Composition of Tucson’s Overseas Chineseusers.clas.ufl.edu/davidson/HistArch/Week 10/Diehl et al...new brides at the end of wedding ceremonies, in Historical Archaeology, 1998, 32(4):

19

the artifact assemblages shows that the gardeners adapted to local environmental and economic constraints by preparing non-traditional food items, while retaining traditional cooking prac-

MICHAEL DIEHL JENNIFER A. WATERS J. HOMER THlEL

Acculturation and the Composition of the Diet of Tucson’s Overseas Chinese

tices, and by purchasing some imported foods. The effect may have been the preservation of traditional cooking concepts and cultural values and beliefs related to the preparation of food, despite the constraints of an economy that was oriented towards the tastes and demands of the

Gardeners at the Turn of the Century dominant Euroamerican culture.

ABSTRACT Traditional Chinese Meals and the Desire to Maintain a Diverse Diet

Archaeological excavations in Tucson, Arizona, revealed portions of an overseas Chinese gardeners’ household that was occupied between 1892 and 1905. Several features, including two water storage barrels, an outdoor hearth, an activity surface, and trash-filled pits provided an abundance of macrobotanical and faunal information, and fragments of food cooking, storage, and service vessels. Analyses of the data suggest that the occupants of the household maintained a traditionally diverse diet by preparing new foodstuffs in traditional ways. Some imported Chinese foods were purchased, despite their probable high costs, helping to recreate meals eaten in the gardeners’ homeland.

The important role of food in Chinese culture, and ethnic notions about the relationship between food and desire, resilience, and flexibility among the overseas Chinese in the maintenance of traditional cooking practices. Traditional Chinese cooking is organized, in part, around a two part structure that fan (starch portion) and ts ’ai (meat and vegetables), and “hot” and “cold” humored

combined to promote a

Introduction

During the autumn of 1995, archaeologists from Desert Archaeology excavated an historic period house located on Spruce Street, at the base of Sentinel Peak in Tucson (Thiel 1996). The intramural and extramural activity surfaces of an immigrant Chinese gardeners’ household comprised one component of the site (AZ BB:13:6 [ASM])(Figure 1). This component was most likely occupied between 1892 and 1905. Histori- cal records indicate that gardeners first moved to this area in the 1880s and continued farming into the 1920s.

The excavation of this household accorded a unique opportunity to study one aspect of the process of acculturation on Tucson’s overseas Chinese in the first decade of the 20th century. This article describes analyses of macrobotanical and faunal remains and vessels for food storage, cooking and consumption. The examination of

foods in balanced proportions (Chang 1977:6-7, 10). The maintenance of a balance between hot and cold, and fan and ts’ai, is in turn linked to Chinese recommendations for the maintenance of proper health. Balanced diets are generally con- sidered healthful. In contrast, excess or deficit in any food category may lead to suffering.

The maintenance of traditional cooking practices was motivated by other customs and beliefs as well. In a 1974 study of Chinese-American and immigrant residents of Tucson, Howard (1974) documented eight customs (foods served) and beliefs (symbolic interpretations of particular foods) associated with weddings. She also stud- ied the foods associated with 86 other customs and beliefs, pertaining to limnal transitions such as birth, one year ceremonies, puberty, adulthood, and death, and with states of being such as hap- piness, fertility, prosperity, and health. For example, many of Howard’s informants noted that pomegranates and lotus seed soup were served to new brides at the end of wedding ceremonies, in

Historical Archaeology, 1998, 32(4): 19-33. Permission to reprint required.

20

order to “signify the desire for” many children (Howard 1974:71). Still other customs were observed in celebration of certain calendrical events. From Howard’s study it is clear that both overseas Chinese, and second and third gen- eration Chinese Americans, maintained a complex set of beliefs and practices that associate specific foods with the operation of the cosmos.

Anecdotal evidence suggests that the diets of continental Chinese laborers may have promoted better health than the diets of contemporary west- em European laborers. Spence (1977:267) noted that according to British observers in China, mid- 19th century Chinese tea pickers seemed healthier than European laborers. The Chinese had a more diverse diet that compared favorably with the diets of contemporary Scottish laborers in Great Britain. The latter consumed a very nar-

HI STOR I CAL ARCHAEOLOGY 32( 4)

row diet comprised chiefly of starch in the form of porridge, bread, and beer.

Cultural practices that promoted a dietary balance of starch, meat, and vegetables were carried to America (Jaffa 1901). Northern European railroad workers constructing the Western Pacific railroad consumed a less diverse diet that was somewhat devoid of vegetables, yet Chinese workers on the same crews maintained traditional practices:

The Chinese railroad laborers’ diet: dried oysters, aba- lone, cuttlefish, bamboo sprouts, mushrooms, five kinds of vegetables, pork, poultry, vermicelli, rice, salted cabbage, dried seaweed, sweet rice crackers, sugar, four kinds of dried fruit, Chinese bacon, peanut oil and tea. (Meanwhile the Caucasian laborers ate a less balanced diet of beef, beans, bread, butter and potatoes and drank water instead of tea . ..) (Kraus 1969:46).

Figure 1. Features excavated in the Chinese Gardeners’ Household

ACCULTURATION AND THE COMPOSITION OF THE DIET

Previous studies of consumption indicate that, to a certain degree, traditional cooking practices were supported by the import of traditional foods from China. Evans (1980) noted that Chinese vegetables, pickled or otherwise prepared, were imported to California in a variety of ceramic containers. Fragments of imported containers have been observed in archaeological deposits throughout the western states. The presence of Chinese manufactured food containers in many archaeological sites (Evans 1980; Staski 1985, 1993: 139; Lister and Lister 1989:40-45) provides tangible evidence of food importation. Ex- amples include, but may not be limited to: soy

21

in Chang’s (1977:6-7) list of important basic foods for cooking; further, Spence (1977:264) noted the importance of “Irish” potatoes for the continental Chinese. In a contemporary literary account of life in “the west,” it was said of the overseas Chinese:

Many are vegetable gardeners, too. In this even climate and with this productive soil, their painstaking culture, much hoeing and constant watering, make little ground very fruitful, and they gather in three, four, and five crops a year. Their garden patches, in the neighborhood of cities and villages, are always distinguishable from the rougher and more carelessly cultured grounds of their Saxon rival (Bowles 1869:400).

sauce, dried fruits, fish, sauces, seaweed, spices, prepared vegetables, selected dried meats, and prepared eggs (Evans 1980; Langenwalter 1980:103; Sando and Felton 1993:152).

Despite the importance of some traditionally prepared vegetables, it is possible that access to

The importance of vegetables in the diets of immigrant Chinese is manifest in their efforts at maximizing the amount of space available for gardening. Archaeologists in Idaho have identified hilltop terraced gardens. These were created

fresh vegetables may have varied seasonally or by region and depended, in large part, on locally

when a judge ruled that Only United States citi- own Idaho land, effectively Prevent-

grown food. For example, there are numerous ing access to naturally occurring level ground accounts of sustained efforts at gardening. Many (Fee 1993:77). Historical accounts indicate that authors have noted that vegetables were an im- Some Of these terraced gardens Produced good portant component of traditional Chinese cooking Yields of Strawberries (Fee 1993 :79, 85) and and substantial efforts were invested in gardening these Were Packed into regional mining Camps to for personal consumption and to serve market be sold. Moreover, newspaper accounts that de- demands (Urquides 1977:70; Lister and Lister scribe 19th century Chinese truck gardens are 1989:59-60; Fee 1993). Apparently, immigrants Commonplace. Taken together, Prior archaeologi- who lived in California had access to a well cal and historical studies support the generaliza- developed market that provided locally grown tion that Chinese demanded, and if necessary traditional vegetables including a variety of Asian supplied, a wide variety of meats, fresh veg- melons, Chinese cabbage, ginkgo, and coriander etables, and imported prepared foods for their (Kent et al. 1987). own consumption.

Tucson overseas Chinese maintained extensive gardens. An account in the Arizona Daily Star Macrobotanical Remains (1889) noted that:

Archaeological studies of overseas Chinese di- Lin Kee, who rents sixteen acres of rich land from Mr. van Alstine raised a good Crop of Corn, Potatoes, sweet potatoes, onions and chille [sic]. The potatoes are of a very large size, and a heavy load of the same was started for Tombstone yesterday

ets through the analysis of macrobotanical remains are infrequent, and the data base against which macrobotanical samples may be compared is somewhat limited. In the 1960s, archaeologists associated with the Tucson Urban Renewal project collected artifacts from numerous resi- dences in areas scheduled for demolition (Lister

That example is particularly illustrative because all but one of these plants (potatoes) are found

22

and Lister 1989). No flotation samples were understandably collected, since most of the col- lections were obtained from extant living surfaces rather than archaeological deposits. Several containers that held plant remains (seeds, ground substances) were collected (for example, Lister and Lister 1989:71, Figures 3.52c, d, e) but their contents were not identified. Examination of 19th and 20th century Tucson newspapers showed that fresh vegetables were an important component of Chinese diets. Immigrant gardeners grew food both for personal consumption, and for sale to local groceries and restaurants. Accounts list cantaloupes, strawberries, and toma- toes among the products sold in local markets (Lister and Lister 1989:7-8, 58-59; 89).

Farther afield, excavations of overseas Chinese archaeological features in Los Angeles (Honeysett 1993), Woodland (Honeysett and Schulz 1984), and Sacramento, California (Praetzellis and Praetzellis 1982: 121-123) produced flotation samples, from which have been recovered a wide variety of traditional and non-traditional food genera and weed seeds. Excavations in Los Angeles led to the collection of 90 seeds in 7 genera, including lychees, Chinese olives, peaches, peanuts, a ginkgo nut fragment, and 3 varieties of melon (Honeysett 1993). Samples recovered during the excavations in Woodland produced nine varieties of common urban weeds, and seeds of four traditional Chinese fruits-- winter melon and a related squash, bitter melon, and Chinese olives (Honeysett and Schulz 1984: 152-53). Excavations in Sacramento yielded a mix of Asian melons, fig, tomato, peach, plum, cherry, eggplant (another traditional Asian food), and high frequencies of grape and blackberry seeds.

The sources of some of these seeds are ascertainable. Peaches, plums, cherries, and peanuts have been grown in North America for over 200 years. Blackberries are common throughout the continent. The Asian melons may have been imported as seeds, and cultivated in the Los Angeles area; Honeysett noted that winter melon and bitter melon were grown in the Sacramento

HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 32(4)

Valley during the 19th century (Honeysett and Schulz 1984:152-153). The date of introduction of ginkgo trees to North America is not known; however, Kent et al. (1987:161) suggested that the recovery of a ginkgo fruit from features in Riverside’s “Chinatown” indicates that at least two trees (a male and female) must have been cultivated by 1893. Honeysett (1993:401) noted that broiled or roasted ginkgo nuts are a traditional ceremonial food that require preparatory processing to remove the fruit pulp. The olives were probably prepared overseas and imported to the United States (Honeysett and Schulz 1984:153). The same may have been true for ginkgo nuts.

The Kent et al. (1987) study is noteworthy because of the extensive ethnohistorical research invested in the descriptions of seeds and tissue (58 taxa comprising 32 genera) of 7,469 specimens. As the authors noted, since the specimens were captured by dry recovery techniques, the assemblage may be biased in favor of larger tissues.

Faunal Remains

Documentary research suggests that pork was the preferred meat in 19th century China, although many different animals were eaten in smaller quantities (Gust 1993:185). Beef was not commonly consumed because laws prohibited the slaughter of cattle and water buffalo for food (Simoons 1991:303). It is probable that immigrants carried the preference for pork with them as they moved to the United States.

It is clear that the overseas Chinese living in some parts of the western United States ate more beef than pork. As an example, pork is under- represented in Arizona urban Chinese assemblages when compared to faunal assemblages from other western states. A study of faunal specimens from Phoenix’s second Chinatown indicates that beef consumption prevailed over pork consumption (Rogge et al. 1992). The major food taxa, in order of abundance, included cow (57%), chicken (12%), and sheep and pig (less


than 10% each). In the immigrant Chinese faunal assemblage from the Tucson Urban Renewal project (Gust 1993), cow elements comprised the majority (56%) of the assemblage, and pig elements comprised 27%. Other taxa were present in small numbers, each comprising less than 10% of the assemblage (Gust 1993: 183- 187).

Gust (1993:208) also examined archaeological faunal assemblages from California and Nevada. The assemblages from Sacramento and Wood- land, California, and Lovelock, Nevada, had large amounts of pork (from 39% to 87%), a large proportion of chicken, higher status meat cuts, and fewer butchering marks on pig bones. In comparison, the assemblages from Ventura, Cali- fornia and the Tucson Urban Renewal Project were dominated by beef and bore more evidence of butchering marks on pig bones (indicating smaller, cheaper portions) and generally lower quality meat cuts. Gust (1993:208) implied that the Chinese in Ventura and Tucson were less affluent than other Chinese in the West and as a result were not able to buy as much pork. In another study, the urban Chinese faunal assemblage recovered from excavations in El Paso, Texas (Staski 1993:141; 1985) contained a large proportion of cow bones, with beef being the second most important contributor to the diet. Staski attributed the high quantity of beef in the diet to the effects of acculturation on the Chinese population in El Paso.

Imported Foodstuffs and Beverages

Large quantities of beverages and prepared foods were exported from China to the United States. The main consumers of these items were expatriate Chinese (Lister and Lister 1989). The products were available through Chinese operated stores that were present in many western commu- nities. They can be identified through the presence of brown glazed stoneware containers.

Containers recovered archaeologically in the Tucson Urban Renewal project and throughout the West include the following items; spouted jars (Nga Hu) that held soy sauce, liquor, vin-

23

egar, and peanut oil; liquor bottles (Tsao Tsun); wide mouthed jars (Fut How Nga Peng) that contained preserved tofu, sweet bean paste, beans, pickled turnips, cabbage, shrimp paste, sugar, and other condiments; globular jars (Ching) used to hold liquor, pickled carrots, scal- lions, salted cabbage, melons, cucumbers, ginger, and salty duck eggs; and straight sided jars (Jiung) containing preserved tofu, maltose, and medicinal herbs (Lister and Lister 1989; Yang and Hellman 1996). The contents of these jars helped immigrants to recreate the flavor and variety of foods they knew in their homeland. Immigrants may have used these items sparingly since they were probably quite expensive.

Analyses

It has been established that the overseas Chi- nese held strong beliefs that related food to life, the universe, and just about everything. How- ever, exigencies of life in Tucson must have imposed some constraints or limitations on their ability to maintain these traditions and beliefs. For example, there is no history of rice or soy- bean farming in the Tucson Basin. Traditional vegetables such as Chinese cabbage were likely difficult to obtain. They were certainly not cultivated by the majority of Tucsonans. Moreover, the climate is not well suited for their growth, and contemporary newspapers conspicuously lack any mention of vegetables that might have been grown specifically for consumption by the Chi- nese community. The Southern Pacific Railroad provided the only means for the movement of products to Tucson from West Coast cities, and the rates charged by the railroad for moving freight would have substantially inflated the cost of imported foods.

How did Tucson’s overseas Chinese adapt to environmental and economic constraints, while maintaining traditional beliefs and practices? The excavation of the Spruce Street locus resulted in the collection of numerous faunal specimens, fragments of vessels, and flotation samples that yielded macrobotanical remains. The examination

24 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 32(4)

of these assemblages provided an opportunity to catalogue and assess some of the Chinese people's adaptive responses to life in the desert Southwest.

Archaeological Findings

Excavation of the gardeners' household was limited to an area measuring 15 x 70 ft. (4.6 x 21 m) beneath Spruce Street (Figure 1). The site was located during test trenching along the south side of the street. During data recovery, the as- phalt street surface was removed and stripped with a backhoe, exposing a cobble compound

foundation and several pit features. Subsequent hand excavation resulted in the delineation of the rectangular compound (Feature 120/2001), two partially buried barrels (Features 117 and 2005), a probable outdoor hearth (Feature 2014), a small latrine pit (Feature 2002), and a trash-filled bor- row pit (Feature 124/2004). Postholes found in- side the compound suggest that a ramada-like structure once stood in its interior. Of the 10,842 artifacts, 10.8% (n=1,171) were made in China, representing a minimum of 62 individual items. Subsequent installation of a drainage sys- tem destroyed the remaining portion of the site beneath Spruce Street, however the site extends

TABLE 1 FREQUENCIES AND UBlQUlTlES OF SEEDS FROM THE CHINESE GARDENERS' HOUSEHOLD

Taxon Acacia Acacia sp. Loco Astragalus sp. Saltbush Atriplex sp. Mustard Brassica sp. Pepper Capsicum sp. Saguaro Carnegiea gigantea Goosefoot/ Pigweed

Chenopodium/Amaranthus sp. Composite family Compositae Squash Cucurbita sp. Brittlebush Encilia sp. Spurge Euphorbia sp. Grass family Gramineae Sunflower Helianthus sp. Miner's lettuce Lactuca sp. Legume family Leguminosae Cholla/Prickly pear Opuntia sp. Rice Oryza sativa Panic grass Panicum sp. Buckwheat family Polygonaceae Purslane Portulaca sp. Buckwheat Rumex sp. Nightshade family Solanaceae Solanum /Physalis type Dropseed Sporobolus sp. False purslane Trianthema sp. Wheat Triticum sp. Unidentified seeds Maize Zea mays

Frequency' 1 4 2 3 7 9

24 1 205 1 51 51 1 553 33 31 3 6 1 43 3 8 235 1 74 2 6 2

Ubiquity 0.33 0.67 0.33 0.67 0.33 0.67

0.67 0.33 0.33 0.33 0.33 0.33 0.33 0.33 0.33 0.67 0.33 0.33 0.33 1 .00 0.33 0.33 1 .00 0.33 1 .00 0.33 0.67 0.67

Most Likely Use Green pods Seeds, greens Seeds, leaves as tea Seeds as flavoring agent, greens Seeds flavoring agent, fruit as vegetable Fruit

Seeds, greens Seeds, flowers, greens Fruit, seeds Unknown Unknown Seeds as grain Seeds, greens Greens Green pods Fruit Seeds as grain Seeds as grain Seeds, greens Seeds, greens Seeds, greens Fruit Fruit Seeds as grain Seeds, greens Seeds as grain Unknown Seeds as grain

'Frequency from 15 flotation samples. (proportional frequency of presence vs. absence) across 3 features.


beneath a vacant lot to the south, and additional features probably are present in this area.

25

of saguaro (Carnegia sp.) and prickly pear (Opuntia sp.) cactus fruits clearly indicates the importance of locally obtainable foods for maintaining a diverse diet. Their use is probably a phenomenon that is, among the overseas Chinese, unique to the Sonoran desert biotic province. Finally, of course, maize (Zea mays), rice (Oryza sativa), and wheat (Triticum sp.) are traditional Chinese agricultural grains. Maize was intro- duced to China during the 17th century (Chang 1977).

Taken together, the flotation samples from the household on Spruce Street suggest that multiple strategies were pursued in an effort to retain traditional cooking practices (and presumably, beliefs). Well known agricultural grains were available, and little adjustment was required to find ingredients for the fan (starch) component of the diet. For the ts’ai component, however, many traditionally used vegetables were not available, and these were replaced by local plants. These included the substitution of North American plants for analogous, but unavailable traditional plants, as was the case with the wild greens of cheno-ams and miner’s lettuce. How- ever, it is also clear that the maintenance of traditional cooking practices did not prevent the incorporation of entirely new and unfamiliar foods, such as cactus fruits.

Macrobotanical Remains

To what extent are the flotation samples from the household on Spruce Street indicative of at- tempts to maintain traditional cooking practices? The evidence suggests that the occupants made extensive efforts at incorporating locally growable foods into a traditional cooking pattern. Fifteen flotation samples were recovered from the archaeological deposits of the Chinese household on Spruce Street (Diehl et al. 1996). The plants that were recovered from the flotation samples are listed in Table 1.

Apparently, the Spruce Street Chinese maintained an essentially trachtional cooking style that balanced fan and ts’ai, despite the lack of traditional Chinese vegetables. This was accom- plished largely through the use of common New World crops, including cucurbits and chiles. The array of edible vegetables, particularly greens, was augmented, however, by the use of several locally obtainable wild plants, such as Lactuca sp. (cf. serriola, probably “Miner’s lettuce”). The green tissues of this plant may have served as a substitute for unavailable Chinese vegetables in the ts ’ai component of traditionally prepared meals.

Chinese use of wild plants incorporated other species as well. The other wild plants whose greens or fruits may have been consumed, and that are represented in moderate to high frequencies, include goosefoot and pigweed seeds and presumably, greens; purslane, and false purslane. Altogether, 12 of the 26 taxa identified in the Chinese component may have been consumed as “greens” or as in the case of legumes, green vegetables.

Other vegetative tissues were used, including nightshade or groundcherry fruits (Solanum sp. or Physalis sp.). Cheno-ams, dock (Rumex sp.), and Polygonace (buckwheat family) are especially noteworthy because they are among the plant genera mentioned among the traditional Chinese staples by Chang (1977:6-7). Moreover, the use

Faunal Remains

To what extent did Tucson’s Chinese modify their culinary practices with respect to meat consumption? The evidence suggests that low socio- economic status and the scarcity of pork promoted a higher consumption of beef. Despite their high reliance on beef, the meals of Tucson’s Chinese gardeners included meat from a diversity of animals.

Composition of the Faunal Assemblage

Meat was an important component of the diet of the Chinese gardeners’ household. The animal bone recovered indicated that a number of wild

26 HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 32(4)

TABLE 2 FAUNA (NUMBER OF IDENTIFIED SPECIMENS) FROM FEATURES IN THE CHINESE GARDENERS'

HOUSEHOLD

Taxon Fish (Class Osteichthyes) Turtle (Order Testudinata) Medium bird (chicken size) Ducks (Family Anatidae) Chicken (Gallus gallus) Ravens and crows (Corvus sp.) Jackrabbits (Lepus sp.) Medium rodents (ground squirrel/wood rat size) New World rats and mice (Family Cricetidae) Deer mouse (Peromyscus sp.) Dog (Canis familiaris) Artiodactyls (Order Artiodactyl) Deer (Odocoileus sp.) Sheep/goat (Ovis aries/Capra hircus) Cow (Bos taurus) Pig (Sus scrofa) Unidentifiable small mammal (rodentirabbit size) Unidentifiable medium mammal (dog size) Unidentifiable large mammal (sheep/goat/pig size) Unidentifiable very large mammal (Cow/horse size) Indeterminate mammal (size class unknown) Indeterminate animal (class unknown) Feature Totals

Features 12412004

2 5

1 1

21 4 2 132 25 2 2 11 8 122

338

and domesticated species were eaten by the occupants of the site. The following taxa probably were consumed as food: fish, turtle, duck, chicken, jackrabbit, dog, deer, sheep/goat, cow, and pig (Table 2). Rodents, such as rats and mice, were eaten by the poor in China (Simoons 1991:320-321), but the rodent bones found at the site probably do not represent food items, they were fresh and appear to be recent intrusions. The raven/crow element also was probably not a food item. Indeterminate mammals comprised 46% of the animal bone in the assemblage. These probably came from domestic artiodactyls, but they could not be identified further because of their extremely fragmented condition.

Domestic animals provided most of the meat eaten by the household. Cow bones comprised 50% of the identifiable faunal assemblage. This

2000.00 45

2

4 1 2 16 3 3 1 3

25 2 62

2002.00 45

9 2 1

13 8 19 1 24 33 23 1 201

Total

2 16 2 1 1 1 5 1 1 6 34 5 4 161 36 24 4 38 41 170 3 601

proportion indicates that beef was the main meat consumed, similar to other Chinese faunal assemblages found in Arizona (Rogge et al. 1992; Gust 1993). High quality beef cuts such as sirloin and short loin (Table 3) represented 37% of the cow elements from the Spruce Street site. The remaining identifiable cow elements represented low quality meat cuts and included cervical ver- tebrae, rib shafts, and scapula fragments, as well as elements from the lower legs and feet.

Pig bones comprised only 6% of the assemblage. A thoracic vertebra and a few innominate fragments represented high quality pork cuts from the loin and ham, respectively. All the rest of the identified pig elements represented lower quality cuts (Table 3), including cranial elements, feet, hocks, and shoulder area fragments. Most of these cuts contained little meat and probably


were used to flavor soups and other dishes. The locations on the skeleton of the recovered cow and pig elements are shown in Figures 2-3.

Other domestic animals, including sheep or goats, dogs, chickens, and ducks were recovered in much smaller numbers. None exceeded 10% of the assemblage. The Chinese gardeners also made use of local wild fauna. The presence of jackrabbit and deer bones suggest that the occupants of the Chinese gardeners' household hunted in mesquite bosques along the Santa Cruz River.

Finally, a relatively large number of fish bones of indeterminate species were recovered. When one considers the actual meat weight represented by these bones, however, it is apparent that fish contributed far less meat to the diet than beef or pork.

The butchering marks on the faunal material from the Gardeners' site indicate that most of the cuts were produced using traditional

27

Figure 2. Beef elements recovered from the Chinese Gardeners' Household (illustrated by Ron Beckwith).

Euroamerican equipment and butchering practices. Saw cuts represented 77% of the butchering marks rather than the traditional cleaver marks noted in some Chinese faunal assemblages (Gust 1982:109). Saw cuts also comprised the major-

TABLE 3 BEEF AND PORK CUTS AND QUALITY FROM THE CHINESE GARDENERS' HOUSEHOLD

Cow Element' Lumbar vertebra Rib, proximal (1-5) Ilium Femur Cervical vertebra Thoracic spine (1-5) Rib, shaft (1-5) Rib, shaft (6-12)

Scapula, glenoid Scapula, blade Humerus Radius Ulna Tibia Calcaneus Tarsal Metapodial Total

cu t Short loin Rib Sirloin Round Neck Chuck Cross rib Short rib

Arm Chuck Arm Foreshank Foreshank Hindshank Hindshank Hindshank Foot

Quality High High High High Low Low Low Low

Low Low Low Low Low Low Low Low Low

NISP 1 1 1 23 6 1 5 14

1 6 3 1 2 1 1 3 1 71

Pig Element Thoracic vertebra Innominate Occipital Malar/zygomatic Maxilla Mandible Teeth indeterminate skull fragment Rib, distal Scapula, blade Humerus Radius Ulna Tibia Third metacarpal Metapodial Second phalanx Total

cut Loin Ham Cranial Cranial Cranial Cranial Cranial Cranial

Spare ribs Boston butt Shoulder Shoulder hock Shoulder hock Ham hock Foot Foot Foot

Quality' High High Low Low Low Low Low Low

Low Low Low Low Low Low Low Low Low

NiSP I 2 5 1 1 2 8 2

1 3 2 2 2 1 1 1 1 36

'Does not include unidentifiable elements (n = 90). Based on Schulz and Gust (1983:48). Number of identified specimens. Based on Levie (1963).

28

ity of butchering marks in the Chinese assemblage from El Paso (Staski 1993:140). Sources that document late 19th century butchering by overseas Chinese in the United States suggest that they adopted American butchering methods and tools over time (Gust 1993:193-207).

Economics, Acculturation, and Meat Use

The large proportions of beef and the presence of Euroamerican meat cuts in the Tucson gardener’s faunal assemblage reflect a pattern of acculturation in the face of major economic constraints and the vagaries of supply. The primacy of beef in the assemblage is likely a consequence of economic conditions and resource availability.

Given their immigrant status and occupation, it is suggested that the members of this household were part of Tucson’s lower economic class. Relatively inexpensive, low quality meat portions represent 63% of the beef elements. The pig elements come from low quality cuts of meat in 91% of the sample. Despite the local widespread availability of beef it is clear that most of the meat used was relatively inexpensive.

The results of other archaeological projects in Tucson suggest that pork was not as abundant as beef. In general, pig bones have been recovered in small numbers and only from households with relatively high income levels (Mabry and Ayres 1994; Thiel et al. 1994).

Figure 3. Pork elements recovered from the Chinese Gardeners’ Household (illustrated by Ron Beckwith).


A review of the history of the local livestock industry suggests that the general unavailability and higher price of pork affected meat selection. Local cattle ranches were the source for most of the beef sold. Butcher reports from the 1890s indicate that hundreds of cattle were slaughtered per year in the Tucson area (Pima County Butcher Records n.d.). Many of the large cattle ranches in the 1890s ran tens of thousands of animals on their ranges. For example, the Em- pire Ranch, located in the Cienega Valley south- east of Tucson, supported nearly 40,000 head of cattle in 1898 (Dowel1 1978). Pork was not as abundant as beef in either Pima County or the state as a whole. The data examined on hog production in late 1800s Arizona suggest that the hog industry was not as developed as the cattle industry. The agricultural census of 1900 lists 624 hogs in Pima County and 18,103 hogs in the state. In contrast, 99,719 cattle are listed on farms and ranges in Pima County and a total of 607,454 cattle were found in the state (United States Bureau of the Census 1902). Small hog growing operations could not effectively compete with the large cattle ranches.

Charles Henry Veil, an early Arizona entrepre- neur, related his experiences with hog farming in the late 1800s. Although Veil’s account is anecdotal, it points out that raising hogs was a risky business in Arizona at the time. In 1874, Veil purchased all 600 hogs in the Phoenix area. He first described the undertaking as “a lot of work and expense before the job was finished, yet it was a money maker” v e i l 1993:156). He sold his pork products to the government-presumably the Army, given that he had Army con- tracts to purchase his flour. Veil took up hog farming again in the late 1880s. This time his hogs multiplied so rapidly that they nearly ate him out of house and home (Veil 1993:157). When the herd reached approximately 1,350 he attempted to sell them, but the local market was saturated and there was no demand. They were sold at a loss.

The absence of a robust local hog industry was not alleviated by the arrival of the railroad. The


first train of the Southern Pacific Railroad arrived in Tucson on 20 March 1880 (Mabry 1994:3). This improvement in transportation did not stimu- late the local hog industry, nor is it likely that imported hogs would be purchased cheaply. In 1886, the Southern Pacific Railroad began to in- crease its already exorbitant freight rates (Bailey 1994:115). In the fall of 1889, cattlemen in Cochise County, Arizona drove their cattle to Deming, New Mexico, in order to bypass the Southern Pacific segment of the route from Wilcox to Deming (Bailey 1994:119). Many cattle ranchers in Cochise County organized cattle drives to California in 1889 and 1890 to protest

29

TABLE 4 FOOD STORAGE, PREPARATION, AND SERVICE

VESSELS FROM THE CHINESE GARDENERS’ HOUSEHOLD

Vessel Class Frequency Food and beverage storage Chinese spouted jar Chinese wide mouthed jars Chinese jar lids Euroamerican catsup bottle Chinese liquor bottle Euroamerican stoneware beer bottle Euroamerican glass beer, wine, and liquor bottles Euroamerican beverage bottles Euroamerican milk bottle Tin cans present

Food preparation Papago jars Papago bowls Papago-unknown form

Food service Chinese bowls Chinese tea or liquor cups Chinese sauce dish Chinese ceramic spoon Chinese vessel-unknown form Mexican bowls Euroamerican bowl Euroamerican cup Euroamerican glass tumblers or stemware Euroamerican plate Euroamerican saucer Euroamerican basin

6 11 5 1 5 1 21 6 1

3 4 27

12 9 2 3 2 8 25 8 4 4 9 5

Figure 4. The gardeners purchased many items manufactured in China including a spouted jar, a sauce dish, a rice bowl, medicine bottles, a liquor cup, a ceramic spoon, a padlock, and an opium tin (photograph by Helga Teiwes).

the high freight costs (Bailey 1994:121; Dowell 1978); nearly 3,000 head arrived in California on these drives. Driving hogs on the hoof to market over long distances was not an option open to hog producers. Hogs require feed and fre- quent watering, whereas cattle could survive such trips by eating grass and other vegetation along the trail. The Arizona hog industry was not sus- tainable in the face of competition from the cattle industry.

Economic status, resource availability, and adaptation to the larger society’s foodways are interrelated and probably all contributed to the higher beef than pork consumption by the Chi- nese Gardeners’ household. “The Chinese way of eating is characterized by a notable flexibility and adaptability” (Chang 1977:s). Despite their higher consumption of beef, the overseas Chinese in Tucson maintained their traditional dietary patterns, using a diverse range of meat products while adapting to local conditions.

30

Food Storage, Preparation, and Serving Containers


ing Wintergreen and Bamboo bowls with undeco- rated hard paste earthenware bowls from England or the eastern United States. It is enlightening to note that only four plates were recovered from the site-a much lower number than found at contemporaneous Euroamerican, Mexican-Ameri- can, or African-American sites in Tucson (Thiel and Desmisseax 1993; Thiel et al. 1994). Ap- parently, the gardeners were not serving meals on plates, not surprising given their propensity for using bowls during meals; for example, Jaffa (1 90 1) illustrated Chinese gardeners dining in California, and only bowls are visible on the table.

Food and beverage storage, preparation, and service vessels were cross-mended to help deter- mine the minimum number of vessels, their func- tion, and to examine where vessels were manufactured. The vessels indicate that despite use of local or Euroamerican containers, the Gardeners’ household made an effort to maintain traditional food preparation and serving practices (Figure 4). Chinese food and beverage containers represented almost half of the glass and ceramic storage vessels. Sauces and condiments packaged in stoneware jars helped the Chinese flavor foods and recreate accustomed dishes (Table 4).

Despite the effort to maintain traditional practices, it is clear that Tucson’s overseas Chinese adapted to the availability of different foods and different food preparation hardware. Most of the recovered alcoholic beverage bottles held contents brewed in Europe and the United States. These beverages probably served as a replacement for Chinese liquors, which were probably more expensive, and consumed only on important occa- sions. In addition, a milk bottle and a ketchup bottle suggest that other Euroamerican foods were consumed, Many unidentifiable tin can fragments, which could be either Euroamerican or Chinese, were also present.

Evidence for food preparation was limited, pos- sibly because many of the implements were never broken or discarded at the site. A total of 34 local Native American jars and bowls were used to cook foods and store water. Several European or American ceramic wash basins may have been used in the kitchen or to serve food. Food was prepared on an outdoor hearth. Nearby, two barrels were set into the ground to hold water.

A total of 91 food serving implements was present. Of these, 31% were of Chinese manu- facture or design. There is a remarkable similar- ity in form between the Chinese and Euroamerican ceramic assemblages at the gardeners’ house. The gardeners used Euroamerican forms as substitutes for Chinese vessels, replac-

Discussion

Evidence recovered from the Chinese gardeners’ household in Tucson suggests that these in- dividuals maintained a traditional diet by using familiar foodstuffs and vessels and by replacing missing items with innovative ingredients and analogues. Despite the apparent low economic status of the gardeners, they mitigated the constraints imposed by the local dominance of non- traditional foods by preparing and serving these foods in a traditional manner. Moreover, the maintenance of a diverse diet was promoted through the use of locally-available wild plant and animal foods.

Macrobotanical remains suggest that traditional agricultural grains, including rice, maize, and wheat, provided the mainstay of the starch component of the diet. Of these, rice was never locally grown and its use may indicate the will- ingness to incur unusually high costs, since most imported products were relatively expensive in early Tucson. The meat and vegetable component of the diet was augmented by the use of wild greens, including cheno-ams, and perhaps Miner’s lettuce. The use of cactus fruit consti- tutes a unique effort among archaeologically known overseas Chinese to maintain their diverse diet by incorporating non-traditional wild foods.

The study of the faunal assemblage also suggests that the Chinese gardeners balanced the prevailing economic circumstances with the desire


for a diverse diet. Despite a traditional preference for pork, fowl, and seafood, the primary source of meat for the household was beef, and most of the meat cuts were traditional Euroamerican cuts. The occupants of the household ate more beef than groups of overseas Chi- nese in other areas of the West. The preponder- ance of beef in the faunal assemblage was a result of several factors, including the Chinese gardeners low socio-economic status and the limited availability of pork and seafood. Despite a general reliance on beef it is clear that the Chinese gardeners made an effort to maintain a diverse diet and to use some meat from traditional sources. As is indicated by the faunal assemblage, their meals sometimes included meat from a variety of animals, such as fish, ducks, and dogs, as well as pigs, sheep, and chickens; indicating an attempt to recreate the diet of their homeland. The use of wild game parallels their use of wild plants in an effort to maintain a diverse diet.

Finally, food storage, preparation, and service containers indicate that the Chinese were preparing and serving foods in traditional manners, although they were often forced to use non-traditional Mexican, Native American, and Euroamerican vessels. Chinese ceramics were used when possible, but were often replaced by cheaper, locally available ceramics. Foodstuffs and beverages manufactured in China helped re- call memories of meals eaten in China.

31

the expense associated with the use of certain imported prepared foods, imported vessels, and fresh pork. Although household members may have dressed in western clothing, used western tools, and become enmeshed in the economy of Tucson, archaeological evidence suggests that the gardeners maintained their cultural identity by recreating the dietary practices that they enjoyed in the faraway homeland.

Conclusion

Dietary factors are only one aspect in the maintenance or loss of ethnic identity. However, it is possible that, among people who wish to maintain a distinct ethnic heritage, dietary prefer- ences may be consistently conservative in the face of acculturation. Evidence recovered from the Tucson Chinese Gardeners’ household suggests that the occupants went to great lengths to maintain traditionally diverse diets, and to prepare and present meals in a traditional manner, despite

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

The A-Mountain archaeological project was sponsored by the City of Tucson and co-ordinated by the engineering firm of Parsons-Brinckerhoff, Inc. Desert Archaeology personnel who contributed to this endeavor included Patricia Castalia, Jean Kramer, Lisa Eppley, Allison Cohen Diehl, James Heidke, Jenny Adams, Robert Ciaccio, Sam Baar IV, and Laura Cerny. Additional assistance was provided by James Ayres and Teresita Majewski. Three anonymous reviewers provided helpful comments on the draft paper. William Doelle, president of Desert Archaeology, Inc., provided support for the research and production of this paper.

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Documents

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