Upload
others
View
1
Download
0
Embed Size (px)
Citation preview
Professional Psychology: Research and Practice1998, W 29, No. 4, 357-367
Copyright 1998 by the American Psychological Association, Inc.0735-702SV98/J3.00
Community Examiners' Evaluations of Competence to Stand Trial:Common Problems and Suggestions for Improvement
Jennifer L. Skeem and Stephen L. GoldingUniversity of Utah
With the exponential growth of forensic psychology over recent decades, increasing numbers ofclinical psychologists with little specialized training are becoming principal providers of forensicassessments. On the basis of results from an empirical study, the authors analyze 3 fundamentalproblems with these psychologists' reports on competence to stand trial and provide recommendationsfor improvement based on legal, ethical, and professional standards of practice. The article focuseson the importance of (a) properly attending to the range of critical psycholegal abilities, includingthe defendant's decisional capacities; (b) explaining the critical reasoning that underlies one's psy-cholegal conclusions; and (c) using forensically relevant methods of assessment.
The field of forensic psychological assessment continues to
grow exponentially and affect an increasing number of clinical
psychologists. With the rise of managed care and its financial
implications, Grisso (1996) expressed concern that psycholo-
gists with little specialized training may turn to forensic assess-
ment for alternate sources of income, which ' 'may have implica-
tions for the quality of court-ordered evaluation services in crim-
inal cases" (p. 103). An appropriate domain in which to begin
testing concern about the quality of evaluations completed by
such "occasional experts" (Grisso, 1987) is that of competence
to stand trial (CST). Given their frequency (e.g., Steadman,
Monahan, Hartstone, Davis, & Robbins, 1982), CST evaluations
are the form of forensic evaluations that psychologists are most
likely to encounter. Moreover, examiners' reports on CST are
highly influential in a legal process that implicates critical legal
rights and involves considerable financial costs (e.g., Skeem,
Golding, Cohn, & Berg, in press; Winick, 1987, 1995). Studies
have uniformly concluded that judges typically defer to the
opinions of examiners, with rates of examiner-judge agreement
often exceeding 90% (Hart & Hare, 1992; Reich & Tookey,
JENNIFER L. SKEEM received her MS in psychology in 1996 from theUniversity of Utah, where she is currently a doctoral student and Disser-tation Research Fallow in the Department of Psychology. Her researchinterests are in criminal forensic assessment, forensic training, and jurydecision making in insanity defense cases.STEPHEN L. GOLDING received his PhD in psychology from the Universityof Oregon in 1970. He is professor of psychology and an adjunct profes-sor of law and psychiatry at the University of Utah. His research interestsare in criminal forensic assessment, forensic training, and ethical stan-dards of practice.THIS ARTICLE is BASED on a master's thesis completed by Jennifer L.Skeem. Portions of the study on which the article is based were presentedat the 103rd Annual Convention of the American Psychological Associa-tion held in August 1995.CORRESPONDENCE CONCERNING THIS ARTICLE should be addressed to Jen-nifer L. Skeem, Department of Psychology, University of Utah, Salt LakeCity, Utah 84112. Electronic mail may be sent to [email protected].
1986; Williams & Miller, 1981). Judges typically rely solely
on examiners' written reports (Melton, Petrila, Poythress, &
Slobogin, 1997; Roesch & Golding, 1980; Steadman, 1979),
and, hence, the quality of the data and reasoning presented in
such reports become a critical part of the CST adjudication
process.
Despite the importance of CST assessments and reports, most
jurisdictions neither set minimum standards for designating
mental health professionals as forensic examiners nor provide
examiners with systematic state-supported forensic training
(Farkas, DeLeon, & Newman, 1997; Grisso, Cocozza, Stead-
man, Fisher, & Greer, 1994). For example, only 19% of states
require that clinicians certify for forensic assessment by com-
pleting training, an examination, or a period of supervised expe-
rience, and only 9% more report that they offer or plan to offer
training (Farkas et al., 1996). Moreover, state-supported training
usually consists of minimalistic, 2-day workshops (Farkas et
al., 1997). Thus, there is a large group of "occasional experts,"
or' 'psychologists who supplement their general clinical practice
with occasional forensic assessments" and "enter into forensic
assessment with little or no specialized forensic knowledge"
(Grisso, 1987, p. 833).
Virtually all published studies on CST assessments have used
clinicians who are either (a) specifically trained to use CST
assessment instruments, (b) inpatient forensic facility staff, or
(c) community examiners with extensive forensic training (see
Grisso, 1992; Skeem et al., in press). Few studies have investi-
gated CST assessments in the most representative ecological
context involving community-based occasional experts with lit-
tle systematic forensic training. The empirical study on which
this article is based (Skeem et al., in press) investigated the
nature and quality of CST assessments completed in this real-
world context.
This article presents that study's implications for professional
psychologists by analyzing three central problems revealed with
examiners' CST reports and providing suggestions for improve-
ment based on legal, ethical, and professional standards (Ameri-
can Psychological Association, 1992; Borum & Grisso, 1996;
357
358 SKEEM AND GOLDING
Committee on Ethical Guidelines for Forensic Psychologists,
1991; Golding, 1993; Grisso, 1986, 1988; Heilbrun, 1992; Mel-
ton et al., 1997; Melton, Weithorn, & Slobogin, 1985). These
central problems are as follows: (a) failure to adequately ad-
dress fundamental CST abilities, including defendants' deci-
sional competence (see Bonnie, 1992); (b) failure to present
the critical reasoning underlying one's psycholegal conclusions;
and (c) failure to use forensically relevant methods of
assessment.
In this article, we outline the method of our empirical study,
briefly discuss our rationale for focusing on psycholegal abili-
ties, then analyze these three central problems and provide sug-
gestions for improvement. Although this article discusses key
issues to consider while conducting CST assessments and com-
municating their results, it does not explain how to conduct
these assessments or write reports for the court. The information
provided here is intended to supplement forensic training and
basic instruction in criminal law and psycholegal assessment
(e.g., Bonnie, 1992; Grisso, 1988, 1992; Melton et al., 1997).
The Nature of the Report Evaluation Study
In the report evaluation study (Skeem et al., in press), 100
CST evaluations referencing 50 defendants were randomly se-
lected on the basis of orders filed with Utah's Third District
Court. These evaluations were completed by clinicians em-
ployed in the community: 80% percent were completed by PhD-
level psychologists, 14% by psychiatrists, and 6% by social
workers. A total of 18 examiners, 62% of all those who were
state-approved, were represented in the report sample.1 All ex-
aminers had undergone minimal state-supported training,2 but
only two examiners held diplomate status with the American
Boards of Forensic Psychology or Psychiatry.
Two experienced forensic psychologists and Jennifer L.
Skeem coded these reports, with good to excellent rates of
interrater reliability3 (Skeem et al., in press), using a compre-
hensive CST report coding manual." We designed this manual,
with the help of nationally known experts, to distill critiques
and standards regarding CST assessment and report quality. The
manual codes the logic and structure of examiners' reports with
respect to each report's (a) description and substantiation of
the defendant's CST abilities; (b) description and substantiation
of the defendant's psychopathology; (c) provision of data and
reasoning for psycholegal conclusions, particularly describing
any links between CST deficits and symptoms of psychopathol-
ogy; and (d) corroboration of opinions with third-party sources
of information and forensically relevant assessment instrument
data. After we explain the rationale for focusing on psycholegal
abilities in CST assessment, we note the results of mis studybelow as relevant in their implications for professional
psychologists.
The Context for CST Evaluations: Focusing on
Forensically Relevant Psycholegal Abilities
Why Focus on Psycholegal Abilities?
The standard for CST in all jurisdictions is a variant of the
federal Dusky standard, which defines a defendant as incompe-
tent if, because of mental illness or defect, he does not possess
"sufficient present ability to consult with his lawyer with a
reasonable degree of rational understanding" and "a rational
as well as factual understanding of the proceedings against him"
(Dusky v. United States, 1960, p. 171). Thus, the fundamental
task for a forensic examiner is to relate any psychopathological
or cognitive difficulties to possible impairments in the defen-
dant's psycholegal abilities. Unlike traditional clinical evalua-
tions, the existence of psychopathology is merely a starting point
for CST assessments.
Forensic experts, commentators, and judicial authorities agree
that examiners should assess and report on the defendant's spe-
cific psycholegal abilities and impairments (Borum & Grisso,
1996; Golding, 1993; Grisso, 1986, 1988; Melton et al., 1997;
Miller & Germain, 1986; Welter v. Settle, 1961). This recom-
mendation is based on two principles. First, CST is a multidi-
mensional construct (Bonnie, 1992; Roesch & Golding, 1980).
As explained below, defendants are seldom globally impaired
or equally functional across all competence domains. Depending
on the context of the defendant's case, the specific abilities that
are impaired or spared may substantially alter conclusions about
the defendant's competence. For example, a defendant with an
impaired ability to testify may nevertheless be adjudicated com-
petent if she intends to waive her right to a trial and plead guilty
based on a rational decision-making process.
Second, the final determination of CST is a legal matter.
There is continuing debate about whether examiners should only
provide data and knowledge to inform the court about the rela-
tionship between defendants' psychological characteristics and
legally relevant capacities or go further to issue an opinion on
the ultimate legal issue (see Golding, 1990). Without taking
sides in this debate, we note that providing an opinion is the
least important part of one's role as examiner. The most critical
function involves advising the court about the defendant's spe-
cific abilities and deficits and explaining one's reasoned infer-
ences about the bases for those deficits (see Carter v. United
States, 1957, p. 617). An expert's opinion on the ultimate issue
1 Although a majority of the evaluations were performed by 5 examin-
ers, the reports completed by these examiners did not differ from those
provided by the remaining 13 examiners. That is, the frequencies with
which (a) CST abilities were addressed, (b) reasoning was provided to
link psychopathology with CST deficits, and (c) defendants were deemed
incompetent did not differ between samples. There were also no differ-
ences in global ratings of report quality (Skeem et al., in press).2 This training consisted of two brief workshops, which included a
total of 8 hours of training on CST legal standards and evaluation. Half
of the reports were drawn from a period preceding these workshops,
and half were drawn from a period following the workshops. There were
no significant differences between these groups in the number of CST
abilities addressed, substantiation of CST deficits, or global ratings of
quality (Skeem et al., in press).3 Mean estimates of reliability across various sets of variables ranged
from good to excellent, on the basis of Cichetti and Sparrow's (1981)
kappa classifications. For example, pairs of coders had excellent rates
of agreement on the CST domains presented in Table 1 (M kappa across
domains = .93, SD = .12).4 The coding manual is available from Jennifer L. Skeem on request.
More detailed analyses and additional data are also available on request.
IMPROVING CST EVALUATIONS 359
"rises no higher than the reasons on which it is based" (United
States v. Horowitz, 1973, p. 777).
Which Psycholegal Abilities Should Be Assessed?
Since the formulation of the Dusky standard, substantial atten-
tion has been devoted to understanding the particular psychole-
gal abilities that it encompasses. Several professional, legisla-
tive, and judicial organizations have created lists of functional
psycholegal abilities that must be addressed in determining a
defendant's competence (see Grisso, 1986, 1988; Florida Rules
of Criminal Procedure, §3.211, 1991; Utah Code Annotated
§77-15-5.4, 1994; Welter v. Settle, 1961). Given the numerous
sets of abilities that have been formulated, examiners could
assess defendants' CST in a variety of ways, ideally depending
on those issues most relevant to the defendant's case. Thus, to
adequately represent examiners' operationalization of CST, our
study assessed whether reports described the defendant's abili-
ties or deficits with respect to 11 global domains and 31 nested
subdomains (see Table 1). These domains are based on psy-
cholegal abilities included in modern CST assessment manuals
and instruments (Golding, 1993; Grisso, 1988) and "have value
in that they delineate areas of inquiry for the evaluator" (Ben-
net, 1985, p. 377). The domains provided the foundation for
Table 1
CST Ability Domains and Subdomains
Domain Subdomain
1. Capacity to comprehend and appreciate the charges
or allegations
2. Capacity to disclose to counsel pertinent facts,
events, and states of mind
3. Capacity to comprehend and appreciate the rangeand nature of potential penalties that may be
imposed in the proceedings4. Basic knowledge of legal strategies and options
5. Capacity to engage in reasoned choice of legal
strategies and options
6. Capacity to understand the adversary nature of the
proceedings7. Capacity to manifest appropriate courtroom behavior
8. Capacity to participate in trial
9. Capacity to testify relevantly10. Relationship with counsel
11. Medication effects on CST
a. Factual knowledge of the charges (ability to report charge label)b. Understanding of the behaviors to which the charges referc. Comprehension of the police version of eventsa. Ability to provide a reasonable account of one's behavior around the time of the
alleged offenseb. Ability to provide information about one's state of mind around the time of the
alleged offensec. Ability to provide an account of the behavior of relevant others around the time
of the alleged offensed. Ability to provide an account of police behaviore. Comprehension of the Miranda warningf. Confession behavior (influence of mental disorder, suggestibility, and so forth on
confession)a. Knowledge of penalties that could be imposed (e.g., knowledge of the relevant
sentence label associated with the charge, such as "5 to life")b. Comprehension of the seriousness of charges and potential sentences
a. Understanding of the meaning of alternative pleas (e.g., guilty and mentally ill)b. Knowledge of the plea bargaining process
a. Capacity to comprehend legal adviceb. Capacity to participate in planning a defense strategy
c. Plausible appraisal of likely outcome (e.g., likely disposition for one's own case)d. Comprehension of the implications of a guilty plea or plea bargain (i.e., the
rights waived on entering a plea of guilty)e. Comprehension of die implications of proceeding pro se (e.g., the rights waived
and the ramifications of waiver)f. Capacity to make a reasoned choice about defense options (e.g., trial strategy,
guilty plea, proceeding pro se, pleading insanity) without distortion attributableto mental illness (an ability to rationally apply knowledge to one's own case)
a. Understanding of the roles of courtroom personnel (i.e., judge, jury, prosecutor)b. Understanding of courtroom procedure (the basic sequence of trial events)a. Appreciation of appropriate courtroom behavior
b. Capacity to manage one's emotions and behavior in the courtrooma. Capacity to track events as they unfold (not attributable to the effects of
medication)b. Capacity to challenge witnesses (i.e., recognize distortions in witness testimony)
a. Recognition that counsel is an allyb. Appreciation of the attorney-client privilegec. Confidence in and trust in one's counseld. Confidence in attorneys in generale. Particular relationship variables that may interfere with the specific attorney-
client relationship (i.e., attorney skill in working with the client; problematicsocioeconomic or demographic differences between counsel and client)
a. Capacity to track proceedings given sedation level on current medicationb. Potentially detrimental effects of medication on the defendant's courtroom
demeanor
Note. CST = competency to stand trial.
360 SKEEM AND GOLDING
addressing the three key points to be presented in the remainder
of this article, including the importance of (a) properly attending
to the range of critical psycholegal abilities, including the defen-
dant's decisional capacities; (b) explaining the reasoning that
underlies one's psycholegal conclusions; and (c) using forensi-
cally relevant methods of assessment. It is to the first of these
points that we now turn.
Critical Issues to Consider in Completing and
Communicating the Results of CST Evaluations
Addressing Key Psycholegal Abilities and Considering
the Demands of the Case
Decisional versus foundational abilities. In early studies,
examiners' reports were criticized for addressing traditional di-
agnostic issues to the exclusion of legally relevant issues, includ-
ing defendants' psycholegal abilities (Geller & Lister, 1978;
Hess & Thomas, 1963; Roesch & Golding, 1977; Vann, 1965).
In keeping with recent findings (Heilbrun & Collins, 1995;
Nicholson, LaFortune, Norwood, & Roach, 1995; cf Larkin &
Collins, 1989), our study found that examiners' reports have
improved in the sense that reports virtually always address the
forensically relevant issue of CST (Heilbrun & Collins, 1995;
Nicholson et al., 1995). However, current reports routinely em-
phasize minimal competence abilities and pay relatively little
attention to the higher-order decisional capacities that lie at the
heart of the "rational" language of theDusky standard (Nichol-
son et al., 1995; Skeem, 1996). For instance, 70% or more of
reports addressed the defendant's appreciation of the charges,
potential penalties, and adversarial nature of the proceedings
and the defendant's capacity to disclose information to counsel
(Skeem et al., in press). However, only 53% of the reports
addressed the defendant's basic knowledge of his or her legal
options, and only 39% addressed the defendant's capacity for
reasoned choice among those options. Moreover, despite the fact
that over 90% of defendants resolve their cases by means of
plea bargains (Bonnie, 1992),only 12% of the reports addressed
the defendant's understanding of the implications of a guilty
plea.
Because all defendants will be called on to select the "main
theory of defense'' or to competently waive the specific rights
involved in pleading guilty, forensic experts argue that capacities
relevant to these decisions should be routinely considered in
assessing competence (Bonnie, 1992, p. 307; Borum & Grisso,
1996; Freckleton, 1995; Golding, 1993; Roesch & Golding,
1980; cf Winick, 1995).' In addition to this pragmatic basis for
assessing decisional competence, our legal system places a high
value on autonomy and self-determination. Defendants are re-quired by this system to make several fundamental decisions,
particularly those involving the waiver of constitutional rights
(Bonnie, 1992). In essence, "the client prerogatives to define
the basic objectives of representation and to select the main
theory of defense lie at the core of the idea that the client is the
principal (and the attorney, the agent) in legal representation"
(Bonnie, 1992, p. 307).
Decisional competence must also be assessed because individ-
uals are often competent for one purpose but not another (Bon-
hie, 1992; Winick, 1995). As has been known for some time,
psychopathology and mental retardation are heterogeneous and
selective processes that affect some abilities in individuals while
leaving others intact (see Appelbaum, 1994; Cichon, 1992).
Research on competence to consent to treatment indicates that
individuals' foundational abilities (i.e., understanding treatment
information) do not necessarily predict their status on related
decisional abilities (e.g., thinking rationally about treatment;
Grisso, Appelbaum, Mulvey, & Fletcher, 1995; see also Bonnie,
1992). Thus, foundational abilities are empirically distinct from
decisional capacities.
The Supreme Court's recent decision in Godinez v. Moran
(1993) also highlights the importance of routinely assessing
decisional as well as foundational capacities. Godinez involved
a mentally disordered defendant who was found competent when
he was represented by counsel but who subsequently decided
to dismiss counsel, plead guilty, and prevent mitigating evidence
from being presented at his death penalty hearing. Before Godi-
nez, the appellate courts had been divided on whether the stan-
dard for waiving constitutional rights, including the right to
counsel and the rights involved in pleading guilty, was higher
than, or equivalent to, the Dusky standard (e.g., Sieling v. Ey-
man, 1973; Westbrook v. Arizona, 1965; cf United States v.
Hewitt, 1975). In Godinez, the Supreme Court ruled that the
competence standard for waiving rights was the same as the
Dusky standard. However, it left unanswered the question of
whether a defendant found competent on the basis of an assess-
ment of minimal psycholegal abilities can be assumed competent
to make vital decisions even when decisional capacities were
never assessed. Because Godinez left this question unanswered
but equated the competence standards for waiving fundamental
constitutional rights and for standing trial, examiners who do
not assess defendants' decisional capacities run the risk of hav-
ing their reports understood as if they had. All defendants will
face critical legal decisions during the resolution of their case
(see Godinez v. Moran, 1993). Because they may be deemed
competent to make these decisions if deemed competent to stand
trial, it is absolutely critical that decisional capacities be ad-
dressed in CST assessments and reports.
Examiners may fail to address decisional abilities because
these abilities are much more difficult to define and assess than
foundational abilities. Hence, we will attempt to identify appro-
priate areas of inquiry and report for examiners on the basis of
an elementary description of Bonnie's (1992, 1993; building
on Burt & Morris, 1972; Roesch & Golding, 1980; Winick,
1987) useful distinction between foundational and decisional
competence. This distinction is reflected in a recently developed
competence assessment instrument, and preliminary results
from validation studies on the instrument appear promising (seeHoge et al., 1997). According to Bonnie's theory, CST is under-
stood as two separable constructs: a required foundational con-
cept of competence to assist counsel and a contextualized con-
cept of decisional competence. Foundational abilities are the
minimal abilities defendants must possess to participate in their
1 Although a comparison of analyses of CST standards and procedures
exceeds the scope of this article, the reader is strongly encouraged to
consult those cited here.
IMPROVING CST EVALUATIONS 361
defense (these abilities roughly correspond to CST Domains 1,
2, and 6 in Table 1). Decisional abilities tap the cognitive tasks
of understanding and rationally choosing among legal alterna-
tives without distortion caused by psychopathology (these abili-
ties roughly correspond to CST Domains 4 and 5 in Table 1 ).6
The decisional construct is contextual in the sense that the con-
tent and rigor (i.e., demandingness) of the test for decisional
competence is determined on the basis of the case context,
including variables such as whether the defendant assents to or
refuses the advice of counsel.
Although the content of the decisional construct is determined
by the nature of the decisions that the defendant will face given
the demands of his or her case, three general guidelines may be
applied. First, as noted above, all defendants must choose a plea
from among basic legal options and decide whether or not to
plead guilty. Hence, defendants' decision-making capacities
with respect to these topics must be assessed routinely (Bonnie,
1992; Golding, 1993). Second, when defendants expect to waive
any fundamental constitutional right, their capacities to do so
competently should be evaluated (Bonnie, 1992; Golding, 1993;
see also Boykin v. Alabama, 1969; Johnson v. Zerbst, 1938).
These rights include the right to counsel and to a jury trial, the
right to testify and to be present at trial, and the rights involved
in pleading guilty (Bonnie, 1992). Third, when defendants are
expected to confront decisions that strongly implicate their per-
sonal values and autonomy (e.g., deciding whether or not to
raise the insanity defense), as opposed to decisions about strat-
egy that may be relatively delegated to the attorney (e.g., decid-
ing whether to waive a preliminary hearing), their capacities
to rationally make these choices should be assessed (Bonnie,
1992).
However, the decisions that defendants may actually face can
be difficult to predict. A defendant may change his or her mind
about the case (as in Godinez), or the case circumstances them-
selves may change. Because rational decision making with re-
spect to one domain (e.g., pleading guilty) may not generalize
to another (e.g., proceeding pro se), it is important to communi-
cate clearly which decisional domains were and were not actu-
ally assessed. For the decisional domains that are assessed, it is
important to provide a thorough description of the defendant's
degree of decisional ability (see Bonnie, 1992).
The most critical assessment issue with respect to decisional
competence is the extent to which a defendant's psychopathol-
ogy constrains or overly influences his or her choice among
legal options. In addressing this assessment issue, it is important
to avoid confusing the defendant's reasoning process with his
or her conclusion (Bonnie, 1992; Golding, 1993;Winick, 1995).
In the interests of protecting defendants' autonomy to make
fundamental choices about their case on the basis of their per-
sonal values, our legal system honors even unwise decisions as
long as those decisions are based on a rational assessment of
legal options and their probable consequences (Faretta v. Cali-
fornia, 1975; Frendak v. United States, 1979). Adapting Gol-
ding's (1993) example, a defendant may choose to have a jury
trial rather than plea bargain even when there is compelling
evidence against him that suggests that he will serve a much
longer sentence by doing so. The defendant's choice, though
unwise, must be honored if it is rational (e.g., if the defendant
understands the considerable risks involved but wishes to exer-
cise his right to defend himself because there is a slim chance
that a jury will acquit him). However, the same choice reflects
decisional incompetence if it is based on irrational thought pro-
cesses. For instance, if a defendant reveals that he wishes to
proceed to trial because he is confident that a jury will confirm
that he was justified in murdering his victim because God com-
manded him to do so, this raises serious doubt about his deci-
sional competence.
This example highlights one of the most problematic issues
involved in assessing reasoned choice: distinguishing between
overvalued ideas and delusions (Golding, Skeern. Roesch, &
Zapf, in press; Walker, 1991). Although this issue exceeds the
scope of this article, it is important that examiners determine
the extent to which a set of odd beliefs reflects psychopathology
or unusual values. This determination may be based on the
cultural, political, and religious context of the defendant's be-
liefs; the nature of symptoms (if any) that accompany the be-
liefs; and the defendant's social and treatment history. Consider-
ation of these issues is critical in "gray-area" cases where the
presence of mental illness is questionable. Although legal
choices based on symptoms of psychopathology suggest deci-
sional incompetence, decisions that express unconventional val-
ues and beliefs are regularly honored by the courts (see Golding,
1993; Saks, 1991).
In conclusion, it is tempting to merely assess foundational
abilities, such as whether the defendant knows the name of his
or her charge. It is infinitely more difficult to define and assess
rational decision making. Nevertheless, there are compelling
pragmatic, legal, and empirical reasons for ensuring that a de-
fendant's reasoning with respect to his or her legal choices is
clear. In a related sense, there are cogent bases for assessing
whether a defendant's competence is impaired by the effects of
his or her medication.
Considering medication effects, including iatrogenic incom-
petence. Although most defendants in our study were medi-
cated during their assessments, examiners rarely (18%) de-
scribed assessing the impact of medication on defendants' CST
(Skeem et al., in press). In Riggins v. Nevada (1992), the
Supreme Court held that due process may be violated if, absent
a compelling state interest, a defendant is forced to stand trial
while on antipsychotic drugs that may negatively affect his de-
meanor and ability to participate in proceedings. This opinion
stems from concerns that psychotropic medication may (a)
make the defendant appear inappropriately emotionally with-
drawn and remorseless during proceedings, (b) alter conscious-
ness and induce sedation or confusion such that the defendant is
less involved in proceedings, and/or (c) alter material evidence
about the defendant's mental state such that insanity or psycho-
6 The abilities listed in Table 1 that are relevant to decisional compe-
tence (primarily Domains 4 and 5) combine content and requisite deci-
sional level. R>r example, with respect to pleading guilty, a defendant
may have knowledge about how plea bargaining works (4b); may under-
stand the implications of a guilty plea or plea bargain, including the
rights waived by doing so (5d); and, at the upper end, may have the
capacity to make a reasoned choice about pleading guilty without distor-
tion attributable to mental illness (5f).
362 SKEEM AND GOLDINO
pathology cannot be observed by the trier of fact (Golding,
1993; Fentiman, 1986; Winick, 1977, 1993). Given these con-
cerns, evaluators should routinely consider the effects of medica-
tion on competence (see Domain 11 in Table 1 for domains of
inquiry).
Weighing the defendant's abilities against case demands.
The fact that examiners often do not address critical case-rele-
vant psycholegal abilities, including decisional competence and
competence while on psychotropic medication, suggests that
they fail to conceptualize competence as an open-textured, con-
text-dependent construct (see Bonnie, 1992; Grisso, 1988;
Roesch & Golding, 1980). Forensic experts often recommend
that examiners (a) assess the psycholegal abilities that a defen-
dant may require to resolve his or her particular case, then (b)
weigh the defendant's level of ability against the likely demands
of the case, considering variables such as the severity of the
charges and qualities of the defense attorney (see Freckleton,
1995; Grisso, 1988; Miller & Germain, 1986). However, in our
study, examiners virtually never (12%) described assessing the
congruence between the defendant's abilities and his or her case
contexts (Skeem et al., in press). In fact, as will be shown,
examiners more generally failed to describe the psycholegal
reasoning underlying their conclusions.
Providing Psycholegal Reasoning to Support
Conclusions
The trier of fact determines the weight to be assigned to an
examiner's opinion by evaluating the strength and persua-
siveness of the expert's analysis of the data (American Bar
Association, 1986; Bazelon, 1975). When examiners fail to
specify the reasoning underlying their conclusions, they preempt
the trier of fact from arriving at an independent and informed
opinion and thereby usurp the judicial decision-making role (see
Bennett, 1985; Melton et al., 1997; Miller & Germain, 1986;
Morse, 1978). Thus, it is essential that examiners specifically
communicate their processes of data interpretation to the courts
(Golding, 1993; Grisso, 1986; Melton et al., 1985; Nicholson,
et al., 1995). Moreover, psychologists have an ethical obligation
to substantiate their conclusions in forensic reports by carefully
documenting their factual bases (see American Psychological
Association, 1992, §7.02; Committee on Ethical Guidelines for
Forensic Psychologists, 1991, §7).
Early conceptual studies criticized examiners for issuing con-
elusory opinions in CST reports devoid of data-based explana-
tions (Hess & Thomas, 1963; Roesch & Golding, 1977). More
recent empirical studies (Nicholson et al., 1995; Skeem, 1996)
suggest that there has been only modest improvement with re-
spect to this issue. Nicholson and his colleagues (1995) foundthat only half of CST reports provided any example or rationale
to support their conclusions about defendants' abilities or defi-
cits. Our study more comprehensively analyzed the psycholegal
reasoning expressed in CST reports.
The conclusions that examiners may reach in CST assess-
ments can be organized into three categories: (a) the defendant's
psychopathology, (b) the defendant's specific psycholegal abili-
ties, and, most important, (c) the defendant's psycholegal im-
pairments and the nature of the relationship, if any, between
these impairments and symptoms of psychopathology. Our study
indicated that, although examiners generally provide adequate
reasoning to substantiate their clinical conclusions about defen-
dants' psychopathology, they provide variable and poor substan-
tiation for their more forensically relevant conclusions about
defendants' CST abilities and CST impairments. To be specific,
in over half (67%) of the reports, examiners presented multiple
or most of the symptoms that substantiated their diagnosis of
the defendant (Skeem et al., in press).1 In a similar manner, in
over half (71%) of the reports, examiners provided specific
examples of the symptoms they opined that defendants suffered
(Skeem et al., in press). In contrast, of the reports that con-
cluded defendants were competent to stand trial, 41% rarely,
28% sometimes, and only 31% often supported mis assertion
by substantiating the defendant's specific psycholegal abilities
(Skeem et al., in press). These psycholegal abilities could be
substantiated by documenting specific examples or defendant
quotes that demonstrate a lack of defendant impairment. Most
important, examiners provided even poorer substantiation for
their conclusions about defendant's psycholegal impairments. It
is to this issue that we now turn.
The critical issue referenced by legal standards for CST is
the nexus between symptoms of psychopathology and deficits
in competence. Thus, examiners must specifically assess and
communicate their reasoning about the nature of the relationship
between the defendant's psychopathology and his or her deficits
in competence (Grisso, 1986, 1988; Golding, 1993; Melton et
al., 1985, 1997; Nicholson & Kugler, 1991, Nicholson et al.,
1995; Roesch & Golding, 1980). In addition to the cogent
grounds for doing so explained above (e.g., the judge must be
permitted to independently assess the strength of the examiner's
opinion), this form of reasoning must be provided to rule out
alternative explanations for psycholegal deficits that normally
would not result in a determination that a defendant was incom-
petent. These include the possibility that the deficit is based on
malingering, mere ignorance about legal procedures (which'can
be remedied via brief instruction), or transient states present
during the examination, such as fatigue (see Drob, Berger, &
Weinstein, 1987; Grisso, 1986). As Grisso (1986) noted, it is
not enough that psychopathology and CST impairment(s) sim-
ply coexist: An examiner must specifically demonstrate that the
CST impairment is caused by mental illness or retardation. Even
defendants with mental disorders may demonstrate CST impair-
ments that reflect variables such as malingering to a greater
extent than their psychopathology.
The scale used in this study to assess examiners' reasoning
with respect to this issue may be used to assist psychologists
in conceptualizing, assessing, and documenting the relationship
between CST impairments and psychopathology. This scale
formed the core of the coding manual and was carefully devel-
oped in successive iterations based on expert commentary, ex-
pert feedback, and application to trial samples of reports. In the
study, when an examiner described a defendant as impaired with
respect to any of the psycholegal domains listed in Table 1,
7 Virtually all of the reports issued a diagnosis for the defendant
(87%) and presented the defendant's symptomatology (94%; Skeem et
IMPROVING CST EVALUATIONS 363
Table 2
Codes Depicting the Extent of Relationship Described Between
CST Impairments and Symptomatology
Relationshipcode (& score) Definition Example
None (0)
Implied (0.5)
Asserted (1)
Substantiated (2)
The CST domain is describedas impaired, but there is nodescription of arelationship between theimpairment andpsychopathology.
The author presents quotesfrom the defendant or
examples that merelyimply a link between theCST impairment andpsychopathology.
The author attributes the CSTimpairment topsychopathology withoutspecifically describing the
relationship.
The author specifies how theCST impairment is caused
by psychopathology.
"The accused is unable to provideinformation to assist in hisdefense."
"The defendant is unable to relate toher attorney."
' 'When asked to describe his versionof events about the alleged assault,
the accused said he did not knowwhat happened."
"The defendant stated that the roleof her attorney is 'a lot of persons
on your property, the private-side-for my defense some friends and .family' [sic]."
"The accused has problems with
memory that would preclude himfrom providing information toassist in his defense."
"The defendant's ability to relate toher attorney will be compromisedby her delusional thought
processes"' 'As noted, the accused has problems
with memory and could not relatewhat he and others were doing at
the time of the alleged crime. Hemay have difficulty providinginformation to his attorney toassist in his defense."
' 'The defendant is committed to adelusional system that includes a
belief that her attorney is receivingcommands from God to ensurethat she is punished. This delusioncompromises her trust in andability to relate to her attorney."
Note. CST = competency to stand trial.
raters judged the degree of relationship specified by the exam-
iner between that CST impairment and symptomatology, using
the scale explained in Table 2.8 Using this scale, we found
that examiners generally provided little data to support their
conclusions about defendants' CST impairments. To be specific,
when examiners noted CST impairments, they usually provided
no description of a relationship between that impairment and
symptoms of psychopathology (M = 34%, SD = 14)9 or merely
asserted (M = 36%, SD = 13) or implied (M = 19%, SD =
7) that there was a relationship (Skeem et al., in press). The
reports very seldom substantiated (Af = 10%, SD = 5) that
there was a relationship by providing data or reasoning that
specifically described how a defendant's psychopathology com-
promised his or her CST abilities (Skeem et al., in press). Mere
assertions that CST impairments are caused by psychopathology
preclude the court from independently assessing the validity of
such statements. Thus, it is critical that examiners assess and
specifically substantiate any links between defendants' CST im-
pairments and psychopathology. Examples of substantiated rela-
tionships, which distinguish them from less acceptable descrip-
tions of CST impairment-psychopathology links, are provided
in Table 2.
The links between CST impairments and psychopathology
8 The scale reflects ' 'combinations of the following considerations:
(a) the extent to which the examiner includes a specific statement that
the defendant's CST impairment is based on psychopathology, (b) the
extent to which the examiner provides specific data relevant to a link
between the CST impairment and psychopathology, and (c) the extent
to which the examiner specifically describes how the defendant's impair-
ment is based on psychopathology" (Skeem et al., in press).
' The numbers reported here are the average percentages of reports
that obtained ratings of 0 (none), 0.5 (implied), 1 (asserted), or 2
(substantiated) across the domains listed in Table 1. For example, across
CST domains, an average of 34% of reports provided no logical link
between a CST impairment and a symptom of psychopathology.
364 SKEEM AND GOLDING
often become clear during a detailed examination of the defen-
dants' psycholegal abilities using careful probes and follow-
up questions (see Golding, 1993; Grisso, 1988). However, in
assessing CST impairment-psychopathology links, one might
(a) carefully consider the nature and content of the defendant's
primary symptoms, (b) consider how these symptoms might
relate conceptually to the defendant's specific psycholegal im-
pairments, then (c) assess, as directly as possible,10 whether
there actually is a relationship between the symptom and the
CST impairment (as explained below, because psychological
constructs often do not translate well into legal standards, one
must not merely infer psycholegal deficits on the basis of symp-
tomatology). For instance, if a defendant delusionally believes
that' 'crooked" government agencies are using whatever means
necessary to prevent him from predicting and stopping terrorist
acts and he simultaneously expresses reservations about whether
. his attorney can be trusted to act in his best interests, it may be
important to probe whether the defendant mistrusts his attorney
because he believes that his attorney is in league with the corrupt
agencies. While doing so, it is important to entertain alternative
hypotheses (see Borum, Otto, & Golding, 1993). The defen-
dant's paranoia may be unrelated to his skepticism about his
attorney. He may, for instance, legitimately believe that his attor-
ney's opinion of him may have been biased by a police report
in which his offense was "blown out of proportion" in an
attempt to remove him from an otherwise quiet community.
In order to assess the legitimacy of the defendant's belief,
one would have to consult appropriate sources of third-party
information (e.g., the police report, counsel). More generally,
in order to arrive at an appropriate conclusion, one would need
to rely on assessment methods that are directly relevant to the
issue of competence. It is to this third and final issue that we
now turn.
Using Forensically Appropriate Methods of Assessment
The role of testing in CST assessments. Forensic examiners
have historically been criticized for relying on traditional meth-
ods of clinical assessment and failing to explain any relationship
between the results of such assessments and defendants' compe-
tence (Eizenstadt, 1968; Elwork, 1984; Grisso, 1986, 1987).
Our study indicated that little progress has been made with
respect to this issue (see also Heilbrun & Collins, 1995; Nichol-
son et al., 1995).
Few (25%) of the reports in our study described the evaluator
having used clearly relevant competence assessment instruments
in their evaluations (Skeem et al., in press). In contrast, most
(69%) of the reports described the evaluator having adminis-
tered traditional psychological instruments, which typically in-
cluded intelligence (e.g., Wechsler Adult Intelligence Scale—
Revised), personality (e.g., the Minnesota Multiphasic Person-
ality Inventory-2), and/or neuropsychological tests. Very few
(30%) of these reports related the results of the test battery to
the defendant's competence. In fact, the few reports that did
merely asserted a vague relationship between the results of test-
ing and the defendant's competence (e.g., "The defendant's
verbal learning and memory abilities are impaired and may com-
promise his ability to assist counsel"); none of the reports
detailed a concrete relationship between the two (e.g., "The
defendant's verbal learning and memory abilities are impaired
and may affect his ability to recall the events in his trial as they
unfold"). Although an alternate forensically relevant purpose
for traditional testing might be to rule out malingering, only
21% of the reports described using the tests to do so (Skeem
et al., in press).
Psychological testing should be used in a forensic evaluation
only when it can be specifically related to the legal construct
(Grisso, 1987; Heilbrun, 1992; Nicholson & Kugler, 1991).
The construct of CST differs from clinical constructs such as
intelligence, psychopathology, and personality. Measures of clin-
ical constructs do not neatly translate into CST and can produce
invalid conclusions about competence (see Carbonnell, Heil-
brun, & Friedman, 1992; Grisso, 1987; Nicholson & Kugler,
1991; Reich & Wells, 1985). Because the presence and nature
of overlap between psychiatric symptoms and psycholegal abili-
ties is fundamentally unknown (Nicholson & Kugler, 1991;
Shah, 1981), we recommend that traditional tests be used only
when they can be concretely related to the competence issue or
used to rule out malingering. In contrast, competence-specific
measures (see Grisso, 1986, for a review) should be used more
routinely because they are strongly associated with determina-
tions of CST and promote good interexaminer reliability (see
Nicholson & Kugler, 1991; Skeem et al., in press).
Consulting third-party sources of information. Examiners
have also been criticized for basing their opinion solely on
information obtained from the defendant's self-report during a
single interview (Bennett, 1985; Bonnie & Slobogin, 1980;
Grisso, 1986). Along with several contemporary studies (Heil-
brun & Collins, 1995; Heilbrun, Rosenfeld, Warren, & Collins,
1994; cf Nicholson et al., 1995), our study suggests that examin-
ers relatively infrequently consult third-party sources of infor-
mation to broaden their information base and corroborate their
opinions.
In our study, very few (9%) of the reports described the
evaluator having contacted (or even having attempted to con-
tact) the defendant's attorney (Skeem etal., in press). Although
a majority (65%) of the reports described the evaluator having
reviewed police reports on the defendant's alleged crimes, only
37% cited the defendant's mental health records. On the basis
of information included in the reports, examiners' failure to
consult records was virtually never attributable to a lack of
availability of the records.
An ' 'examiner will be at a considerable disadvantage in evalu-
ating the defendant's [competence to stand trial] if the examiner
does not Icnow the basic facts of the case" (Grisso, 1988,
10 In some instances, it may be impossible to directly assess the link
between symptomatology and CST impairments. For instance, it may
not be possible to directly assess whether a defendant's lability and poor
control of his impulses would cause him to behave inappropriately in
court. However, if the defendant had attended a court proceeding before
the CST issue was raised, an examiner could obtain information about
his behavior during those proceedings from his attorney. If no such
information was available, an examiner might rely on related observa-
tions (e.g., behavior during the examination) to form an opinion and
carefully explain the indirect basis for the opinion to the court.
IMPROVING CST EVALUATIONS 365
p. 41). The defendant's attorney is a vital source of information
to consult in determining (a) the reason that the competence
issue was raised, (b) the contextual characteristics and likely
demands of the defendant's case, (c) the nature of the relation-
ship between the defendant and the attorney, and (d) the attor-
ney's degree of skill and experience in handling mentally disor-
dered defendants (Golding, 1993; Hoge, Bonnie, Poythress, &
Monahan, 1992; Melton et al., 1997). Mental health records are
crucial sources of external validation hi assessing "malingering,
exaggeration, or minimization of symptomatology and degree
of disturbance" (Golding, 1993, p. 30). In a similar manner,
the police report on the alleged offense forms the backbone of
the information necessary to conduct an informed inquiry into
a defendant's psycholegal abilities, including his or her capacity
to disclose relevant information to counsel and to appraise the
charges and potential penalties (Golding, 1993). The standards
of accountability for forensic evaluation are higher than those
for traditional clinical assessment (American Psychological As-
sociation, 1992; Committee on Ethical Guidelines for Forensic
Psychologists, 1991; Grisso, 1988). Thus, we strongly recom-
mend that third-party sources of information be routinely con-
sulted in conducting CST assessments.
The Underlying Issue: Insufficient Training
To this point, we have analyzed and provided recommenda-
tions for addressing three critical problems with occasional ex-
perts' CST reports: (a) failure to address critical psycholegal
abilities, including decisional competence; (b) failure to explain
the psycholegal reasoning underlying one's conclusions; and (c)
failure to use forensically relevant methods of assessment. A
comparison of these three problems with the more egregious
problems revealed in early studies of CST reports reveals mod-
est, but significant, improvement over the past two decades. To
be specific, examiners now at least address the relevant issue
of CST (Heilbrun & Collins, 1995; Nicholson et al., 1995;
Skeem, 1996) and do not directly equate incompetence with
psychosis (e.g., Skeem, 1996). However, there is clearly much
room for improvement.
The results of our study suggest that occasional experts rely
primarily on their traditional clinical skills and attempt to gener-
alize these to psycholegal assessments. Despite their adequate
substantiation of their clinical opinions, these examiners pro-
vided little substantiation and reasoning for their forensic opin-
ions. Despite their adequate rates of reliability with respect
to a defendant's diagnosis and symptomatology, they typically
disagreed with respect to a defendant's specific psycholegal
abilities and impairments (see Skeem et al., in press). Despite
their thorough testing of psychological functions, they rarely
used competence assessment instruments. Given their lack of
familiarity with the competence construct, these examiners ap-
parently focused primarily on assessing psychopathology. If psy-
chopathology was present concomitantly with even minimal psy-
cholegal impairment, they often deemed the defendant incompe-
tent (Skeem et al., in press) without describing the link between
the psychopathology and psycholegal impairment and without
considering the context of the case. These CST reports often
appeared to be modified standard clinical reports.
This finding indicates a need for more than minimal training.
Our study indicated that examiners' attendance at two annual
2-day workshops did not improve their reports (see Footnote
2). In the few states that provide forensic training, these brief
workshops are the modal form of training provided (Parkas et
al., 1997). These workshops appear to be of insufficient scope.
Melton and his associates (1985) found that community examin-
ers who completed a comprehensive training program in Vir-
ginia obtained higher scores on tests of forensic knowledge
and completed reports that were rated more favorably by legal
personnel than those completed by untrained examiners. Their
training program consisted of 50 hours of lecture, demonstra-
tion, and, perhaps most important, supervised evaluation.
Training programs would likely be most effective if they spe-
cifically targeted common problems with examiners' forensic
assessments. These include the three primary problems revealed
in this and other empirical studies (Heilbrun & Collins, 1995;
Nicholson et al., 1995) and the overlapping problems cited by
experts over the past two decades (see Grisso, 1986). Also,
as suggested above, training programs would ideally include a
supervised evaluation component in which examiners are pro-
vided with individualized feedback.
The institution of more comprehensive, focused training pro-
grams could be accompanied by the development of more strin-
gent certification requirements for forensic examiners and sys-
tems for systematically monitoring report quality by means of
processes such as peer review of reports (seeAppelbaum, 1992;
Farkas et al., 1997). With the institution of such measures, the
quality of forensic assessments and reports would improve to a
much greater extent over the next two decades than they have
in the past. This improvement would help promote the develop-
ment of forensic psychology into a more respected and' 'respon-
sible industry" (see Grisso, 1987, p. 836). More important,
instituting such programs would better protect the legal rights
implicated in forensic evaluation and would ultimately save con-
siderable sums of public moneys that are desperately needed
for general mental health treatment.
References
American Bar Association. (1986). Justice menial health standards,§7. 3. 14(b). Washington, DC: Author.
American Psychological Association. (1992). Ethical principles of psy-chologists and code of conduct. American Psychologist, 47, 1597-1611.
Appelbaum, P. (1992). Forensic psychiatry: The need for self-regula-tion. Bulletin of the American Academy of Psychiatry and Law, 20,153-162.
Appelbaum, P. (1994). Almost a revolution. New York: Oxford.Bazelon, D. (1975). A jurist's view of psychiatry. Journal of Psychia-
try & Law, 3, 175-90.Bennet, G. (1985). A guided tour through selected ABA standards relat-
ing to incompetence to stand trial. Georgetown Law Review, 53, 375-413.
Bonnie, R. (1992). The competency of criminal defendants: A theoreti-cal reformulation. Behavioral Sciences & the Law, 10, 291-316.
Bonnie, R. (1993). The competence of criminal defendants: BeyondDusky and Drape. University of Miami Law Review, 47, 539-601.
Bonnie, R., & Slobogin, C. (1980). The role of mental health profession-
366 SKEEM AND GOLDING
als in the criminal process: The case for informed speculation. VirginiaLaw Review, 66, 427-522.
Borum, R., & Grisso, T. (1996). Establishing standards for criminalforensic reports: An empirical analysis. Bulletin of the AmericanAcademy of Psychiatry and Law, 24, 297-317.
Borum, R., Otto, R., & Golding, S. (1993, Spring). Improving clinicaljudgment and decision making in forensic evaluation. The Journal of
Psychiatry and Law, pp. 35-76.
Boykin v. Alabama, 359 U.S. 238 (1969).
Burt, R., & Morris, N. (1972). A proposal for the abolition of theincompetency plea. University of Chicago Law Review, 40, 66-95.
Carbonnell, J., Heilbrun, K., & Friedman, R (1992). Predicting who
will regain competency: Initial promise unfulfilled. Forensic Reports,
5, 67-76.
Carter v. United States, 252 F.2d 608 (1957).
Cichetti, D., & Sparrow, S. (1981). Developing criteria for establishing
interrater reliability of specific items: Applications to assessment of
adaptive behavior. American Journal of Mental Deficiency, 86, 127-137.
Cichon, D. (1992). The right to "just say no:" A history and analysis
of the right to refuse antipsychotic drugs. Louisiana Law Review, 53,
284-427.
Committee on Ethical Guidelines for Forensic Psychologists. (1991).Specialty guidelines for forensic psychologists. Law and Human Be-havior, IS, 655-665.
Drob, S., Berger, R., & Weinstein, H. (1987). Competency to stand
trial: A conceptual model for its proper assessment. Bulletin of the
American Academy of Psychiatry and Law, 15, 85-94.
Dusky v. United States, 362 U.S. 402 (1960).
Eizenstadt. S. (1968). Mental competency to stand trial. Harvard CivilRights-Civil Liberties Law Review, 4, 379-203.
Elwork, A. (1984). Psychological assessments, diagnosis and testimony:
A new beginning. Law and Human Behavior, 8, 197-203.
Faretta v. California, 422 U.S. 806 (1975).
Farkas, G., DeLeon, P., & Newman, R. (1997). Sanity examiner certifi-
cation: An evolving national agenda. Professional Psychology: Re-search and Practice, 28, 73-76.
Fentiman, L. (1986). Whose rights is it anyway? Rethinking competencyto stand trial in light of the synthetically sane insanity defendant.University of Miami Law Review, 40, 1109-1169.
Florida Rules of Criminal Procedure, §3. 211 (1991).
Freckleton, I. (1995). Rationality and flexibility in assessment of fitnessto stand trial. International Journal of Law and Psychiatry, 19, 39-
59.
Frendak v. United States, 408 F.2d 364 (D.C. Cir., 1979).
Geller, J., & Lister, E. (1978). The process of criminal commitment for
pre-trial psychiatric examination: An evaluation. American Journalof Psychiatry, 135, 53-63.
Godinez v. Moran, 113 S. Ct. 2680 (1993).
Golding, S. (1990). Mental health professionals and the courts: Theethics of expertise. International Journal of Law and Psychiatry, 13,
281-307.
Golding, S. (1993). Interdisciplinary Fitness Interview—Revised:
Training manual. Unpublished manuscript.
Golding, S., Skeem, J., Roesch, R., & Zapf, P. (in press). The assessmentof criminal responsibility: Current controversies. In I. Weiner & A.Hess (Eds.), Handbook of forensic psychology (2nd ed.) New "ibrk:Wiley.
Grisso, T. (1986). Evaluating competencies: Forensic assessments and
instruments. New %rk: Pergamon.
Grisso, T. (1987). The economic and scientific future of forensic psycho-logical assessment. American Psychologist, 42, 831-839.
Grisso, T. (1988). Competency to stand trial evaluations: A manual for
practice. Sarasota, FL: Professional Resource Exchange.
Grisso, T. (1992). Five-year research update (1986-1990): Evaluationsfor competence to stand trial. Behavioral Sciences and the Law, 10,
353-369.
Grisso, T. (1996). Pretrial clinical evaluations in criminal cases: Pasttrends and future directions. Criminal Justice and Behavior, 23, 90-106.
Grisso, T, Appelbaum, P., Mulvey, E., & Fletcher, K. (1995). The Mac-
Arther treatment competence study II: Measures of abilities relatedto competence to consent to treatment. Law & Human Behavior, 19,
127-148.
Grisso, T, Cocozza, J., Steadman, H., Fisher, W, & Greer, A. (1994).
The organization of pretrial forensic evaluation services: A nationalprofile. Law & Human Behavior, 18, 377-393.
Hart, S., & Hare, R. (1992). Predicting fitness for trial: The relative
power of demographic, criminal and clinical variables. Forensic Re-ports, 5, 53-54.
Heilbrun, K. (1992). The role of psychological testing in forensic assess-
ment. Law & Human Behavior, 16, 257-272.
Heilbrun, K., & Collins, S. (1995). Evaluations of trial competency andmental state at time of offense: Report characteristics. ProfessionalPsychology: Research and Practice, 26, 61-67.
Heilbrun, K., Rosenfeld, B., Warren, J., & Collins, S. (1994). Theuse of third-party information in forensic assessments: A two-state
comparison. Bulletin of the American Academy of Psychiatry andLaw, 22, 399-406.
Hess, J., & Thomas, H. (1963). Incompetence to stand trial: Procedures,
results and problems. American Journal of Psychiatry, 119, 713-720.
Hoge, S., Bonnie, R., Poythress, N., & Monahan, J. (1992). Attorney-
client decision making in criminal cases: Client competence and par-ticipation as perceived by their attorneys. Behavioral Sciences andthe Law, 10, 385-394.
Hoge, S., Bonnie, R., Poythress, N., Monahan, J., Eisenberg, M., &ftucht-Haviar, T. (1997). The Mac Arthur adjudicative competence
study: Development and validation of a research instrument. Law andHuman Behavior, 21, 141-179.
Johnson v. Zerbst, 304 U.S. 458 (1938).
Larkin, E., & Collins, P. (1989). Fitness to plead and psychiatric reports.
Medicine, Science and the Law, 29, 26-32.
Melton, G., Petrila, J., Poythress, N., & Slobogin, C. (1997). Psycholog-ical evaluations for the courts: A handbook for mental health profes-sionals and lawyers (2nd ed.). New "York: Guilford Press.
Melton, G., Weithorn, L., & Slobogin, C. (1985). Community mentalhealth centers and the courts: An evaluation of community-based
forensic services. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press.
Miller, R., & Germain, E. (1986). The specificity of evaluations ofcompetency to proceed. Journal of Psychiatry and Law, 14, 333-347.
Morse, S. (1978). Crazy behavior, morals and science: An analysis ofmental health law. Southern California Law Review, 51, 527-654.
Nicholson, R., & Kugler, K. (1991). Competent and incompetent defen-dants: A quantitative review of comparative research. Psychological
Bulletin, 109, 355-370.
Nicholson, R., LaFortune, K., Norwood, S., & Roach, R. (1995, August).Pretrial competency evaluations in Oklahoma: Report characteristics
and consumer satisfaction. Paper presented at the 103rd Annual Con-vention of the American Psychological Association, New %rk.
Reich, J., & Tookey, L. (1986). Disagreements between court and psy-chiatrist on competency to stand trial. Journal of Clinical Psychiatry,
47, 616-623.
Reich, J., & Wells, J., (1985). Psychiatric diagnosis and competency tostand trial. Comprehensive Psychiatry, 26, 421-432.
IMPROVING CST EVALUATIONS 367
Riggba v. Nevada 112 S. Ct. 1810 (1992).
Roesch, R., & Golding, S. (1977). A systems analysis of competency
to stand trial procedures: Implications for forensic services in North
Carolina. Urbana: University of Illinois.
Roesch, R., & Golding, S. (1980). Competency to stand trial. Urbana-Champaign: University of Illinois Press.
Saks, E. (1991). Competency to refuse treatment. North Carolina LawReview, 69, 945-999.
Shah, S. (1981). Legal and mental health system interactions: Major
developments and research needs. International Journal of Law and
Psychiatry, 4, 219-270.
Sieling v. Eyman, 478 F.2d 211 (9th Cir., 1973).
Skeem, J. (1996). The nature and agreement of expert opinion on
competence to stand trial. Unpublished master's thesis, University ofUtah, Salt Lake City.
Skeem, J., Golding, S., Cohn, N., & Berge, G. (in press). The logic
and reliability of evaluations of competence to stand trial. Law &
Human Behavior.
Steadman, H. J. (1979). Beating a rap? Defendants found incompetent
to stand trial. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Steadman, H. J., Monahan, J., Hartstone, E., Davis, S., & Robbins, P.
(1982). Mentally disordered offenders: A national survey of patients
and facilities. Law and Human Behavior, 6, 31-38.
United States v. Hewitt, 528 F.2d 339 (3rd Cir., 1975).
United States v. Horowitz, 360 E Supp. 722 (1973).
Utah Code Ann. §77-15-5. 4 (1994).
Vann, C. (1965). Pre-trial determination and judicial decision-making:
An analysis of the use of psychiatric information in the administrationof criminal justice. University of Detroit Law Journal, 43, 13-33.
Walker (1991). Delusion: What did Jaspers really say? British Journalof Psychiatry, 159, 94-103.
Weiter v. Settle, 195 F. Supp. 318 (W. D. Mo., 1961).Westbrook v. Arizona, 384 U.S. 150 (1965).
Williams, W., & Miller, K. (1981). The processing and disposition ofincompetent mentally ill offenders. Law and Human Behavior, 5, 245 -261.
Winick, B. (1977). Psychotropic medication and competence to stand
trial. American Bar Association Research Journal, 3, 769-816.Winick, B. (1987). Incompetency to stand trial: An assessment of costs
and benefits, and a proposal for reform. Rutgers Law Review, 39,243-287.
Winick, B. (1993). New directions in the right to refuse mental healthtreatment: The implications of Riggins v. Nevada. William and Mary
Bill of Rights Journal, 2, 205-238.
Winick, B. (1995). Reforming incompetency to stand trial and plead
guilty: A restated proposal and response to Professor Bonnie. Journal
of Criminal Law and Criminology, 85, 571-624.
Received October 10, 1996
Revision received January 9, 1998
Accepted February 6, 1998 •