Uyghur separatism, causing them to take

on a distinctly Islamic and increasingly militant character. Scholars such as Van Wie

Davis and Millward all characterise groups such as the East Turkistan Islamic

Movement (ETIM) and the East Turkistan Liberation Organisation (ETLO) as violent

30 Millward, James (2004). Violent Separatism in Xinjiang: A Critical Assessment. Policy Studies 6, East-West Center Washington.31 Gladney, Dru C (2003). Islam in China: Accommodation or Separatism?

The China Quarterly, No. 174, Religion in China Today (Jun 2003), pp. 451-46732 Kan, Shirley A. (2010). U.S.-China Counterterrorism Cooperation: Issues for U.S. Policy. Congressional Research Service. Bhattacharya, Abanti. (2003). Conceptualising Uyghur Separatism in Chinese Nationalism. Strategic Analysis, Vol. 27, No. 3, Jul-Sep 2003. Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses

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Name: Yee Zi Hui Idelle Subject Code: 9733Ctr/Index: 3024/0020militant groups with a distinct religious agenda, drawing support from Central Asian

states33. This lends weight to the proposition that international conditions have indeed

exacerbated the problem of Uyghur separatism in China, with the outbreaks of anti-CCP

violence in Xinjiang being attributed to these groups.

However, Millward points out that “there is reason to doubt many… claims emanating

from Chinese and Central Asian government sources regarding these groups”34, as they

are “often polemical in tone”35 and “retail unsubstantiated and dubious accusations that

the Uyghurs are religious extremists calling for jihad and aspiring to create an Islamic

state”36, which actual leaders of Uyghur militant groups have not echoed in their public

interviews. Uyghur commentators such as Kakharman Khozhamberdi, chairman of the

Uighurstan People’s Party, have pointed out that “the greatest … beneficiary of

supposed “Uyghur terrorism” remains the PRC government itself”37. Millward also notes

that two weeks before the 9/11 attacks, Xinjiang Pary Secretary Wang Lequan declared

the separatist situation “better than ever in history”38; after the attacks, official PRC

pronouncements began to stress the threat of "terrorism"39 in Xinjiang as China's

leadership maneuvered to position itself "side by side with the United States in the war

33 Van Wie Davis, Elizabeth. Uyghur Muslim Ethnic Separatism in Xinjiang, China: State Responses. Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies (January 2008); Millward, James (2004). Violent Separatism in Xinjiang: A Critical Assessment. Policy Studies 6, East-West Center Washington.34 Millward, James (2004). Violent Separatism in Xinjiang: A Critical Assessment. Policy Studies 6, East-West Center Washington.35 Ibid.36 Ibid.37 Ibid.38 Millward, James (2004). Violent Separatism in Xinjiang: A Critical Assessment. Policy Studies 6, East-West Center Washington.39 Ibid.

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Name: Yee Zi Hui Idelle Subject Code: 9733Ctr/Index: 3024/0020against terror"40 Kan agrees, describing China as “jumping on the bandwagon of the war

on terrorism”41 to justify its repression of the Uyghurs and mask the inadequacy of its

economic policies42. Also, as Lutener posits, the “wider Islamic revival has…had an

influence on Uyghur Muslim self-identification”43, but “an increase in traditional Islamic

practice cannot be linked to an inevitable desire for the Uyghur[s] to create a hard-core

theocracy based on…sharia law, an image the CCP vociferously promote[d]”44. This

indicates that the impact of global Islam on, and the exacerbation of, Uyghur separatism

has been exaggerated by the CCP government to suit its foreign policy interests. This,

coupled with the knowledge of Uyghur repression such as the “Strike Hard”45 campaign

and the inadequacy of CCP economic policies in Xinjiang, lends weight to the notion

that exacerbation of the Uyghur separatist movement by the Islamic global movement

has been greatly exaggerated to divert attention on the international stage away from

China’s domestic repressive tendencies and economic inadequacies. It is therefore

domestic CCP policies that have exacerbated Uyghur separatism, and global Islam is

merely a façade for the CCP to redirect the blame away from itself.

Opposing this, Mackerras strongly contends that linkages between global Islamic

fundamentalists and Uyghur separatism are strong, echoing the official CCP position.

However, Lutener describes his research as “a…selection process of qualitative

40 Ibid.41 Kan, Shirley A. (2010). U.S.-China Counterterrorism Cooperation: Issues for U.S. Policy. Congressional Research Service42 Ibid.43 Lutener, Robert. (2009). The Islamist Boogeyman in Beijing’s Closet: Uyghur Ethno-Nationalism, Separatism, and Discrimination. Pol 335. Dr. Peggy Meyer44 Ibid.45 Bhattacharya, Abanti. (2003). Conceptualising Uyghur Separatism in Chinese Nationalism. Strategic Analysis, Vol. 27, No. 3, Jul-Sep 2003. Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses

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Name: Yee Zi Hui Idelle Subject Code: 9733Ctr/Index: 3024/0020research that cannot be independently verified”, his use of “completely subjective terms

to paint a picture of Islamic extremism” even more telling of his unreliability. Mackerras

quotes extremes sources such as Zahideen Yusuf, the leader of a Baren Township

uprising, who actively promotes his “Holy War”46 on the PRC. Mackerras also states that

“many”47 Han businesspeople feel discriminated against, and that “quite a few Muslim

clerics wish to stir up trouble for the Chinese”. This cherry-picking of choice words,

extreme sources and the use of vague, non-quantitative terms creates a non-

representative and unreliable historical account. As such, the stand that the CCP has

exaggerated the impact of global Islamic fundamentalism on Uyghur separatism still

stands.

Limitations

The assessment of the impact of CCP policies from 1991 on Uyghur separatism may be

premature, especially with regard to recent economic policies such as the 2000 Western

Development strategy and the 2005 “flourishing borders and prosperous people”

programme. This is because scholars need to account for the considerable effort

required to tackle Xinjiang’s weak economic foundation. Scholars critical of recent CCP

economic policies may lack a timeframe of elapsed years long enough to make reliable

assessments of their impact, causing their assertions to be founded upon personal,

subjective opinions. On the other hand, official CCP statistics that show vast economic

growth in Xinjiang, indicating the success of CCP policies in raising living standards and

quelling separatist tendencies may also lack accuracy, as these figures are likely to be

46 Mackerras, Colin (2001). Xinjiang at the turn of the century: the causes of separatism, Central Asian Survey, 20 (3). pp. 289-30347 Ibid.

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Name: Yee Zi Hui Idelle Subject Code: 9733Ctr/Index: 3024/0020pre-regulated and selectively released by the CCP to protect their reputation.

Nonetheless, this essay has alleviated the potential unreliability of sources through

accessing a wide array of literature.

The assessment of the impact of the international Islamic movement may also be

premature, given that the circumstances that the global Islamic movement only really

gained ground and international significance in the wake of the 9/11 attacks, becoming

a priority for powerful countries such as the United States. The absence of open

information (that is, outside PRC state mouthpieces such as Xinhua News Agency) on

Uyghur militant groups in Xinjiang renders it an open question as to exactly what extent

groups such as the ETIM (East Turkistan Islamic Movement) and the ETLO (East

Turkistan Liberation Organisation) have engaged in anti-Chinese militancy, or terrorism,

at all in recent years.

Conclusion

In conclusion, the policies of the CCP government from 1991 have played the greatest

role in exacerbating the problem of Uyghur separatism. On the surface, it would seem

that out of the three factors, international conditions and the rise of Uyghur separatism

alongside the rise of the global Islamic movement would have most exacerbated the

problem of Uyghur separatism in China. This is especially so given the close proximity

of Xinjiang to the Central Asian states and the fact that it is a Muslim-majority region.

However, this is merely an exaggeration promoted by the CCP government to conduct

foreign policy manoeuvres such as aligning itself with the USA in its war on terror. The

designation of Uyghur separatist groups such as the ETIM as terrorist groups and

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Name: Yee Zi Hui Idelle Subject Code: 9733Ctr/Index: 3024/0020warranting elimination in the global war on terror China has joined gives the CCP

government domestic leeway to continue the use of harsh repressive policies such as

the 1996 Strike Hard campaign. The impact of international conditions and the rise of

the global Islamic movement have been greatly exaggerated.

Instead, it is CCP policies that have played the greatest role in exacerbating Uyghur

separatism. The inadequacy of CCP economic policies and harsh repressive policies

such as the 1996 Strike Hard campaign resulted in resentment and the proliferation of

anti-Han sentiment. The Uyghurs felt themselves to be under the rule of a government

that did not prioritise their economic development and welfare, resulting in widespread

resentment and rendering Xinjiang a region increasingly supportive of separatist

movements. CCP policies thus directly exacerbated Uyghur separatism. Local

conditions in Xinjiang can also be seen to have exacerbated Uyghur separatism, but the

impact of local conditions on Uyghur separatism was itself rooted in CCP policies. CCP

policies triggered the previously dormant local condition of the Muslim majority and the

lack of cohesion among Uyghur people into cohesive, efficient separatist movements

such as the ETIM.

Overall, it can be concluded that the CCP’s policies from 1991 have exacerbated the

problem of Uyghur separatism in China.

This is the end of the research essay / independent

study.

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Page 13 of 16

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