Contending (with) Latin American Regionalisms:

Theoretical and Policy Implications

from a North American Perspective

Mary K. Meyer McAleese

Professor of Political Science

Eckerd College

St. Petersburg, FL 33711

USA

meyermk@eckerd.edu

A Paper* Presented at the

FLACSO-ISA JOINT INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE BUENOS AIRES, ARGENTINA

23-25 JULY 2014

*Working Draft –Please do not cite without permission of author

Abstract: A lively and interesting literature exists on contemporary Latin American

regionalism and regional integration in the context of globalization. Much of this literature

emanates from Latin America and Europe in languages other than English and is under-

represented in the mainstream IR literature. Much of this literature takes globalization as a

given, a relatively under-theorized concept. At the same time, alternative and sometimes

competing regionalisms of various kinds (e.g., intra- and inter-regional partnership agreements,

regional or sub-regional economic integration efforts, regional or sub-regional security

cooperation plans, and sub-regional political integration schemes) involving Latin American

states complicate the intriguing question of whether the proliferation of Latin American and

Caribbean regional cooperation and integration experiments constitute counter-hegemonic steps

toward a “new” Latin American vision of regional unity in hemispheric and international

relations or only limited efforts to survive in a neoliberal hegemonic structure of globalization

and/or neo-Pan-Americanism. Meanwhile, United States-based scholars and policy makers seem

largely marginal to these interesting debates. This paper seeks to review the relevant literature,

privileging non-English language scholarship, and inquire into its theoretical and policy

implications.

1

Contending (with) Latin American Regionalisms: Theoretical and Policy Implications

from a North American Perspective

<<…asistimos a una sucesión de cumbres, tantas que parece una cordillera (…), Cumbre de

Unasur, Cumbre de Mercosur, Cumbre Iberoamericana, Cumbre de la OEA. Tenemos muchas

instituciones, pero falta la verdadera voluntad de integración de nuestro continente.>>

Former Chilean President Sebastián Piñera, 2011 (quoted in Comini and Frenkel 2014, p. 74)

There has been a proliferation of regional cooperation and integration schemes in Latin

America and the Caribbean in recent years. There is also a lively and interesting literature

emanating mainly from scholars based in Latin America (and Europe) focused on the so-called

“new regionalism” of Latin American states. Unfortunately, it is a literature that is largely

ignored in the North American and English language IR literature in general and in the IR

literature on regionalism in particular. For example, major introductory IR college textbooks in

the US well as more advanced collections on IR theory rarely mention Latin American states or

their behaviors at all, much less their current and proliferating regional cooperation and

integration experiments (see e.g., Goldstein and Pevehouse, 2014; Dunne, Kurke and Smith,

2013; Reus-Smit and Snidal, 2010). Even English language college texts that are more

specialized on inter-American or US-Latin American relations seem to ignore all but the most

well-known recent regional economic experiments such as NAFTA, Mercosur, and the Andean

Community while taking a mainly US interests-oriented perspective on these organisms (see,

e.g., Weeks, 2008). Peter H. Smith (2008) is an important exception insofar as he takes care to

incorporate Latin American voices and perspectives while drawing from multiple disciplines to

understand the patterns and paradoxes of inter-American relations.

2

The more specialized literature in English on regional economic integration experiences

is located within the IR subfield of international or global political economy (see Hülsemeyer

2010), but this literature also largely marginalizes most Latin American regional experiments --

and non-English language and Latin American scholarship-- while taking the EU and countries

of the Global North as the paradigmatic examples of regional cooperation and integration (see

e.g., Hülsemeyer (2010), Mansfield and Milner (1999) among others). Mansfield and Milner’s

(1999) important article on the emerging “New Wave of Regionalism” in the international

system has surprisingly little to say about Latin American regional experiments or its

proliferating preferential trade agreements.1 Amy Below (2010) offers an otherwise excellent

review article on Latin American foreign policy that includes attention to recent Latin American

regionalism but focuses only on the English language literature for the English language

publication of the International Studies Encyclopedia (a.k.a., The ISA Compendium). In short,

much/most of the non-English language Latin American and European scholarship on Latin

American regionalism seems to be woefully under-represented in the US-centric and English-

language-centric world of mainstream IR.

This apparent linguistic divide is also an economic, social, intellectual, and ultimately

political one that structures –partitions off-- the specialized scholarly markets in the field of IR

into separate geographical regions. This ironic situation invites North-American-based IR

scholars (like myself) to challenge these regionalizing structures and separations and try to help

connect these separate literatures. Scholars like Arlene B. Tinker (2008), Tinker and Blaney

(2012) and others are beginning to make some headway in challenging the “Western core

1 Mansfield and Milner‘s (1999) article focuses on preferential trade agreements (PTAs) as a catch-all term for

various kinds of regional economic integration schemes, from the Prussian Zollverein during the first wave of

regional agreements to the EU to ASEAN. Their examples from Latin America include brief mentions of the

Andean Pact, the Caribbean Basin Initiative, NAFTA, and Mercosur. Significantly, there are no Spanish-language

sources cited in their bibliography, and there is only one source that specifically mentions Latin America in its title.

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dominance” of IR; Tinker and Wæver’s new series with Routledge titled “Worlding Beyond the

West” promises to “explore the role of geocultural factors in setting the concepts and

epistemologies through which IR knowledge is produced” (Routledge series marketing blurb).

Such work is important so that we can begin to challenge our own partially-formed knowledge

and engage in a more comprehensive, transversalist and cosmopolitan research project.

In this spirit, this paper seeks to review the recent, representative, and relevant scholarly

literature2 on Latin American regionalism, privileging non-English language sources from Latin

America and Europe, to inquire into its strengths and weaknesses as well as its key theoretical

and policy implications, and to begin to connect it with the predominant English-language-based

literature on regionalism. Such an exercise can reveal a number of interesting conceptual

questions, theoretical and practical debates, and alternative visions of regionalism in and from

the Western Hemisphere. Such a project can offer a broader and deeper understanding of the

theories and political practices of regionalism in Latin America and can inform the broader and

increasingly worlding discipline of IR/international studies.

Problematizing “Regions” and “Regionalism” in “Latin America” (and the

Caribbean)

A fundamental starting problem concerns how terms like “region” and “regionalism” and

even “Latin America” should be conceptualized. Mansfield and Milner’s (1999) brief discussion

of regionalism as “an elusive concept” notes that both economists and political scientists have

grappled for definitional clarity without much success. Although earlier scholars tended to use

geography or geographic proximity as essential elements to defining a “region,” other scholars

2 Much of this literature is drawn from work I have done as the Section Editor on Latin America’s International

Relations –General for the Handbook on Latin American Studies. See Meyer McAleese, 2014, 2012, and 2010.

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pointed to such criteria as language, culture, religion or level of development. However, social

constructivists and critical theorists reject such criteria, asserting that geographic designations

and communal identities are socially constructed (Mansfield and Milner 1999; Katzenstein

2005). Hülsemeyer (2010) adds that terms like “region,” “regionalism,” “regional integration”

and even “regionalization” “are often used synonymously” in the literature without adding much

definitional clarity. Part of the problem may be that economists and political scientists generally

have different questions in mind, with the former focused more on studying the concentration of

economic flows and the latter focused more on studying the foreign policy coordination and/or

power considerations of states (Mansfield and Milner 1999).

In the recent literature focused on Latin America, economic and political criteria are both

at work in discerning regions and regional integration, but so are the geographic and other

criteria questioned by others. For example, several scholars who explore the so-called “new

regionalism” unfolding in the Western Hemisphere hold that processes of globalization are

producing new geographies based on new regional centers of economic, political, and normative

power (see Taglioni and Théodat 2008; Gamblin 2005; Gireault 2004; see also Grabendorff

2005; Rivarola Puntigliano 2007). NAFTA encompasses a powerful North American center or

“zone” dominated by the United States in the Western Hemisphere; however, other counter-

hegemonic centers and sub-regions have emerged, particularly Mercosur in the southern zone

and a semi-peripheral Andean sub-region. The Central American and Caribbean sub-regions

constitute dependent peripheral spaces pivoting toward the Northern zone but are susceptible to

counter-hegemonic forces (Gireault 2004). The contemporary economic and political processes

that define these zones, regions and subregions, and the emerging Braudelian and constructivist

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discourses about them, are interesting contributions to the field, even if their “newness” can be

questioned.3

Of course, a second problem in studying regionalism in Latin America is that the very

idea of “Latin America” must also be problematized as a social construction imbued with

economic, social, cultural, and political meanings and complexities rooted in a long history of

conquest and colonialism and the expansion of capitalism from the early Modern period to the

present (see Guardiola Rivera, 2010). We shall not dwell on the full import of this question here

other than to note the following. First, the historical construction of the “Western Hemisphere”

and the “Americas” as a separate (Other) region of the world by European colonial powers still

inflects our discourse and our thinking (see Guardiola-Rivera 2010). The further historical

constructions of separate geo-cultural and geopolitical regions in the “Americas” into “North,”

“Central,” “South,” “Caribbean,” “Spanish,” “Portuguese,” “English,” “French,” “African,” etc.,

etc., represent a hemispheric dis-integration wrought by the history of colonialism and, starting

with the late 18th and early 19

th centuries (and beyond) the formal decolonization and the birth of

new nation-states. In other words, for many of the Spanish-speaking continental states (at least)

in the Western Hemisphere, formal Independence meant the disintegration of the macro-colonial

economic, political and administrative divisions imposed by the Spanish (and Portuguese).4

Poignant examples of such disintegration include the break-up of Gran Colombia after a decade-

long struggle for union after Independence from Spain, and the separation of the United

3 This paragraph draws from Meyer McAleese (2010). 4 Of course, separate pre-Independence national identities had been forming for a long time.

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Provinces of Central America from Mexico in 1824 and the disintegration of that union into five

separate states in 1838.5

Economic and political processes of re-configuration and re-integration into states and

new economic regions and sub-regions unfolded through the 19th and 20

th centuries under aegis

of new hegemonic competition among European powers and (increasingly) the United States.

Simón Bolívar’s (and others’) calls in the 1810s and 1820s for regional political unity in the face

of European threats to Spanish American states’ independence were a counter-hegemonic effort

to preserve national independence and autonomy. That is, Bolívar’s political strategy and

discourse of a united Spanish America in the face of European threats was inspired partly by the

example of the Congess of Vienna, but it was also the first Spanish American use of a regionalist

foreign policy aimed at guaranteeing the sovereignty and autonomy of individual Spanish

American states. Regional unity of several states in the face of foreign threats became a key

element of the Spanish American diplomatic style throughout the 19th

century, as demonstrated

through the 19th century Congress movement (Heredia 2006; see also Meyer 1996). Regional

cooperation and confederal unity would become and remain an ideal for achieving development,

security, and autonomy for individual states in Latin America and the Caribbean. Cavieres

Figueroa (2009), de la Reza (2009), Santana Castillo (2008), and Heredia (2006) offer interesting

intellectual histories of these ideals of Latin American unity and integration (see also Guardiola

Rivera 2010). One might object that there is also an important history of competition or rivalries

between states in the Southern Cone sub-region (for example); however, Latin American

diplomatic history also shows the rise of the more cooperative6 “condominium hegemony” of

5 Central American states, particularly leaders associated with the Liberal parties, kept the idea of a federal union

alive throughout the 19th and into the early 20th centuries, although Conservative leaders typically opposed such an

idea. 6 At least vis-à-vis US interventionism in the circum-Caribbean region at the time and later during the Chaco War.

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the ABC powers by the early 20th

century (Meyer 1992). The point is, there is a rich diplomatic

and intellectual history about forging regional identity and unity based on geographic proximity,

cultural and linguistic ties, and similar political aspirations (if not institutions) that is often

overlooked by contemporary scholarship on Latin American regionalism. Indeed, there may be

important clues in that history for theory building or for finding deeper bases in current

regionalist economic and political practices than the current scholarship seems to appreciate.

In any case, there has been an impressive growth in the number of Latin American and

Caribbean regional integration experiments since World War II. Paez Montalban and Vazquez

Olivera (2008) present a very helpful reference work identifying and describing the region’s

various economic integration and political cooperation agreements and organizations since 1945.

However most of the current literature on Latin American regionalism comes from the subfield

of political economy and focuses more on post-World War II examples of primarily regional

economic cooperation efforts and regional economic integration schemes centered in various

parts of Latin America and the Caribbean. This literature generally divides the post-WWII

period into two timeframes and regionalism into two types. The 1950s through 1970s is

considered the phase of the “old regionalism,” when economic integration experiments like the

Andean Pact or the Central American Common Market were the focus of state-centric

regionalism and were modeled on or compared to the European Economic Community’s

experience. The second timeframe is the post-Cold War period, from the early 1990s to the

present day, when the so-called “new regionalism” brought the proliferation of regional, sub-

regional, and inter-regional preferential trade agreements (PTAs) and bilateral or multilateral free

trade agreements (FTAs such as NAFTA) in the context of neoliberal globalization. Gambrill

and Ruiz Napoles (2006) bridge these timeframes with a collection of essays reviewing old and

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new theories of integration and featuring case studies of NAFTA, CAFTA and the Andean

Community from the 1970s through the 1990s. The “lost decade” of the 1980s represents a

turning point in regional economic integration models and processes, as debt and economic

crises lingered across Latin America and the Caribbean (and beyond) and the United States and

Great Britain pushed a neoliberal economic model on vulnerable states around the world. This

neoliberal economic agenda ushered in (or accompanied)7 the current phase of economic and

technological globalization.

By the early 1990s, the collapse of the Soviet Union had brought the end of the Cold War

and the United States’ its “unipolar moment.” This dramatic change in the structure of power in

the international system seemed to seal the triumph of neoliberal capitalism framed by the

market fundamentalism of the “Washington Consensus” and the new WTO free trade rules. This

in turn fed the proliferation of preferential trade agreements around the world and in Latin

America since the 1990s with the aforementioned “new wave of regionalism”. However, 1993

brought the Maastricht Treaty and the Single Market of the European Union, perhaps the

international system’s best example yet and Latin America’s most important model of regional

integration. The phase of the so-called “new regionalism” in Latin America has unfolded in this

international context.

With these admittedly brief and incomplete points, we now turn to look at the recent

literature focusing on four primary types of regionalism evident in the practices of states in Latin

America and the Caribbean since the end of the Cold War: Economic regionalism, political-

diplomatic regionalism, security regionalism, and other kinds regional cooperation projects in

functional areas (such as infrastructure, health, environment, gender justice, and crime

prevention). Perhaps a fifth type of regionalism, one that is more transnational in nature, has

7 I leave the question of causality here to another time.

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emerged involving regionalized criminal networks and presenting states across the Americas

with unprecedented economic, social and political challenges. The following sections will

consider these various types of regionalism and the questions they have generated among

scholars.

Contemporary Economic Regionalism in Latin America and the Caribbean:

Cooperation, Integration or Fragmentation?

Most scholars under review see contemporary practices of regionalism around the world

as a part of the current phase of neoliberal globalization; for many, globalization is taken as fact,

an untheorized given, or starting point. As Godoy G. (2008), 194) put it, “[p]ara América

Latina, la globalización es un dato de la realidad. Constituye el context en la que está inmersa, y

es dentro de éste que deberá buscar las soluciones a sus necesidades de desarrollo.” However a

number of scholars (e.g., Herrera Valencia 2005; Guadarrama González 2004; Katz 2006) offer

more theoretical discussions of globalization, usually from a critical or historical structuralist

(Dependency and/or World Systems Theory) approach before or as part of their discussions of

regionalism. Scholars differ on the question of whether Latin American practices of regionalism

and regional integration efforts are a necessary consequence of globalization or a concerted state

strategy to try to tame it. Most Latin American writers tend to favor the latter position, holding

the state as an agent of its own development even with a structural condition of dependency (see

Stuhldreher 2004; Preciado Coronado 2010; Arashiro 2010; see also Gálvez Valega 2008;

Cardoso and Faletto 1979). Cancino Cadena and Herrán (2007) nicely frame the predominant

Dependency Theory argument that the dependent condition of Latin American and Caribbean

countries in the global economy makes regional integration an important option or instrument of

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states to achieve development. Arashiro (2011) makes a similar argument for the agency of

states but does so from a non-dependency theory perspective, critiquing assumptions by some

that the “new regionalism” is an automatic or necessary state strategy within a determined or

fixed international structure of globalization. Rather, the author shows that elite ideas and

ideologies as well as material interests underlie policy choices in international trade negotiations.

However, writers differ in their estimation of the nature, scope, and depth of the

regionalization that has occurred, of states’ strategies or capabilities in pursuing different forms

of regionalization, and of the presumed benefits of regionalization cum globalization. While

many scholars are critical of neoliberal globalization processes (e.g., Barbosa 2005; Herrera

Valencia 2005; Guadarrama González 2004; Rocha V. 2004) and their links to U.S. free trade

policies (e.g., Brunelle 2006; Prevost & Weber 2005) or transnational investment patterns (e.g.,

Deblock, Brunelle & Rioux 2004; North, Clark & Petroni 2006), others are more interested in

studying the econometric or structural details, the practical challenges, or the strategic

alternatives that Latin American states face in dealing with globalization through a regionalist

agenda.

Thus several scholars have been interested in examining the specific regional economic

integration experiments recently undertaken by Latin American states, adapting the European

Union’s example as a model (the so-called “old regionalism”) against which to assess their

depth, breadth and prospects for success. These contemporary Latin American regional (or sub-

regional) economic integration experiments include Mercosur, the Comunidad Andina de

Naciones (CAN), the Sistema de la Integración Centroamericana (SICA, the successor to the

Central American Common Market [MCCA]), Caricom, etc. Particularly strong works or edited

collections studying these organizations include Lagos (2008), Solís and Rojas Aravena (2006),

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Altmann Borbón and Rojas Aravena (2008), Jaramillo (2008), Gambrill and Ruiz Nápoles

(2006), Stuhldreher (2004) and Preciado Coronado (2010). Several of these scholars8 also have

important government experience and approach the question from a problem-solving, policy

making perspective in which regional economic cooperation and integration are key strategies

for Latin American states’ ability to manage, limit or even escape the condition of economic

dependency in the global capitalist system and the neoliberal economic agenda and political

hegemony of the United States. Despite this more practical or policy-oriented approach, many

remain critical of the actual progress of regional integration, as indicated by such titles as

América Latina: ¿Integración o fragmentación? (Lagos, 2008) or América Latina y el Caribe:

¿Fragmentación o convergencia?: Experiencias recientes de la integración (Altmann Borbón

and Rojas Aravena 2008). Drawing from this literature and applying neofuntionalist theory,

Ahcar Cabarcas, Charris and González Arana (2013) find that ideological and structural

fragmentation weakens the overall success of regional integration processes in Latin America.

Rivarola Puntigliano (2007) offers a more positive assessment: Not only does he explore the

“new regionalism” in Latin America as the other side of globalization in the post-Cold War

period. He argues that Latin American regionalism serves as a “countercenter” in the emergence

of new normative rules in the international system more generally (infra).

Some scholars (economists in particular) have been interested in offering more narrow

econometric case studies of regional economic integration. For example, Bittencourt and

Domingo (2004) study the effects of regional integration processes on foreign direct investment

8 Richard Lagos Escobar served as President of Chile from 2000 to 2006 and a leading Socialist Party member since

the 1970s; he earned his PhD in economics from Duke University in 1966 (“Richard Lagos” 2014). Luís

Guillermo Solís is now the President of Costa Rica. His career has also spanned both academia and government service and is a member of the center-left Citizens’ Action Party. He served as Chief of Staff of the Costa Rican

Foreign Ministry and special advisor to Oscar Arias during the Esquiplas Peace Process in the late 1980s. In his

presidential campaign, he pledged to avoid signing new free trade agreements and instead improve the

administration of those already in force (Aarón Sequeira 2014). Another scholar-diplomat familiar to students of

Latin American foreign policy is Heraldo Muñoz, currently serving as Chile’s Foreign Minister.

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in Mercosur. Ocampo (2006) presents an excellent edited volume comparing regional financial

cooperation in different parts of the world, with especially interesting chapters on Mercosur and

the Andean, Central American, and Caribbean sub-regions. Mayobre (2006) includes a valuable

review of the history of formal and informal regional cooperation and integration schemes in

Latin America while studying the recent petroleum-related regional cooperation efforts initiated

by Venezuela. Cardozo (2006) and Pérez-Le Fort (2004) also study Latin American regional

energy cooperation.

Alongside the more formal (“first generation”) regional economic integration

experiments modeled on the European Union’s earlier phases (e.g., customs union to common

market), a “new wave” (“second generation”) of regionalism based on preferential trade

agreements (PTAs) among two or more states has spread around the world since the end of the

Cold War (see Mansfield and Milner 1999; Quiliconi, 2014). As noted above, the United States

fanned this wave at the global level in the 1990s through GATT/WTO negotiations and, in the

Western Hemisphere, through NAFTA and the US proposal for the Free Trade Area of the

Americas (FTAA) at the first Summit of the Americas in 1994. However the FTAA negotiations

eventually failed, and by 2005 were pronounced dead. Unlike most of the literature on the

demise of the FTAA, Arashiro (2011) sheds light on policy makers’ thoughts and actions in the

negotiations, which were co-chaired by the US and Brazil. Using a multi-theory and multi-level

approach that draws from IPE, policy studies and constructivism, the author shows that a lack of

political commitment by the US as well as Brazil explains the failure. Foreign policy elites in

both countries preferred bilateral trade deals to multilateral approaches. Consequently, the

United States and Latin American states increasingly turned to bi- and multi-lateral PTAs. The

result was the so-called “spaghetti bowl” effect of regional trade agreements in the hemisphere

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(see Figure 1) as well as two competing models of trade regionalism in the Americas, the free

trade model and the customs union/common market model. De la Reza (2010) highlights what

he sees as a disjunction between the theory and practice of integration in Latin America since the

1980s and the Washington Consensus reforms and argues that the “spaghetti bowl” of regional

trade agreements make Latin America’s “open regionalism” an obstacle to meaningful regional

economic integration and a messy compromise between liberalism and protectionism.

(Figure 1 about here)

Economists debate whether these PTAs actually promote or stifle trade and development

(see e.g., Creamer 2004), a discussion beyond the purview of this paper, and politicians debate

14

whether these agreements signal greater autonomy or dependency. Moreover, the emergence of

leaders like Venezuela’s Chavez, Bolivia’s Morales and Ecuador’s Correa in the early and mid

2000s helped articulate and push forward a more critical, counter-hegemonic (viz., anti-US and

anti-neoliberal globalization) vision of regional economic and political integration for Latin

America and the Caribbean while other leaders maintained either more pragmatic (e.g., Brazil) or

more neo-liberal approaches to the global political economy (infra). Yet even as a political and

ideological rift emerged across the Americas, the hemispheric “spaghetti bowl” or patchwork of

free trade agreements cobbled together since the 1990s and especially since the demise of the

FTAA signaled a widespread recognition by many Latin American states of the pressures to open

up regional and sub-regional trade and investment flows in the face of globalization. The “open

regionalism” of such FTAs along with the more closed regionalism of common markets like

Mercosur or CACM9 participated in a further proliferation of preferential trade agreements not

just between countries but also between regional blocs.

Indeed, as Latin American states pursue more intra- and sub-regional cooperation and

integration schemes in navigating globalization, they are also participating in growing inter- and

trans-regional ties spanning oceans. A 2004 special issue of Chile’s Revista de Estudios

Internacionales explores Latin American relations with APEC and the Asia-Pacific Region (see

Gálvez 2004; Gutiérrez B. 2004; Pérez-Le Fort 2004; Saavedra Rivano 2004; and Scollay &

González-Vigil 2004). However, the EU is seen as the preferred inter-regional partner for many

Latin American states because the promise of preferential access to the Single Market offers a

material and symbolic counter-hegemonic alternative to continued dependency on the US/North

American market. Thus numerous studies have appeared analyzing Latin American states’

9 According to the SICA website, the “CACM is presently somewhere between an almost perfect free trade area and

an imperfect customs union” (See http://www.sica.int)

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bilateral or multilateral relations with the EU (e.g., Díaz Barrado et al., 2008; Beneyto & Argerey

2006; Escribano Ubeda-Portugués 2007 and 2005; Fazio Vengoa 2006; Van Klaveren 2004) or

emergent trans-regional relations, such as Mercosur’s relations with the EU (see Ramírez Díaz

2002; Saraiva 2004; Faust 2004). Osterlof Obregón’s (2008) edited collection examines the

EU’s proliferating bilateral and sub-regional partnership agreements with Mercosur, the

Comunidad Andino de Naciones (CAN), and the Central American Common Market/SICA as

well as bilateral partnership agreements between the EU and Mexico and Chile. Díaz-Silveira

Santos (2009) offers a highly detailed description of bi-regional agreements between the EU and

Mercosur, the Andean Community of Nations (CAN) and Central America, with the EU as the

(rather idealized) animator10

of the process. Likewise, Martín Arribas’s (2008) anthology offers

an optimistic Spanish view of cooperation between the EU and Latin American sub-regional

organizations such as Mercosur, the Andean Community, etc.

EU partnership agreements (often called “strategic partnership agreements”) have been

attractive to Latin American states since the 1990s because they go farther than US-sponsored

free trade agreements. The former include three dimensions or “pillars”: a free trade pillar, a

political dialogue pillar, and a development cooperation or aid pillar (Osterlof Obregón 2008).

Ulloa Rivera (2010) takes a closer look at the growing EU development cooperation and

partnership agreements with Latin America generally, offering interesting examples in specific

policy areas (e.g., poverty reduction, financial and technical cooperation, food aid, environment,

gender, etc.). Martín Arribas’s (2011) edited volume focuses on EU development cooperation in

Central America, where the EU and its member states surpassed the US as the subregion’s

largest aid donor after the mid-1990s.

10 Díaz-Silveira Santos (2009) presents the EU as the leader in the development of a multiregional international

system in which “neo inter-regionalism consolidates regionalism” and complements globalization (p. 52).

16

However, not all scholars are optimistic about the prospects for successful inter-regional

cooperation between Latin America and the EU. Díaz Barrado et al.’s (2008) extensive

anthology offers a more realistic assessment both of Latin American integration efforts and of

EU-Latin American inter-regional cooperation. Trein and Guerra Cavalcanti (2007) were

disappointed by what they perceived as the EU’s empty rhetoric at the 2006 Inter-regional

summit in Vienna rather than substantive progress in building a meaningful strategic partnership

with Latin America and the Caribbean. Gratius and Sanahuja (2010) point to stasis in EU-Latin

American inter-regional strategic parternship projects by the May 2010 Madrid Summit (see also

Cumbre América Latina y el Caribe-Unión Europea… 2011). Of course by that time, the recent

global financial crisis was in full swing. Moltó (2010) explains how Spain’s two-track efforts to

play a leading role in forging a strong Ibero-American relationship and productive EU-Latin

American relations were losing effectiveness by 2010, as absenteeism of Latin and European

leaders and lack of real progress have increasingly characterized inter-regional summits. Fazio

Vengoa (2006) questions the “EU-foria” of the early 1990s about cultivating new inter-regional

relations between the EU and Latin America and the Caribbean and argues instead that it has

given way to indifference and skepticism today (see also Martins 2004).

Political-Diplomatic Regionalism: Cooperation or Concertación

Scholars are divided on whether this new regionalism constitutes an opportunity or a

challenge to Latin American states and whether these states are merely reacting to larger

processes or are successfully influencing them; but most see Latin American states as active

agents in this process. And insofar as several states are seizing the opportunities to pursue an

assertive regionalist and/or sub-regionalist agenda with the goal of lessening dependency and

17

promoting development, the new forms of regionalism have political and strategic as well as

economic forms. Complementing or enhancing the economic integration experiments of

Mercosur, the Comunidad Andina de Naciones (CAN), the Sistema de la Integración

Centroamericana (SICA), Caricom, etc. are new regional organizations of political cooperation,

coordination, and integration, most notably UNASUR (created in 200811

and led by Brazil),

ALBA (Alianza Boliviariana para los Pueblos de Nuestro América, created in 200412

and led by

Venezuela), and more recently CELAC (Comunidad de Estados Latinoamericanos y Caribeños,

created in 2010). For some observers, these organisms represent new counter-hegemonic

resistances to the United States’ “neo-pan-American” FTAA project and the neoliberal agenda of

the “Washington Consensus” (see e.g., Brunelle 2006; Giacalone 2006; Katz 2006; Rocha V.

2004). For others, they represent new branches of an older, more pragmatic diplomatic effort to

advance or deepen regional autonomy as a strategy to overcome structural dependency.13

Indeed, regional political cooperation, coordination and integration efforts have deeper

historical roots that are sometimes overlooked by the contemporary literature. Not only do their

roots stretch back to the 19th century Bolivarian project of unity in the face of foreign threats

(supra). These contemporary regional political groupings sprang from the political and

diplomatic regionalism of the 1980s, when the Contadora Group14

and later the Rio Group

challenged US military interventionism in Central America (Meyer 1992; Cepedo Ulloa and

11 However UNASUR’s roots go back to 1993 (infra). 12 Its original name was Alternativa Bolirariana Para América Latina y el Caribe, but its name changed after June

2009 to reflect more clearly its break with neoliberalism and with UNASUR’s more pragmatic approach. 13 According to the UNASUR website, its vision “es el desarrollo regional sostenido por la union de sus partes

soberanas: naciones en paz, prósperas, con sentido de pertenencia y ciudadanía suramericana”

(http://www.unasursg.org/inicio/organizacion/historia). 14 Colombia, Mexico, Panama, and Venezuela formed the Contadora Group in 1984 as a political, diplomatic, and

security response to militarized US policies toward Central America, a sub-region gripped in horrible civil wars and

political violence in the 1980s. The Group was later joined by Argentina, Brazil, Peru and Uruguay, known as the

Contadora Support Group, thus strengthening regional political and diplomatic unity of eight important states in

Latin America against US policies. In 1986, the eight countries took the name Rio Group.

18

García-Peña 1985). Practicing what was called at the time at the “new Latin American foreign

policy” (see Tokatlian 1983; Drekonja-Kornat 1983), the Contadora/Rio Group states firmly

called for “regional solutions to regional problems” in Central America and an end to militarized

US interventionist policies there. The end of the Cold War, the changed global political and

economic context, the election of Left and Center-Left leaders in several Latin American

countries, and the distraction of the US by its wars in Afghanistan and Iraq have all helped

fertilize the opportunities for deeper regional political cooperation and coordination to occur.

One measure of this is the growth of the Rio Group to include 24 Latin American and Caribbean

states as it continued to meet in annual summits through 2010. In 2011, the Rio Group created

CELAC (the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States/Comunidad de Estados

Latinoamericanos y Caribenños), which now boasts 33 member countries across the hemisphere

but excludes the United States and Canada. CELAC is not only a successor to the Rio Group; it

is seen as an alternative to the nearly moribund Organization of American States (Kellogg 2013).

Another measure is the emergence of the new organisms of political regionalism, such as

UNASUR and ALBA. Briceño-Ruiz (2010) focuses on the development of UNASUR, which

arose from a process he dubs “strategic regionalism15

” led by Brazil. It originally grew out of

Brazil’s strategic decision to promote “greater interdependence between South American

countries as a mechanism to improve the bargaining power of the region in Free Trade Area of

the Americas (FTAA) and World Trade Organization (WTO) negotiations….It was entirely

consistent with the strategy of promoting `autonomy for integration’ fostered by Brazilian

diplomacy since the mid -1990s” (Briceño-Ruiz 2010, 209). UNASUR’s predecessors were the

South American Free Trade Area (SAFTA), launched in 1993 by Brazil’s President Itamar

15 Briceño-Ruiz (2010, p. 210) adds that strategic regionalism “is a process resulting from an alliance between nation

states and multinational or national companies that have begun the internationalization of their economic activities.”

19

Franco with the aim of linking Mercosur and the Andean Community, and the South American

Community of Nations (SACN/CSN), proposed by Brazil’s President Fernando Henrique

Cardoso in 2000 at the Brasilia Summit and finally created in 2004 (Briceño-Ruiz 2010).

Briceño-Ruiz holds that the Brazilian shift from SAFT to CSN in 2004 and especially from CSN

to UNASUR in 2008 was an explicit response to criticism by Venezuela’s Hugo Chavez and his

rival ALBA16

. “UNASUR became a maximalist project that completely overturned the original

Brazilian project of building a new South American regionalism” (209), incorporating a much

broader social, political and even security agenda than the economic one originally envisioned.

UNASUR (and ALBA) has attracted a great deal of political and scholarly attention and

fueled interesting debates about its staying power and relevance. Time and space preclude a

deeper discussion at this time; however, Pereira de Lima (2011) provides a detailed description

of the emergence and political, juridical and institutional development of UNASUR while

asserting its relevance as an actor on the global stage (see also Preciado Coronado 2010;

Rivarola Puntigliano 2007). Comini and Frenkel (2014) provide an excellent analysis of its rise

as well as its deceleration after 2011, paying attention both to international and domestic factors.

Several works have highlighted the sub-regional leadership rivalry between the Brazil-led

UNASUR and Chavez’s ALBA, but since Chavez’ death, it is not clear whether that rivalry will

continue in any meaningful way. Instead, Comini and Frenkel (2014) point to the creation of the

Alianza del Pacifico (AP) by pro-free trade states Chile, Colombia, Peru and Mexico in 2011 as

the newest rival to UNASUR’s strategic regionalism. More specifically, they analyze the

emergence of UNASUR and the Alliance of the Pacific as the latest manifestations of two long-

standing and competing approaches to South American integration projects. The UNASUR

“concentric” model encompasses a longer-term and multidimensional integration project based

16

Time and space considerations preclude a discussion of ALBA here.

20

on broadening concentric circles of regional cooperation and integration, starting with Mercosur

(and the Brazil-Argentina nexus) to wider circles of economic, social, political, security, and

environmental integration across South America, ultimately linking a united continent into the

global system. The “polygramic” (many-pointed or star-like) model exemplified by the Alliance

of the Pacific embraces a more short-term, one-dimensional, state-centric and ad hoc approach to

regional economic cooperation through limited preferential trade agreements.17

Their analysis of

the external/international and especially the internal/domestic factors at work lead them to

question the long-term viability of UNASUR (Comini and Frenkel 2014).

Regional Security Cooperation

Much of the scholarly and political interest in UNASUR stems from its efforts to promote

South American security cooperation and integration through its Defense Council (Consejo

Suramericano de Defensa, or CSD).18

Aránguiz (2013) provides an excellent discussion of the

CSD, noting its emergence and the political and security questions it raises in the context of new

security threats in the Americas. In particular, he addresses such questions as Brazil’s bid for

regional leadership and its “responsible pragmatism,” the promotion of the region’s defense

industry, and the “Venezuela/Chavez” factor as interrelated aspects of the CSD’s creation. He

also discussed the exclusion of the US from the CSD, due in part to alternative definitions of

“security” between North and South (e.g., national security versus human security). After

weighing the strengths and weaknesses of the Council, he appears optimistic that it can help

South America respond to the new security threats that globalization has wrought, such as crime,

17 Others have made much of the “two Latin Americas,” one bloc on the Atlantic side favoring state controls and the

other facing the Pacific and embracing free markets (Luhnow 2014). 18 UNASUR is structured into a dozen or so Councils focused on different sectoral or functional areas, such as

Defense, Health, Education, Energy, Science, Technology & Innovation, etc. See www.unasursg.org

21

trafficking, etc. (Aránguiz 2013). Likewise, del Pedregal (2009) sees the CSD in a very positive

light as a political effort and an important step by a Brazil-led UNASUR toward deeper

integration in South America. However, Spain’s Ministry of Defense published an anthology

that examines UNASUR and considers its potential for addressing security challenges in South

America through the CSD. However, individual chapters in this anthology also point to a recent

regional arms race, underlying territorial disputes and bilateral tensions, and leadership rivalries

that weaken the prospects for closer security cooperation in South America (Ministerio de

Defensa 2010). Likewise, Tokatlian (2010) raises important concerns about the growing

militarization in the internal and external political relations of states in the region while Cheyre

(2009) discusses recent increases in military spending in Latin America in terms of legitimate

national defense and security interests.

Other Functional or Sectoral Areas of Regional Cooperation and Integration

Through its various sectoral Councils, UNASUR seeks to promote regional cooperation

and integration in such functional areas as infrastructure, energy, environment, science and

technology and much more. Some of those Councils predate and were subsumed into UNASUR.

More studies are needed on the progress of regional integration in these areas, however a few

studies have appeared. Pereira de Lima’s (2011) study of UNASUR gives attention to three

general areas or “pillars:” political, social and cultural cooperation; economic, financial and

commercial integration (including Mercosur); and energy and infrastructural integration

(including IIRSA19

). Dijck (2008) critically evaluates the political, social and environmental

problems of IIRSA with an econometric lens. As noted previously, Ocampo (2006) studies

regional financial cooperation; Mayobre (2006) studies energy cooperation.

19

IIRSA = Iniciativa para la Integración de la Infraestructura Regional de América del Sur

22

Transnational Regionalization: Crime

At the edges of scholarship focusing on regional cooperation and integration by Latin

American states are investigations into the transnational networks and processes creating other

kinds of regional integration in the hemisphere. If the Washington Consensus advocated

neoliberal policies that rolled back the state to encourage economic globalization, the irony (or

contradiction) is that transnational actors and networks have proliferated and increasingly

challenge the “effective sovereignty” of states (Emerson 2010).

Alcañiz (2010) uses network analysis to study cooperation and knowledge-sharing among

nuclear scientists in Latin America. However, most scholars examining the region’s transnational

networks focus on the criminal networks that produce new forms of violence and thus new

security challenges. Mattar Nassar’s (2010) anthology offers chapters that include attention to

regional security governance, security issues relating to economic and natural resource issues,

transnational crime, and the effect of armed violence on women’s lives as they privilege human

security over older notions of national security. Gonzáles Placencia and Arce (2009) and

Carrión M. and Espín M. (2011) focus on citizen security programs in the face of transnational

criminal activity and violence, both inside major cities and in remote border regions across Latin

America. Maihold (2011) calls for a transnational plan of cooperation between the US, the EU

and Latin America to combat transnational organized crime, including the increased sharing of

financial intelligence. Camacho Guizado (2007) brings together leading analysts from the same

three regions to review and evaluate the development of anti-drug and anti-trafficking policies in

Colombia, Mexico and the Andean region with a view to coming up with more effective

alternatives.

23

Finally, Mace and Loiseau (2005) provide a helpful discussion of the emerging Summit

of the Americas machinery compared to the older OAS machinery while testing the concept of

“cooperative hegemony.” It remains to be seen whether these parallel structures of hemispheric

institutions are competing with or complementary to each other and what the newer forms of

Latin American regionalism mean for them. Although often scorned, the OAS still offers

important governance machinery to the Americas. Herz (2011) provides an overview of the role

of the OAS in providing regional governance structures in the areas of security, development,

democracy promotion and human rights. Others remain hopeful about the role of inter-American

institutions in cooperation in health (Carrillo Roa and Santana 2010), promoting democratic

norms (Sánchez Flores 2004), fighting corruption (Vargas 2004), curbing arms trafficking

(Carlson 2010), or developing soft law in the areas of workers’ rights and freedom of association

(Citroni 2004) or indigenous peoples’ rights (Ponte Iglesias 2004; see also North, Clark &

Petroni 2006).

Conclusion and Questions for Further Research

Richard Rosecrance (2014, 200) has asserted that “broader so-called regionalisms like

that of Latin America or East Asia are generally vacuous.” Others have considered Latin

American regionalism as merely “ad hoc” in nature. Peter H. Smith (2008) finds “centrifugal

political forces throughout Latin America and rivalries for subregional leadership that make

regional solidarity “more elusive than ever” (p. 414). Russell (2006) remains skeptical that

Latin America and Caribbean countries will be able to translate their regional cooperation and

integration ambitions into effective instruments for greater regional autonomy. Many point to

24

the economic and geopolitical fragmentation of Latin America along the fault lines of NAFTA

and Mercosur (e.g, Grabendorff 2005).

This review of the recent literature on regionalism in Latin America indicates a very

mixed picture. On the one hand, the long and persistent history of regional unity and

cooperation, the material conditions and geopolitical structures that point to regional integration

as a key strategic alternative to dependency, and the leadership of key political and economic

actors in Latin America at important moments, all point to the salience of regionalism as a core

feature of Latin America’s international relations. Yet, despite the history, the rhetoric, and the

political ideals and ideological commitments, the recent proliferation of regional cooperation and

integration organisms along competing economic and political rivalries suggests a hyper-

regionalism in the Americas that defies theoretical clarity. At the very least, it defies definitional

clarity: economic regionalism, political regionalism, strategic regionalism, neoliberal

regionalism, integrationist/protectionist regionalism…the literature is reflecting the material

reality of states’ choices today. That is, this hyper-regionalism seems to be an effect of the

current phase of neo-liberal globalization and of a changing geopolitical power structure since

the end of the Cold War and especially the so-called War on Terror. The political space opened

up by the US preoccupation with its wars in Afghanistan and Iraq has helped to generate the

competing material/economic, political, and ideological regionalisms in the Americas. But

increased trade (and investment) is considered a key to economic growth in both the polygramic

neo-liberalist and concentric integrationist approaches to regionalism. In this sense, the

UNASUR and ALBA alternatives to FTAs are not so much “post-liberal” “firewalls of

resistance” to the diffusion of US-led neo-liberal PTAs (Quiliconi 2014) as they are strategic

alternatives by state actors to better manage, limit and perhaps eventually overcome the

25

condition of dependency. The concentric model of UNASUR draws from the EU’s experience

but adds a Latin American twist that acknowledges different positions in the global political

economy. Guadarrama González (2004) has called for a new, sui generis Latin American theory

of regional integration, just as Latin America has contributed Dependency Theory as its own to

the world. But it seems that Dependency Theory has already indicated the counter-hegemonic

strategies that can lead to greater development and autonomy for states. As one writer put it,

regional autonomy is a key for finding greater state autonomy.

These rough ideas are offered as a starting point for continued research on the contending

regionalisms in Latin America. Theoretical pluralism should be valued in this project without

litmus tests or polemics. For the IR scholar, Dependency theory and World Systems Theory

remain important frameworks through which to study and understand the contending

regionalisms Latin America. Structural realism and liberal institutionalism, also well represented

in the existing literature, are also important and helpful. Newer frameworks such as

constructivism and post-colonialism should be developed and explored for studying the hyper-

regionalism of the Americas. The rivalries between states and their leaders vying for regional

leadership cry out for the application of feminist theory and gender analysis in the theoretical

mix.

In the end, as Tinker (2008) has noted, the international relations of Latin American

states is, by necessity, more focused on the question of “lo práctico”. The challenges of poverty,

income inequality, and underdevelopment across the hemisphere demand a focus on policy and

practical solutions rather than esoteric or ideologized exercises. The challenges faced by the

geographic region we call “Latin America” (and the Caribbean) continue to demand practical

regional solutions to regional problems, as they have since the early 19th

century. Indeed, the

26

myriad challenges of globalization call for continued problem-solving approaches and effective

policy-oriented responses in Latin America and beyond.

27

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