Craft Specialization and Adze Production on Hawai'i Island Author

Craft Specialization and Adze Production on Hawai'i IslandAuthor(s): James M. Bayman and Jadelyn J. Moniz NakamuraSource: Journal of Field Archaeology, Vol. 28, No. 3/4 (Autumn - Winter, 2001), pp. 239-252Published by: Boston UniversityStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3181433Accessed: 21/08/2009 18:52

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239

Craft Specialization and Adze Production on Hawai'i Island

James M. Bayman University of Hawai'i Honolulu, Hawai'i

Jadelyn J. Moniz Nakamura Hawai'i Volcanoes National Park Hawai'i

Archaeological models of economic organization in complex societies frequently hinge on indications of craft specialization. Interpretations of such specialization in the Hawaiian islands often involve large-scale production of basalt adzes at Mauna Kea, the largest known quarry in the Pacific region. The recent discovery of expedient, non-specialized production of adzes at Pohakuloa outside the main quarry ofMauna Kea, illustrates another dimension of Hawaiian economic systems. The identification of both small-scale and large- scale adze production has important implications for archaeological studies of craft specialization. The Hawaiian example illustrates that some aspects ofproduction, such as context, scale, and intensity, may vary within a single technological tradition. This study also suggests that previous interpretations of craft production that have emphasized differences across time--or across different categories--must also address variation among individual groups of contemporary materials.

Introduction Pre-contact Hawai'i was the most complex society in

Oceania with respect to hierarchical organization, economic differentiation, and scale of production (Kirch 2000: 300, 1990: 311). When the non-Polynesian world encountered Hawai'i in A.D. 1778, the eight major islands of the archipelago were divided into four complex polities that have been described as chiefdoms or "archaic states"

(Hommon 1986: 55; Kirch 2000: 300). Ethnohistorical and archaeological studies reveal that each island was itself divided into several large districts comprising, after A.D.

1400, smaller ahupua'a, relatively narrow, wedge-shaped territorial units that cross-cut regional ecological zones between the coastal lowlands and the interior uplands (Hom- mon 1986: 65). Although ahupua'a varied greatly in size and population, many of them contained the economic resources (fish, salt, wood, fiber, potable water, and arable

land) necessary to be self-sufficient (Earle 1978; Hommon 1986: 65).

One resource, however, that was not widely available across the islands was high-quality basalt for making stone adzes, ko'i (Hommon 1986: 57). Archaeologists have ac-

knowledged the value of basalt adzes to early Polynesian societies for more than a century; their utility for clearing

forests and woodworking, and their role in ritual activities is uncontested (e.g., Brigham 1902; Buck et al. 1930; Duff

1959; Emory 1968). Although twelve quarries have been identified within the Hawaiian archipelago (Sinton and Sinoto 1997: 198), the quality of basalt at most of these

quarries is relatively poor compared to that at Mauna Kea on Hawai'i Island and these quarries are much smaller.

Moreover, they have few, if any, religious shrines, unlike the quarry at Mauna Kea, which had abundant shrines

(McCoy 1990). The organization of early contact-period Hawaiian poli-

ties was pyramidal, centering on paramount chiefs (ali'i nui) who administered bodies of lesser, district chiefs

(kaukau ali'i) and ahupua'a administrators (konohiki) (Hommon 1986: 57). Examining the production and circulation of stone adzes in pre-contact Hawai'i thus offers an exceptional opportunity to refine ethnohistorical inter-

pretations of economic and political organization in com-

plex societies (Weisler 1993: 61-62, 1998). Identifying the role of chiefly intervention in pre-con-

tact Hawaiian economic organization has become a classic

problem that began with Sahlins' (1958) ethnohistorical

interpretation of Polynesia. Sahlins (1972) proposed that "redistribution" (following Polanyi 1957) of tribute en-

240 Craft Specialization on Hawai'i Island/Bayman and Nakamura

sured access to essential economic resources among non- elite members of Hawaiian society. Although subsequent researchers like Earle (1978, 1987, 1997) have challenged Sahlins' interpretation, important questions concerning chiefly involvement in the economy of pre-contact Hawai'i remain unanswered. Contemporary archaeological inter-

pretations of Hawaiian political power and organization frequently consider evidence for craft specialization (e.g., Cordy 1981; Earle 1987; Hommon 1986; Kirch 1990; Lass 1994, 1998; McCoy 1990).

Research at Mauna Kea, on the island of Hawai'i, often

figures in these interpretations because of the importance of stone adzes (e.g., Cleghorn 1982, 1986; Lass 1994; Mc-

Coy 1977, 1990; Williams 1989). With over 265 work-

shops scattered over an area exceeding 12 km sq (McCoy 1990: 92-96), this quarry, the largest known in the Pacif- ic, was the apex of non-agricultural economic practice in the archipelago. Mauna Kea has no fewer than 45 religious shrines, making it unique among adze quarries in Hawai'i. Geochemical analyses have confirmed that Mauna Kea adzes were distributed throughout Hawai'i Island (Lass 1994), but it is unknown whether they were also trans-

ported to communities on other islands in the archipelago. Although the overall scale, intensity, and spatial character of adze manufacturing of the high-elevation Mauna Kea

quarry is now well-documented, important questions remain concerning adze production in areas below and outside the main quarry.

We report two adze production locales about 4.5 km

downslope from the main quarry on Mauna Kea (FIG. I). This region, known as Pdhakuloa, is situated on a lava- strewn interior saddle among the mountain slopes of Mau- na Kea, Mauna Loa, and Hualalai. With an average elevation of approximately 1980 m above sea level, this upland setting is some 1374 m below the main quarry (Cleghorn 1982: 43) and has a relatively temperate climate. Our research at P6hakuloa adze production locales recovered ar-

chaeological evidence that Mauna Kea basalt was used to manufacture adzes outside the main quarry area. The small scale of this adze production suggests that it was organized differently than activity at the main quarry. The intensity of adze production at the latter reflects a high degree of specialization that contrasts with Pohakuloa's expedient, small-scale production. Furthermore, production at the main quarry was performed in a sacred context with mul-

tiple religious shines. These two contrasting scales and contexts of production

illustrate that aspects of specialization vary notably within a group of contemporaneous materials. Archaeological models of craft economies often emphasize differences in

degrees of specialization within individual crafts through

time, or among multiple crafts within a single period (e.g., Earle 1987; Smith 1999). We should also identify and ex-

plain contemporaneous variation in production within a

single craft, in this case the production of basalt adzes. We draw some of our inspiration for this study from the

widespread occurrence, in traditional societies, of multi- centric economies (Bohannan 1967). In such systems, different craft commodities circulate through discrete "pres- tige" versus "utilitarian" spheres (Hirth 1996: 214). Such economies have been identified by archaeologists in, for in-

stance, North America (Kelly 1991) and South Asia (Si- nopoli 1988). Our Hawaiian case illustrates an economy in which a single category of artifact-adzes-was produced in elite and non-elite contexts. Specifically, we examine the

implications of expedient small-scale adze production in a non-elite context.

We first review ethnohistorical and archaeological perspectives on adze economies and craft specialization in Hawai'i and Polynesia, then we present our findings and their implications. Our data, including chronometric determinations and geochemical characterization of the

adzes, derive from two sites.

Adze Economies in Pre-Contact Hawai'i

Ethnohistorical Perspectives

Documentary information on Hawaiian stone adzes is

relatively limited, since metal adzes replaced stone ones some time after contact by the British in 1778 and subse-

quent colonization by the United States. Some 19th-cen-

tury accounts by natives, particularly Samuel Kamakau

(1964, 1976) and David Malo (1951), offer tantalizing in-

sights into stone adze production that have been summarized by Lass (1998: 24-38). Kamakau (1976) and Malo

(1951) both claimed that adze makers selected stone with

particular properties; Hawaiians, therefore, must have fa- vored raw material from specific quarries, rather than from the widely available volcanic material from which the arch-

ipelago formed. Pukui's (1939: 15) brief description of the

production process shows that it was time-consuming. Likewise, Emerson's 19th-century observation that adzes were polished with coarse stones over a period of three or four days, highlights the substantial amount of labor in- vested in their manufacture (Summers 1999: 55).

Although these ethnohistorical sources are broadly use-

ful, they lack detailed information about the social and economic organization of adze manufacture, and they may not be first-hand accounts. Malo's (1951: 51) claim that adze makers were a "greatly esteemed class" implies that adze

production was surely specialized. Certainly, specialized production is documented for feather garments, bark cloth

Journal of FieldArchaeology/Vol. 28, 2001 241

Hawaiian Islands 0

HAWAI'I ..

Pololu Valley MAUNA KEA ADZE QUARRY COMPLEX

DATED SITES 0 3

KILOMETERS Contour Interval 200 Meters

O Rock shelter 0 Open site

0 30

KILOMETERS KILOMETERS

A Adze quarry

Contour Interval 500 Meters

Figure 1. The locations of known adze quarries on the island of Hawai'i (modified from McCoy 1990:

figure 1). The inset shows the P6hakuloa and Mauna Kea quarries.


STRUCTURE I

Bird stone

XBS

Adze Reject

Hammer stone

XHS

Shell i XShl Apparent Entryway

xHS

Hammer stone

f 0 1 GRID NORTH I ,. a i (62? mag.)

METER

_ Insilu upright rock : Loose rock

Figure 2. Plan view of the stone enclosure at the open site locale.

(tapa), and canoes (Lass 1998). Since at least some adzes were used in elite-sponsored projects such as carving wooden images for ceremonial structures called heiau, craft

specialization has important implications.

Archaeological Perspectives Several archaeologists (e.g., Cleghorn 1982; McCoy

1990; cf. Lass 1994; Withrow 1991) assert that Hawaiian adze production at Mauna Kea was specialized and high- light different factors to explain this phenomenon. Cleghorn (1982), for example, argues that morphological standardization of Mauna Kea adzes reflects a system of centralized economic control by elites. Although McCoy (1990: 100) agrees with the interpretation of chiefly con-

trol, he proposes that the domination of this adze production locale was ideological, and is evidenced by elite in- vestment in sacred shrines at the quarry rather than the standardization of production. McCoy (1990) believes that craft specialists at this site operated under elite sanc-

tion, since access by non-elite craftsmen was presumably restricted. In one sense, then, adze production was specialized in terms of its context in a sacred precinct.

The large scale of production at this quarry produced immense piles of basalt debitage and adze rejects. The abundance of high quality raw material offered elites an opportunity to assert their power and control the production and exchange of a valued resource over several centuries

(McCoy 1990: 110). Adzes from Mauna Kea should have

Journal of Field Archaeology/Vol. 28, 2001 243

South Face 20 Centimeters E R= Rock West Face Ash

Figure 3. Section of stratigraphy at the lava tube locale.

circulated through a chiefly system of centralized redistribution (cf. Lass 1994: 64). Petrographic analyses of 155 adzes from 38 sites, however, reveals widespread, apparently unrestricted circulation of Mauna Kea material

throughout the island of Hawai'i (Lass 1994). Although this pattern does not completely eliminate the possibility of

widespread chiefly redistribution, Lass (1994) argues that it does not support the scenario of elite control that is en- visioned by McCoy. Furthermore, analyses of adzes and

debitage from Pololu demonstrates that the products of this much smaller site-more than 30 km from Mauna Kea-were no less "standardized" (Lass 1994: 66). For this and other reasons, Lass (1994: 67) proposes that Hawai- ian adze makers were probably independent specialists, or even non-specialists.

Clearly, the archaeology of adze craft specialization warrants further study. In this vein, we compared differences in the scale and intensity of production between the main

quarry at Mauna Kea and at P6hakuloa on the interior saddle.

Archaeological Investigations at P6hakuloa

The University of Hawai'i Archaeological Field School documented two adze production locales near the base of Pohakuloa Gulch on the interior saddle during 1997 and 1998 (FIG. I). We elected to study these two locales to examine chronological trends in adze manufacturing, as well

as the spatial organization of this activity. One of the two locales includes an open enclosure along with three lava

tubes, and the other consists of a lava tube containing stratified deposits (FIGS. 2, 3). Lava tubes resemble caves or

open chambers left within subsurface volcanic flows. Find-

ings of fieldwork at each locale are summarized in the fol-

lowing section.

Open Site Locale (14638 and 12251) Two adjacent sites are on a weathered flow of pahoehoe

lava, with a characteristic billowly and ropy surface, from Mauna Loa, the second highest mountain on the island

(FIG. i). This locale contains a sub-rectangular enclosure with a rock-lined hearth (FIG. 2); three lava tubes with surface artifact scatters surround the enclosure.

Our work at this locale documented no fewer than 2692

specimens of basalt debitage that probably originated from Mauna Kea, given their color and appearance. Basalt from Mauna Kea (hawaiite) is dark gray, dense, and andesitic and is primarily composed of plagioclase feldspar (Cleghorn et al. 1985: 238). Artifacts within and sur-

rounding the rectangular enclosure at the open site locale include water worn basalt cobbles, discoidal and other hammer stones, adze rejects (FIG. 4), grindstone fragments, abraders, and basalt and volcanic glass flakes.

The quantity of nodules, cores, flakes, and flake tools of volcanic glass on the surface of the site indicates that activ-


A I cm

C

Figure 4. Adze rejects (A-E) recovered from the open site locale; adze reject F is from the lava tube locale.

ities were not restricted to adze making and could have included wood-working, processing plant fiber, and bird

catching (Barrera and Kirch 1973). A few tablet-shaped fragments of scoracious basalt, some with use-wear, were also present. The scoracious (pumice-like) basalt artifacts with use-wear evidently functioned as abraders of some sort. The discovery of several bird-cooking stones (Sum- mers 1999) at this site is also notable in light of ethnohistorical and archaeological evidence that P6hakuloa was vis- ited by bird hunters (e.g., Athens, Kaschko, and James 1991; Emerson 1895). So-called bird-cooking stones are

elongated pebbles that were heated and inserted into birds

to cook their flesh prior to consumption at meals or feasts in the 19th century and earlier.

Lava Tube Locale (Site 5003) A lava tube shelter on an alluvial fan along the margins

of gravel outwash from P6hakuloa Gulch (FIG. i) was in-

vestigated with a single 1 x 1 m test unit, revealing a well- stratified midden deposit more than 1.5 m deep (FIG. 3). Evidence of adze production from this unit includes more than 700 flakes of dark gray and fine grained basalt (TABLE i), 3 hammer stones, and 2 adze rejects. One adze reject was recovered from Layer V, and one was located at the la-

B

??' I?? 2?_..-;; 1?r.??: c ???.. iii.:I..;- ?.. ic? ?..???r.-..?::?-

??'i.i ?? ''' :???': ?r'?. ????? ?I,,,. C'''' .?1? Z '" csttYj : I ?* " i .'''.'' ""' .:d'? I:??r?-?? ';i??:L?.. ;? ;r:.z.. ... ?.." ;'

?? ?? ?.r.z ::':? :

j:? a ???-?- ... ?...

lj


D I cm I i I

va tube entrance (FIG. 4F). Not surprisingly, the stratum with the adze reject also produced the highest number of basalt flakes, in addition to a hammer stone. The other hammer stones were recovered from Layers VI and VIA.

Since we excavated only a single 1 x 1 m test unit, we documented only a small fraction of the high number of basalt flakes that are certainly present in the site. Although some of the basalt flakes could have been generated for use as expedient tools, virtually none of them exhibited macro-

scopic evidence of retouch or use-wear. The excavations also yielded cores and flakes of volcanic glass, burned bird bones, a cut and polished bird bone, carbonized wood, and

small bivalve 'opihi (Cellana spp.) shells. Notably, a small handful of volcanic glass flakes revealed damaged edges, in-

dicating their possible use as cutting tools.

Precisely why adze making and other knapping took

place inside a dark lava tube, rather than outside, is unknown. Burned kukui (Aleurites moluccana) nutshells in the lava tube deposits may have provided oil for illumination inside the lava tube. Elsewhere on the saddle, lava tubes

typically include perishable and non-perishable artifacts, including woven ti leaf sandals, tapa cloth (kapa), cordage, netting, calabashes, hammer stones, marine shell, volcanic

glass flakes, charred firebrands, wooden poles, wood shav-

???? .%-' ..- ??? F2 ???il .?i'1'"^?: ..?..: I'??Y ? ? ? ? cr ;r?? ?? .: ?.??

c ?p,-. i )?Cj :::? :j ;; Z??-;s''l??ru;?. ' ?'' ?/; :?F?; ' ' "' .:2::?;???: ?i

;??: ?t :i:? R?? .:. ?t.:' : r.?? "' ? :.? ':? i?: f:: r? r.

.., .

:?;??1; ?;??? ,:.?"';??.;r ??

"' I , I

E

F

246 Craft Specialization on Hawaii Island/Bayman and Nakamura

5003

I u

90

80

70

60

50

40

30

20

10

Iu I I I I I I I I I

10 -

10-

10-

10-

10-

)0-

o0-

)o

)I-

)o

)o

) ., u 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100

Size (mm)

Figure 5. Flake size distributions at the lava tube locale and the open site locale.

Table 1. Debitage from excavation unit at the lava tube locale.

Stratum Basalt Volcanicglass Total

I 22 0 22 II 5 13 18 III 12 10 22 IV 231 19 250

V 256 356 612 VI 203 1870 2073 VII 0 1 1

Total 729 2269 2998

ings, and burned and/or butchered bird bone (Athens and Kaschko 1989: 68); these materials are all consistent with the use of the lava tubes as short-term shelters (Athens and Kaschko 1989: 91-92).

Adze Production at P6hakuloa

Adze rejects from Pohakuloa are consistent with others in Hawai'i and elsewhere in Polynesia (Cleghorn 1984; Weisler 1990: 38-41). Adzes in Samoa and New Zealand, for example, were fabricated using bi-directional reduction of short, thick flakes into tools with quadrangular or trape- zoidal cross-section (Leach and Leach 1980: 129; Leach and Witter 1987). The platform of the original flakes and the distal termination were modified into cutting edges to

produce the finished object. At P6hakuloa, and elsewhere, the presence of end shock fractures suggests that at least some adze preforms were discarded prior to tang forma- tion (FIG. 4A-C).

At least one attempt was undertaken at making an adze from a rounded cobble, rather than a flake (FIG. 4F). Ap-

parently, reduction attempts with bi-directional flaking were ineffective. Perhaps other adzes at P6hakuloa were also made with raw material (i.e., cobbles) unlike that used at the main quarry of Mauna Kea, where basalt outcrops as tabular blocks (McCoy 1990: 96; Porter 1979: 1034).

Raw material parameters (and particularly cobble size) influence adze size and debitage at quarries elsewhere in the Pacific region (Sheppard, Walter, and Parker 1997: 86, 106). Most of the basalt flakes at P6hakuloa are relatively small (FIG. 5) and are suggestive of later stages of adze production or maintenance and recycling. Fist-sized cobbles

(rather than large tabular blocks) would also produce small flakes. The 9.2% of the flakes from the lava tube locale that exhibit cortex suggests that some adzes were fully manu- factured at this locale, rather than being imported as preforms.

Additionally, the identification of two polished flakes from the cutting edge of one or more adzes indicates that adzes were also being used, maintained, or recycled at this locale. Although some of the basalt flakes were possibly un- related to adze manufacture, use, and maintenance, the ab- sence of retouch and use-wear confirms that they were not used as cutting or scraping tools.

Evidence of a relationship among the size, form, func- tion, and style of finished adzes is somewhat complicated by resharpening and recycling, leaving many discarded tools smaller than newer specimens (Cleghorn 1992). Since varying sizes of available raw material also influenced the size of adzes, measurement of adze rejects is more like-

ly to reflect variability in the intended size and functions of adzes from different quarries. Because there is confusion

14638

t-

0

C)

mn C

c :3

0

C)

m

Size (mm)

1l Ml..

Journal of Field Archaeology/Vol. 28, 2001 247

Table 2. Lengths (in mm) of unbroken adze rejects from production locales on the island of Hawai'i. Broken adze rejects were not included and the cobble adze reject from the lava tube locale was also not included.

Site No. Mean Min. Max. Range References Pohakuloa 2 82.5 63 102 39 This article Pololu 19 123.7 90 170 80 Lass 1994: 42 Mauna Kea 63 176.2 74 349 275 Cleghorn 1982: 182, 183

surrounding the precise discrimination of adze blanks and adze preforms, we follow McCoy (1999: 30) in using the term "adze reject" to refer to discarded adzes at quarry or

production sites. In this vein, our comparison of adze rejects from differ-

ent quarries focused only on identifying relative differences in length. The average length of adze rejects from Mauna Kea is notably longer than those from either P6hakuloa or Pololu (TABLE 2). Admittedly, the combined sample of adze rejects from P6hakuloa and Pololu (n=21) is somewhat smaller than the sample from Mauna Kea (n=63). Still, differences in average length imply that the longer adzes from Mauna Kea were, at least initially, intended for different functions than shorter adzes discarded at outlying quarries like Pohakuloa and Pololi. The large Mauna Kea adze rejects may have been intended for felling trees to make canoes and for clearing land as McCoy (1990: 96) and others (Malo 1951; Kamakau 1976, 1964) have suggested. Large adzes were also deposited in caches or buri- als (Leach 1993: 38; Kirch 1972; Weisler 1988).

Although small adzes were sometimes also made at Mauna Kea, such adzes are evidently more typical of out-

lying quarries like Pohakuloa, and may have had different

purposes (Weisler 1990: 46). In traditional Hawaiian soci-

ety, small adzes might have been more effective for fash-

ioning house posts and wooden bowls and for carving im-

ages of the gods (Cleghorn 1992: 129). Resharpening or

reworking broken adzes might also account for some small adzes (cf. Weisler 1990: 41). Our recovery of two polished adze flakes (one each from the open site locale and the lava tube locale) indicates that adzes were at least being used and possibly re-sharpened at these locales.

Chronometric Dating The main quarry at Mauna Kea was used for more than

1000 years and was eventually abandoned following Euro- pean colonization after 1778 (McCoy 1990: 92-93). The

chronology of our two sites has implications for the organization of production. Calibrated ranges for radiocarbon

age-estimations from the lava tube locale and the open site locale are shown in Table 3. The radiocarbon dates from the lava tube locale indicate that its stratigraphy is relatively undisturbed (FIG. 6).

Adze production at P6hakuloa took place between the

early 15th and late 18th centuries and perhaps the early 19th century. Some manufacture or use of stone adzes could date to after European contact, an intriguing possibility that warrants further research.

In sum, these dates provide important information on the changing intensity of adze production on the interior saddle. This chronology fits within previous estimates of use of the interior saddle between 1200 and the late 1700s

(Streck 1992: 103), though adze making at P6hakuloa be-

gan some 300 years after the initial use of Mauna Kea at ca. A.D. 1100 (McCoy 1990: 92). Identifying the source of raw material for P6hakuloa adzes is thus important, since it reflects a narrower period of time and may also indicate use of a different geologic source than the main quarry.

Geochemical Characterization

Petrographic analysis by Lass (1994) and several chem- ical compositional analyses by Sinton and Sinoto (1997) and Weisler (1990, 1998) reveal no fewer than three sources of adze stone on the island: 1) the Mauna Kea summit and its upper slopes; 2) Pololu Valley; and 3) Kilauea, on the lower slopes of Mauna Loa (Lass 1994: 21-23). In terms of geographic distance, Pololu is about 40 km NW of Pohakuloa, and Kilauea is about 48 km SE of P6hakuloa

(FIG. i). Mauna Kea and Pohakuloa are almost adjacent to one another, and P6hakuloa Gulch connects the two quarry areas.

While adzes could have been made with basalt from any of these three sources, the main quarry at Mauna Kea is eas-

ily the closest. Geochemical characterization of two adzes and two flakes from P6hakuloa (TABLE 4) indicate that these artifacts are assignable to Mauna Kea, although they do vary slightly from other Mauna Kea samples (John Sin- ton, personal communication 1998).

The adze rejects, flakes, and an unmodified cobble (a control sample) from P6hakuloa Gulch each have system- atically higher MgO and CaO and slightly lower Ti, Na, K, and P than is typical for the main quarry (TABLE 4; Sinton and Sinoto 1997: 200-201; Weisler and Sinton 1997: 182). The overall similarity of the P6hakuloa samples to the main quarry indicates that they are either from a different part of the same flow or from a closely related lava flow

248 Craft Specialization on Hawaii Island/Bayman and Nakamura

Table 3. Radiocarbon age determinations for charcoal and seabird bone from the excavation unit 2 at the lava tube locale and from the open site locale.

13C-adj. (conventional) Locale Layer or context Lab. no. Material* 4C e bp. 13C correction 14C ae B. Calib. date A.D.

Lava tube locale II BETA-113554 Bird bone 560 ? 80 -12.7 560 ? 80 II BETA-113555 Bird bone 680 ? 50 -13.6 680 ? 50 1705 III BETA-42899 Charcoal 0 ? 50 -23.4 30 ? 50 1953 IV BETA-113566 Bird bone 620 ? 50 -15.4 620 ? 50 1823 IV BETA-42900 Charcoal 180 ? 50 -23.5 210 ? 50 1673, 1777, 1800 V BETA-42901 Charcoal 130 ? 60 -23.4 130 + 60 1689, 1729, 1810 V BETA-113556 Bird bone 710 ? 50 -14.4 710 ? 50 1689 V and VI, WK-6094 Charcoal 250 ? 40 -23.9?0.2 250 ? 40 1652 Feature 1 VI BETA-113560 Bird bone 720 ? 50 -16.6 720 ? 50 1684 Lens VIA BETA-113557 Bird bone 770 ? 70 -12.8 770 ? 70 1661 Lens VIB WK-6095 Charcoal 370 ? 50 -23.6?0.2 370 ? 50 1486 Lens VIC BETA-113559 Bird bone 720 ? 40 -15.9 720 ? 40 1684

Open site locale Hearth WK-7845 Charcoal 430 ? 60 -23.2?0.2 430 ? 60 1445

*Charcoal for samples WK-6094 and WK-6095 was derived from Chenopodium oahuense. Charcoal for BETA-42899, 42900, and 42901 was not identified (Welch 1993). A marine correction (Taylor 1987) was applied to all seabird bone. Calibrated dates are reported as the most probable ranges produced by Stuiver and Reimer's (1993) CALIB Program (Version 4.2). The date for BETA-113554 was consid- ered invalid following protocol established by Spriggs and Anderson (1993).

2000

1900

a 1800

< 1700

> 1600

1500

1400

I

II I I I I II I

I I I I

I

LO ) 0 OD C ) O C L U) I') a) CD UC) a ) LO O O O) 0o m D

LO) 3 C) N C) C) )3 D C3 -

m m C >'m m mn -- mr >O co 0

1Q 4) L. Q) .

_1S- JS -- 5 .J-'

S,-

Samples

Figure 6. Plot of radiocarbon age-estimations for the lava tube locale and the open site locale.

(John Sinton, personal communication, 1998). Still, intra- material from nearby P6hakuloa Gulch where down-cut-

quarry variability has not been sufficiently assessed in ting may have exposed basalt from an eruption different

Hawai'i, and the main quarry at Mauna Kea is likely to con- from that of material in the main quarry near the summit. tain measurable differences among its various locales (Sin- The gulch is at hand and basalt cobbles are abundant in it, ton and Sinoto 1997: 197). making an easily accessible source of raw material for ex-

We believe that Pohakuloa adzes were produced using pedient adze manufacture. In fact, one of the two adze re-

I . .


Cal. A.D.

ran,e (2a)2 p value References Invalid date - Moniz Nakamura 1999: 259 1643-1950 1.00 Moniz Nakamura 1999: 259 1685-1925 0.940 Welch 1993 1695-1950 1.00 Moniz Nakamura 1999: 260 1716-1887 0.621 Welch 1993 1667-1782 0.417 Welch 1993 1558-1897 0.979 Moniz Nakamura 1999: 260 1618-1681 0.825 This article

1541-1889 0.991 Moniz Nakamura 1999: 260 1480-1864 1.00 Moniz Nakamura 1999: 260 1444-1636 1.00 This article 1548-1882 0.998 Moniz Nakamura 1999: 260 1405-1531 0.731

jects characterized for this study was derived from a water worn cobble (FIG. 4F) quite similar in appearance to others in the gulch and geochemically comparable to the unmodified cobble from the gulch that was used as a control

specimen.

Discussion A variety of factors may account for small-scale, expedi-

ent adze production at P6hakuloa outside the main quarry of Mauna Kea. The butchering of birds is well-documented at archaeological sites on the interior saddle (Athens and Kaschko 1989; Moniz Nakamura 1999) and butchered bird bones and volcanic glass flakes are associated in stratified deposits at the lava tube locale. Moreover, several

bird-cooking stones (Summers 1999: 2-3) were recovered from the open site locale, supporting ethnohistorical accounts of bird-catching on the interior saddle (Emerson 1895). Chiefs apparently preferred juvenile birds such as the 'ua'u (dark-rumped petrel, Procellaria alba) (Beckwith 1932: 88; Henshaw 1902: 102; Lyons 1895: 11). Other birds such as honey creepers (i'iwi [Vestiaria coccinea] or the 'o'o [Moho nobilis]) yielded feathers for making helmets and cloaks (Malo 1951: 38). Adze making at P6hakuloa was

likely part of a resource extraction economy that included, but was not limited to, bird-catching.

Small-scale production of adzes at P6hakuloa was one of several activities, which also included bird-cooking, abrad- er manufacturing, and perhaps, woodworking. An alterna- tive explanation is suggested by McCoy's (1999) recent

study of a small adze production site (16204) near the edge of the main quarry of Mauna Kea, in which he proposes

that this site was a locus of initiation rites for apprentice adze makers. In some respects, this site was different from those we studied at Pdhakuloa. For example, the stone en- closures at McCoy's site lacked evidence of hearths, indi-

cating that it was not used for overnight stays, and al-

though it had adze rejects, debitage, and hammerstones, it lacked bird-stones. Work at other small adze production sites outside the main quarry is necessary to determine whether or not McCoy's (1999) intriguing hypothesis can be substantiated.

In either case, expedient adze making on the interior saddle and elsewhere on Hawai'i Island was logistically simpler than atop Mauna Kea, requiring less support (Lass 1994: 47). Unlike P6hakuloa, Mauna Kea is a nearly bar- ren high-elevation environment and the main quarry re-

quired elaborate logistical support. Small task groups that would not have required such support were apparently op- erating at expedient adze making locales on the interior saddle.

Implications for Craft Specialization That pre-contact Hawaiians practiced both small-scale

and large-scale adze production has broader relevance to

archaeological interpretations of craft specialization. Al-

though archaeologists often recognize links between economic and political organization, religious practice is also an important consideration (Spielmann 2002), and craft

specialization is no longer viewed as a simple correlate of

complexity (e.g., Childe 1951). Craft specialization should be measured in a continuous, rather than a typological fashion (Clark 1995; Costin 1991; Mills and Crown 1995: 12; Pope and Pollock 1995: 261; Rice 1991).

The existance of both large-scale adze production and

religious shrines at Mauna Kea suggests elite sponsorship and a high degree of specialization (McCoy 1990), since

religious authority legitimized political power in pre-contact Hawai'i (Kolb 1994). Expedient adze production at Pohakuloa and Pololu was on a much smaller scale, it was

non-specialized, and it was outside the direct purview of elite control. The adze rejects on the interior saddle were

evidently intended for different functions than the larger ones made at Mauna Kea.

Studies of craft production specialization can be refined

by examining variability within categories of crafts (Lesure 1999). This study of Hawaiian adze production illustrates that parameters of production (i.e., context, scale, and in-

tensity) were highly versatile within a single craft and within a single period of time. Searching for variability within

specific categories of craft artifacts-and explaining their

development-is a logical extension of archaeological models of economic organization.


Table 4. Major trace element measurements from wavelength-dispersive x-ray fluorescence (WDXRF) analysis of two basalt artifacts from the open site locale and two from the lava tube locale at P6hakuloa (John Sinton, personal communication, 1998). Trace elements that discriminate between samples from Pohakuloa and Mauna Kea are shown in italics.

Open site locale Lava tube locale Total range of Site Sample Sample 1 Sample 2 Sample 1 Sample 2 MK [ss]* quarry samples MK-TH4t

SiO2 47.42 47.93 47.68 47.69 47.99 ? 0.57 46.66-48.46 46.88 TiO2 3.73 3.66 3.61 3.53 3.95 ? 0.14 3.60-4.08 3.74 A1203 13.39 13.73 13.57 13.62 13.44 ? 0.17 13.09-13.73 14.14 Fe203t 15.16 15.23 15.16 15.19 15.32 ? 0.17 15.11-15.45 15.22 MnO 0.19 0.19 0.19 0.19 0.21 ? 0.01 0.19-0.23 0.19 MgO 5.13 5.59 5.48 5.58 5.07 ? 0.16 4.88-5.42 5.79 CaO 9.66 10.35 10.11 10.21 9.58 ? 0.24 9.28-10.01 10.73 Na20 2.76 2.62 2.70 2.66 3.08 ? 0.18 2.74-3.43 2.81 K20 1.00 0.92 0.94 0.88 1.13 ? 0.06 0.99-1.20 0.72 P205 0.51 0.45 0.48 0.46 0.56 ? 0.03 0.49-0.61 0.48 Total 98.95 100.67 99.92 100.01

*Mauna Kea quarry average 1 std. dev. from the mean, from Sinton and Sinoto [1997]. tAdze blank collected from Pohakuloa Gulch (source unknown). tTotal Fe as Fe203.

Acknowledgments

The research reported here was undertaken by archaeo-

logical field schools co-sponsored by the University of Hawai'i-Manoa and the University of Hawai'i-Hilo. The Environmental Office at the U. S. Army P6hakuloa Train-

ing Area provided logistical support for this program. Dili-

gent and spirited participation by the students who at- tended the field schools was essential, and we are sincerely thankful for their contributions. Valuable comments on a draft of this paper were provided by Kate Spielmann and three anonymous reviewers. We are also grateful for the as- sistance and support of Michael Graves, Bion Griffin, Jo- hynn Gunness, Elliott Lax, Laurie Lucking, Pat McCoy, Peter Mills, Kanani Paraso, Tim Rieth, Craig Severance, Dan Brown, Kathleen Sherry, and Miriam Stark.

James M. Bayman, Associate Professor ofAnthropology at the

University of Hawai'i, is studying craft economies and political organization among pre-contact societies in the Hawaiian islands and in sw North America. Mailing address: Depart- ment ofAnthropology, 2424 Maile Way, Saunders 346, Uni- versity of Hawai'i, Honolulu, Hawai'i 96822.

JadelynJ. Moniz Nakamura, an Integrated Resource

Manager at Hawai'i Volcanoes National Park, is interested in evolutionary ecology, paleoenvironmental reconstruction, and Hawaiian and Pacific Islands archaeology. Mailing address: Hawai'i Volcanoes National Park, P 0. Box 52, HI, 96718-0052.

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Craft Specialization and Adze Production on Hawai'i Island Author