Viva Fidel! Viva Cuba Libre!:

The Conflicting Voices of Cuban Hip Hop

Melissa Segarra

Ethnomusicology 323

Inna Naroditskaya

March 12, 2012

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I. Cuban Hip Hop: The New Nueva Trova?

“Our highest aspiration has been the promotion of relationships between artistic and in-

tellectual movements and the political, social, and moral development of the country.

That is, we reject the conception of art and culture as something added on or superim-

posed on social life and instead attempt to activate them in their rightful place in the

construction of socialism” - Armando Hart Dávalos, Adelante el Arte1

As far back as the eve of the 1959 Revolution, Cuban music’s relationship with

politics runs deep within the socialist system. The new government, for one, wasted no

time in founding artistic institutions. In 1961, both the National Art School and National

Cultural Advisory were established and musicologist Radames Giro believes that Cuba

invests more money per capita in the arts than any other country.2 The above epigraph,

taken from the former Cuban Minister of Culture’s writings emphasize the significant

bond between the state and the arts. His words not only suggest that music in Cuba

serves a particular purpose (socialist ideals) but that anything that lies outside this defi-

nition will be “rejected” by the state. Several Cuban musical traditions have undergone

an interesting evolution during the socialist regime. In the case of the nueva trova tra-

dition, it rose out of the turbulent period of the 60’s and was partially influenced by

American protest songs and youth culture. Initially resisted by the state during the sup-

pressive era of the grey period, nueva trova was eventually nationalized by the state.

It lost much of its critical content due to censorship, and while it gained sale potential, it

was later labelled a bourgeois out-of-touch art form.3

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A few decades later, the feather-rustling genre of Cuban hip-hop appears to re-

semble the nueva trova genre not only in initial purpose - to criticize - but also in its

fluctuating relationship with the state, the people, and the global community. it also dif-

fers greatly from nueva trova because of its very specific time of origin - the special

period. Today’s Cuba is not the same isolated island of the 60’s and 70’s as this study

of Cuban hip-hop will attempt to argue. Cuban hip-hop is simplistically labelled a “na-

tionalized art form”, suggesting a unified artistic community but this investigation reveals

a far more complex, multi-vocal pastiche of conflicting aesthetics, ideologies, and recep-

tions caused by (and also mirroring) the contradictory nature of Cuba’s socialist govern-

ment, the polarized realities of state and people, and lastly, the increasing presence of

the global community.

II. The Special Period and the Birth of Cuban Hip-Hop

Euphemistically named the “Special Period”, the 1990’s marked an incredibly dif-

ficult time for Cuba’s citizens, brought on by the collapse of Soviet Russia and the with-

drawal of foreign aid to the island. The Cuban peso lost its value, the established food

rationings were greatly reduced, energy resources were drained while the black market

grew, prostitution and crime rose, and mass exoduses to the U.S. were commonplace.

Cuba had no choice but to insert itself into the international market and set aside social-

ist economic policies to ensure the survival of the political system.4 Therefore, tourism,

private business, and foreign investment were implemented to remedy further economic

decline. All the moment, the government viewed this economic change as a temporary

measure rather than a sign of shifting political ideologies. However, the brief window

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into capitalism had widened the horizons for many Cubans and had unofficially trans-

formed the economic framework of the island permanently. Furthermore, it opened

doors to academic, artistic, and technological sharing.5

Poverty and scarce job opportunity during the Special Period was especially

tough on Afro-Cubans , who felt a growing racial divide despite the colorless and class-

less vision of the Cuban Revolution. Reguant explains this issue stating, “Some people

got richer mostly those in key positions at state-enterprises or plugged into transnational

economic networks, while many others got poorer, particularly blacks and the elderly.”6

For instance, the tourist market, arguably the largest economic system on the island,

hired mostly white Cubans and restricted Cuban socializing to non-tourist areas, polariz-

ing the black community economically, socially, and spatially. The period embodied the

gaping fact that socialist theory and practice in Cuba were not in sync.

Afro-Cubans began to associate themselves with the politically adventurous hip-

hop groups of the 90’s such as Public Enemy. Chronicling Cuba’s genealogy of hip

hop, Alexy Rodriguez raps, “Everything began as a kid/ I struggled with a coat hanger

and a radio/there it was crazy to get the 99/And me like many others in Havana/dancing

to American music, nuthin’ else.” 7 Although it was still young and mostly restricted to

household radios and local parties, socio-politically motivated rap would soon character-

ize Cuba’s unique hip-hop movement. While the government was at first wary of a musi-

cal style adopted from essentially an enemy - the U.S.- Cuban supporters of the genre

worked to link Cuban rap’s politically infused message with the ideals of the Revolution.

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Baker notes, “nationalization was something that they[rappers] sought, rather

than being something imposed from outside.”8 Important rap advocate and promoter

Pablo Herrera is one who seeks a peaceful coexistence between the state and the rap

movement and not only acts as a mediator between the state and rappers but also influ-

ences Cuban rap directly. Anónimo Consejo, a popular ‘conscious’ rap group states,

“He advises us on everything....he gives us ideas for lyrics and he also writes the cho-

ruses if necessary.” 9 Herrera expresses his artistic goal in backing Cuba’s rap talent,

“The purpose of hip-hop is serving the country, not being an antagonistic tool....The idea

is to improve what is already in place.” 10 Herrera, therefore, aided the initial union of

both state and art form.

III. Conflict between State Institutions and Global Markets

The initial nationalization of rap began in 1997 when hop- hop organizer Rodolfo

Rensoli approached Asociación Hermanos Saíz, a branch of the Young Communist

Union, in sponsoring their 1997 annual Hip-Hop festival. The branches negotiated be-

tween themselves and among initially resistant higher-level officials for permission to

host the event.11 Rap’s partnership with the AHS was aimed at integrating new cultural

forms within enduring frameworks of nation, and national and political culture, opening

up utopian possibilities and new forms of expression.12 Consequently, rap was not sim-

ply appropriated by the state but negotiated and defined by its many participants, both

state employee and musician. The AHS provided rappers with music training, educa-

tion, and Afro-Cuban history so that ”they would be able to recognize their identity within

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Cuba’s social history and culture.” 13 Such a program indicates a negotiation between

parties as well since the rappers could reject or accept the information given to them.

In 1998, Abriel Prieto, the Minister of Culture declared rap as an “authentic ex-

pression of cubanidad.” 14 Consecutively, the Agencia Cubana de Rap (Cuban Rap

Agency) was founded in 2002, a professional organization supporting about 8-10

groups (out of approximately 250), providing the rappers with salaries and official gov-

ernment positions. Its aim is to “promote and commercialize groups under its aegis”, a

goal which runs counter to the AHS.15 The ACR’s founding divided the now professional

groups from the amateur groups represented by the AHS. Baker details how fracturing

intensified in 2002 when agency-sponsored groups became more commercialized as a

1 R o b i n M o o r e , M u s i c a n d R e v o l u t i o n : C u l t u r a l C h a n g e i n S o c i a l i s t C u b a , ( B e r k e l e y : U C P r e s s , 2 0 0 6 ) , 1 .2 Moore, Music and Revolution, 2.3 Moore, Music and Revolution, 135-158.4 A r i a n a H e r n a n d e z - R e g u a n t , " W r i t i n g t h e S p e c i a l P e r i o d : A n I n t r o d u c t i o n , " c h a p . 1 i n C u b a i n t h e S p e c i a l P e r i o d : C u l t u r e a n d I d e o l o g y i n t h e 1 9 9 0 ' s , e d . A r i a n a H e r n a n d e z - R e g u a n t ( N e w Y o r k : P a l g r a v e M a c m i l l a n , 2 0 0 9 ) .5 Hernandez, Writing the Special Period, 6-8.6 Hernandez, Writing the Special Period, 5.7 S u j a t h a F e r n a n d e s , " M a d e i n H a v a n a C i t y : r a p m u s i c , s p a c e , a n d r a c i a l p o l i t i c s , " c h a p . 1 0 i n H a v a n a b e y o n d t h e r u i n s : c u l t u r a l m a p p i n g s a f t e r 1 9 8 9 . E d i t e d b y H a v a n a b e y o n d t h e r u i n s : c u l t u r a l m a p p i n g , e d . F e r -n a n d e s , S u j a t h a . M a d e i n H a v a n a C i t y : r a p m u s i c , s p a c e , a n d r a c i a l p o l i t i c s . H a v a n a b e y o n d t h e r u i n s : c u l t u r a l m a p p i n g s a f t e r 1 9 8 9 . E d i t e d b y H a v a n a b e y o n d t h e r u i n s A n k e B i r k e n m a i e r a n d E s t h e r W h i t f i e l d . ( D u r h a m : D u k e U n i -v e r s i t y P r e s s , 2 0 1 1 ) , 1 7 5 .8 G e o f f B a k e r , " H i p H o p , R e v o l u c i o n ! N a t i o n a l i z i n g R a p i n C u b a . " , " E t h n o -m u s i c o l o g y , 4 9 , n o . 3 ( 2 0 0 5 ) : 3 6 8 - 4 0 8 , h t t p : / / w w w . j s t o r . o r g / s t a b l e / 2 0 1 7 4 4 0 3 ( a c c e s s e d F e b r u a r y 1 3 , 2 0 1 2 ) , 3 8 0 . 9 Baker, Hip Hip Revolucion, 380.10 A n n e l i e s e W u n d e r l i c h , " C u b a n H i p H o p : M a k i n g S p a c e f o r V o i c e s o f D i s -s e n t , " c h a p . 1 1 i n T h e V i n y l A i n ' t F i n a l : H i p H o p a n d t h e G l o b a l i z a t i o n o f B l a c k P o p u l a r C u l t u r e , e d . B a s u D i p a n n i t a a n d S y d n e y L e m e l l e ( L o n d o n : P l u t o , 2 0 0 6 ) , 1 7 4 .11 Baker, Hip Hop Revolucion, 375.1212 Hernandez-Reguant, Writing the Special Period, 144.13 Hernandez-Reguant, Writing the Special Period, 146.14 Wunderlich, Cuban Hip Hop, 172.15 Baker, Hip Hop Revolucion, 375.

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method of catering to Cuban youth (who form the majority of Cuba’s population with a

whopping 30 % in the 16-30 year old age bracket).16 Friction between the two state-

sponsored branches underlined a distinction in their ultimate goals, where on one end

the ACR strove for a more commercially successful result, and on the other the AHS

fostered a style grounded in constructive socio-political critique. Therefore, commercial

rap and its relationship to capitalist systems were ridiculed by ‘conscious’ rappers as

anti-revolutionary.

While it appears that Cuban rap is a localized issue rap remains linked to the

global community. In fact, “in recent years, small but significant numbers of foreigners -

mainly US and Canadian journalists, documentary makers, researchers, hip-hop fans,

have sought out the Havana rap scene.” 17 In 1998, the U.S. program, the Black August

Collective, held its annual festival in Cuba, allowing American rappers like Dead Prez,

Common, and other Cuban rappers the chance to collaborate.18 Furthermore, while

‘conscious’ rappers oppose the commercial rap movement, they themselves are con-

sumers and producers of American commercialism, albeit in a more symbolic fashion.

Youtube clips of concerts display an array of American brands from Ecko to Adidas. The

familiar look of baggy pants, skewed caps, and jerseys are donned by most of the rap-

pers, regardless of organization affiliation or musical style. Slang adopted from U.S. rap-

pers can be identified throughout Cuban rap songs, some songs even express a desire

for commercial success despite their institutional affiliation or musical ideology In their

song “El Barco”, Los Paisanos point to the dire situation of Cuban rappers: “ The situa-

16 Baker, Hip Hop Revolucion, 371.17 G e o f f B a k e r , " L a H a b a n a q u e n o c o n o c e s " : C u b a n R a p a n d t h e S o c i a l C o n -s t r u c t i o n o f U r b a n S p a c e , " E t h n o m u s i c o l o g y , 1 5 , n o . 2 ( 2 0 0 6 ) : 2 1 5 - 2 4 6 , h t t p : / / w w w . j s t o r . o r g / s t a b l e / 2 0 1 8 4 5 5 9 ( a c c e s s e d F e b r u a r y 1 3 , 2 0 1 2 ) , 2 7 7 .18 Baker, Hip Hop Revolucion, 382.

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tion of Cuban rap in this era does not prosper/the money that my imagination produces.-

does not materialize in my wallet.” 19 Transculturation permeates the Cuban rap scene

in dress, colloquial speech, and even in their drive for financial success. Despite, the

“nationalization” of Cuban rap, the visual and verbal message may not necessarily be

considered strictly socialist.

And in the age of youtube, blogs, and twitter, the transculturation of rap does not

seem to be slowing down in the least. According to Sujatha Fernandes, in the last few

years many of Cuba’s rap scene has moved abroad. For example, Pablo Herrera is now

in Scotland, Jesse Saldigas of los Paisanos is in England, and Las Krudas are in Texas.

20 Considering how important improving Cuba was to the goals of the Cuban rap move-

ment, it is surprising that some of its biggest members have opted to working out in the

global market. It is difficult to pinpoint the reasons for this hip-hop diaspora but it may be

a combination of economic difficulties, censorship, family ties, or just seeking a broader

audience base. Regardless, it is clear that transculturation and globalization play a ma-

jor part in the Cuban hip-hop movement.

IV. What is “Conscious” Rap?

‘Conscious’ rap, as stated before, is synonymous with a socio-political message.

However, it is not tied exclusively to underground rap since there are ‘conscious’ rap-

pers in the ACR. Los Aldeanos and Obsesión are two conscious rap duos representing

both sides of the underground scene and the commercial scene. Aesthetically, ‘con-

19 S u j a t h a F e r n a n d e s , " F e a r o f a B l a c k N a t i o n : L o c a l R a p p e r s , T r a n s n a t i o n a l C r o s s i n g s , a n d S t a t e P o w e r i n C o n t e m p o r a r y C u b a , " A n t h r o p o l o g i c a l Q u a r -t e r l y , 7 6 , n o . 4 ( 2 0 0 3 ) : 5 7 5 - 6 0 8 , h t t p : / / w w w . j s t o r . o r g / s t a b l e / 3 3 1 8 2 8 1 ( a c -c e s s e d F e b r u a r y 1 3 , 2 0 1 2 ) , 6 0 2 .20 Fernandes, Made in Havana City, 84.

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scious’ rap’s sound is less lyrical with a sparse underlying urban beat, emphasizing the

words sung rather than a danceable rhythm. Baker describes one specific underground

concert, stating, “This wasn’t party music, it was serious stuff,” and the mostly silent

and attentive crowd reciprocated this sentiment. 21

Considered the most revolutionary group on the island, Los Aldeanos is defined

by a strong stance against capitalism, inequality, and corruption. According to the rap-

pers, the lyrics are what their fellow Cubans identify with, even though the critical points

in the lyrics are something “they might be afraid to say publicly.” 22 According to Baker,

“As an criticism that can be presented as improving the Revolution is theoretically ac-

ceptable, a distinction cannot be made between who criticize and those who support the

state” (376). Hence, Los Aldeanos lyrics verge on the edge of the unsayable. In their

song “Solo un Sueño” (Only a Dream), Los Aldeanos critique the status quo through an

ironic depiction of a new Cuba:

salaries rose, prices dropped and now rap is promoted. Our way of thinking no

one invades and when we say the truth no one beats us to a pulp/the laws are

born from the people, not the MININT or FAR. Eggs are sold by the pound, lies are all

gone, and no fat guy rations the air you breath. It’s a difficult dream to achieve but this

won’t stop us. the truth is what counts, they gave back that liberty that they took. Ev-

eryone is guaranteed peace. That awaited future for Cuba begins.

The lyrics touch on a plethora of real problems in Cuba such as poverty, censorship,

racism, and corruption. They also point out the divide between the people and the gov-

21 Baker, Hip Hop Revolucion, 216.22 Tutton 2009.

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ernment, mentioning both the Interior Ministry and Armed Forces of Cuba much like the

fractured “nationalization” of Cuban rap. However, as radical as their lyricals are for So-

cialist Cuba, their lyrics still refrain from challenging Castro and other official leader. Is

this a case of censorship or patriotism? Perhaps it is both. In a Miami-based interview,

for instance, the duo insisted their support of the Revolution and Castro.23 After all,

rather than rallying their listeners to rebel, Los Aldeanos advocate the union between

the people and the government.

However, their forthright lyrics about life in Cuba don't make them any friends

among Cuban authorities, limiting their opportunities on the island. Member Aldo ex-

plains, "Our lyrics don't always go with the standard Cuban rhetoric and often that won't

get airplay, I can be famous in other countries, but here they won't let me play a concert

in a theater.” 24 Not surprisingly, the Aldeanos are not affiliated with the ACR perhaps

because according to one rapper, involvement with the ACR, “does limit our creative

freedom. The CRA has an agenda that goes with the government’s agenda.” 25 Re-

cently, Los Aldeanos have come into conflict with authorities as famous dissenting

Cuban blogger Yoani Sanchez tweeted. Their computer was confiscated for illegal ac-

tivity and later returned after evidence showing to the contrary. Despite these moments,

the duo stress their allegiance to the Revolution. One half of the group, El B, says, “I am

not a communist; nor am I a socialist; nor am I a Leninist; I am a Revolutionary." 26 Mas-

terfully spinning the term on its head, the rappers point out that they are actually in sup-

23 Tutton 2009.24 Tutton 2009.25 Tutton 2009.26 Tutton 2009.

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port of the ideals of the Revolution, and choose to take part in the Revolution by remain-

ing on the island.

Recently, the group has toured around globally such as in Latin America and

Florida through the help of their independent U.S. based record, Emetrece Productions,

a company started by anthropologist Ph.D candidate, Melissa Riviere, from the Univer-

sity of Minnesota, and whose goal is “to educate and challenge the U.S. embargo on

Cuba.” 27 The relationship between Los Aldeanos and the Cuban government is a battle

between theory and practice, something which the ‘conscious’ rappers challenges

abroad, on youtube, and in small, usually illicit concerts. Since they are the most radical

underground group, Los Aldeanos stay firmly rooted to the socialist state but their con-

nection overseas, their exposure on the net, and their frequent foreign concerts indicate

this revolutionary duo also has deep ties within the global community.

Obsesión is another “conscious” rap duo yet unlike the Aldeanos they are one of

the only ‘conscious’ rappers in the ACR. Like Los Aldeanos, their goal is to uphold the

original values of the Revolution. Alexy Rodrigues of Obsesión elaborates, “We reflect

on a song so that people will have access to debate, which is a weak point in Cuban so-

ciety. Our songs are very critical but we also give proposals for change.” 28 Obsesión’s

sound tends to be more experimental or lyrical than Los Aldeanos who have a rougher,

grittier quality to their tracks. Though Obsesion’s music may play with cuban musical

styles, their lyrics remain critical, usually focusing more on racial injustice and ethnic

pride. In the number “Los Pelos” (Hair), the group raps about african hair as a symbol of

27 Tutton 200928 National Radio 2010.

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african-ness and pride. Obsesión also faces moments of censorship. For instance,

member Magia Lopez defended a 2002 song about prostitution in the barrios of central

Havana, stating it was about capitalist countries, even though she had never been out-

side of Cuba. 29 By comparing these two groups it is evident that the categories of “con-

scious” rap and “underground” rap are not necessarily interchangeable. Furthermore,

despite institutional representation both groups deal with some form of censorship and

commercializing. This complex and ambiguous network of relations highlights the con-

flicting nature of the socialist government.

IV. Commercial Hip-Hop: Sell-outs or counter-revolutionaries?

Viewed as a counterpoint to ‘conscious’ rap, commercial rap is defined by its fo-

cus on style over message, opting for a popular sound by blending Cuban dance

rhythms with hip-hop beats; it aims to reach for wider audiences using a popular sound

in order to become more commercially viable.30 The social context and political words

that are imperative to ‘conscious’ rap are absent from commercial rap.31 The ACR is the

institution most associated with commercial hip-hop since the majority of its nine groups

fill this category. However, rapper Papo Record suggests that, because their is no mar-

ket in Cuba, there is no distinction between commercial and conscious rap. Both groups

must compete in a market-less economy, and most groups sell their music by illegally

burning CD’s and selling them to Cubans and tourists.32

29 Fernandes, Straight outta Havana, 2011.30 Fernandes, Fear of Black Nation, 581.31 Baker, Hip Hop Revolucion, 234.32 Fernandes, Fear of Black Nation, 584

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Orishas is probably the most famous Cuban rap group to join the global commu-

nity completely. In the first few years of the movement they were called Amenaza

(threat) and their style characterized the social awareness of ‘conscious’ rap. When they

were offered a record deal by international record label EMI, they moved permanently to

France and renamed themselves Orishas, referencing the Yoruba deities of Cuba’s

santeria religion. Clearly, this name switch from Amenaza to Orishas mirrors their

switch in musical ideology from music based on a socio-politically charged message to

music focused on nostalgia and a danceable rhythm. Their music blends urban and latin

tastes such as the “rumba essence and the tasty guaganco.” 33 In their music video

“Nací Orishas” (Born Orishas), the group exoticizes the island, depicting a vibrant com-

munity of mixed races, charmingly dilapidated buildings, a grinning santerista woman,

and hyper-sexualized, scantily clad women dancing to the infectious rumba-urban fu-

sion. Their lyrics are just as optimistic with lines such as, “ grace no one can take from

you/Orishas are confident in everything they give/to those who say my sound has been

taken/ the sounds of my cuba cannot be forgotten/ in every inch of land of Cuba the

sound holds on”. The difference between these lyrics and that of Los Aldeanos are

drastic. Whereas one paints a harsh reality full of social ills, these lyrics paint a joyful

Cuba full of music and hope. It appears that their music could assist greatly in fostering

an ideal image of Cuba as a tropical paradise - something which the tourist sector of

Cuba would need to prosper. Despite the absence of political lyrics, Orishas still voice

their political beliefs, claiming to be “Pro-Castro” and visiting the island on a regular ba-

sis. Their amiable relationship with the Cuban government, however, does not seem to

extend to their Cuba’s underground rap scene. One article quotes, “Cuba's most famous

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hip-hoppers have never had a concert in Cuba....When pressed as to why, all he [Or-

ishas member Yotuel] says is ``our objective is to perform abroad.'Yotuel also says that,

though they get recordings from Cuba's rap scene, they have 'no direct contact whatso-

ever' with musicians there. A strained tone creeps into his voice.” 34 The real reason for

this tension could perhaps be explained by a segment of “El Barco” by Los Paisanos.

They criticize commercially funded rappers for having abandoned their political stances

rapping, “ those without shame who say they are rappers, I shoot words at them, I don't

kill them, but I detest them and I don't silence the truth, but I bring it to the text.” 35 Un-

derground rappers look on at Orishas with contempt for having sold out their ideals,

earning cash by painting Cuba as a land of rum, women, and dance to Western audi-

ences.

Like Orishas, Reggaetón is another style of commercial rap immediately identifi-

able through its seductive sound - a repetitive bass beat, electronic effects and sugges-

tive lyrics. Born in Puerto Rico but quickly transported throughout Latin America, reg-

gaetón is the source of controversy within Cuba’s musical and political community. 36

Members of the AHS a condemn the music , writing it off as “banal, corny, trashy” and

“potentially inciting vulgarity, vice, and drug abuse.”37 There are several voices within

the genre itself, much like the ‘conscious’ rap community. There are those groups sanc-

tioned by the institutions by the ACR and international labels, underground reggae-

toneros who operate through informal channels like impromptu concerts and CD burn-

ing, and reggaetón-timba fusion groups who feed off who feed off this new trend. 38

What may be considered dangerous in reggaetón by Cuban socialist ideals, is the lack

33 Fernandez 2005.34 Fernandez 2005.35 Fernandes, Fear of Black Nation, 584.

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of cubanization in the genre such as the absence of Cuban elements like “instrumen-

tal timbre or melodic virtuosity” preferring to emulate Puerto Rican slang and Jamaican

reggae. 39 Baker states that the music “stands outside socialist principles altogether, re-

fusing to engage with ideology any level.”40 Interestingly while Cubans favor the

“transnational character and higher quality “ of Puerto Rican reggaetón, local and for-

eign record companies prefer a cubanized reggaetón much like Orishas hip-hop cuban

blend. In both cases, transculturation and global flows add on to the many layers of

voices in the hip-hop community. On the other hand, underground reggaetón tends to

be more vulgar and electronic compared to ACR groups whom undergo training pro-

grams and quality control imposed by the state. 41 These branches of Cuban reggaetón

challenge the process of cubanization set by the ACR because of its overwhelming

popularity among Cuba’s youth. Furthermore, Baker hints that perhaps focusing on

dance rather than politics in socialist Cuba may be political after all. 42 Reggeatón

avoids politics and focuses on the body, a space liberated from the control of the state.

At the same time, the ACR sponsors many reggaetón groups such as Cubanito

20-02, Eddy K, Gente de Zona, Papo Record, Cubanitos en la Red. Is this a move from

idealism to commercialism or merely an assimilation of an American produced genre?

Or is this a mere change in fashion? Whatever the case may be, reggaetón remains the

most highly promoted of the hip-hop groups. 43

36 G e o f f B a k e r , " T h e P o l i t i c s o f D a n c i n g : R a g g a e t ó n a n d R a p i n H a v a n a , C u b a , " R e g g a e t ó n , e d . R a q u e l R i v i e r a , W a y n e M a r s h a l l , a n d D e b o r a h H e r -n a n d e z ( D u r h a m : U C P r e s s , 2 0 0 9 ) , 1 6 6 . 37 Baker, Politics of dancing, 166.38 Baker, Politics of dancing, 168.39 Baker, Politics of dancing, 170.40 Baker, Politics of dancing, 169.41 Baker, Politics of dancing, 172.42 Baker, Politics of dancing, 175.43 Baker, Politics of dancing 187.

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V. The Future of Cuban Hip-Hop

The multi-vocality of Cuban rap seems to mirror the fractured state of the Cuban

government - the contradictions between the socialist theory and the practice of the na-

tion-state. There are many layers to consider - the AHS and the ACR, conscious rap

and commercial rap, and localized and globalized influences. Because of the contradic-

tory nature of the movement, Cuban rap’s multi-vocality is more of a mosaic than a

blending of voices. While there is a certain amount of layering, the voices remain dis-

tinct-always conflicting, rejecting, and negotiating.

The big question is whether Cuban rap’s multi-vocal identity will be a permanent

trait of the movement or will it evolve into a singular voice? In the case of U.S. rap, the

rappers were assimilated into the capitalist system and nowadays conscious rap is

nowhere to be found on the airwaves, in concert venues, or on t.v. On top of the in-

creasing presence of the globalized community,(or perhaps because of it) Cuba has un-

dergone some surprising changes in their economic policies brought on by the transfer-

ence of power to Fidel Castro’s brother, Raul, in 2008. Some wonder whether these

economic reforms such as the right to sell one’s property, marks a milestone in Cuba’s

evolving political identity. What has been clear from my research, however, is that un-

derstanding Cuba’s musical identity is contingent on the time of investigation. Surely,

the next few years will not only bring about new economic changes but also a newer un-

derstanding of Cuba’s hip hop movement.

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Bibliography

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End Notes