COMMON SENSE

Thomas Paine

edited by Edward Larkin

broadview editions

Appendix B: Responses to Common Sense

1. [Charles Inglis], The True Interest of America Impartially Stat­

ed, in Certain Strictures on a Pamphlet In titled Common Sense

(Philadelphia: Humphreys, 1776)

[An Anglican minister and later rector of Trinity Church in New

York, Charles Inglis published a number of pamphlets and essays in

opposition to the Revolution. He arrived in the colonies in 1775 just months before the publication of Common Sense. He published

The Tme Interest about a month after Paine's pamphlet appeared. Like

many Tor ies, Inglis left for Nova Scotia during the War of Indepen­

dence. Below are selected sections of The True Interest which in its

entirety was about as long as the text of Common Sense. T hese selec­

tions are taken from the second edition, published by James

Humphreys.]

PREFACE

THE following pages contain an answer to one if the most ariful, insid­ious and pernicious pamphlets I have ever met with. It is addressed to the passions of the populace, at a time when their passions are much inflamed. At such junctures, cool reason and judgment are too apt to sleep: The mind is easily imposed on and the most violent measures will, therefore, be thought the most salutary. Positive assertions will pass for demonstration with many, rage for sincerity, and the most glaring absurdities and falshoods will be swallowed.

The author if COMMON SENSE, has availed himself if all these cir­cumstances. Under the mask iffriendship to America, in the present calami­tous situation of affairs, he gives vent to his own private resentment and ambition, and recommends a scheme which must i/"!fallibly prove minous. He proposes that we should renounce our allegiance to our Sovereign, break off all connection with Great-Britain and set up an independent empire if the republican kind. Sensible that such a proposal must, even at this time, be shocking to the ears of Americans; he insinuates that the novelty of his sen­timents is the only obstacle to their success.-that, "perhaps they are not yet sr!ificiently fashionable to procure them general favour; that a long habit f not thinking a thing wrong, gives it a superficial appearance being right,

and raises at first a formidable outcry in d fence if custom. "

COMMON SENSE 151

confessiorl

of

In this he imitates all other enthusiasts and visiollary assertors if para­doxes, who were conscious that the common feeli lgs of mankind mllst revolt against their schemes: TIle author, however, though he did not illte ld it here, pays compliment to the Americans; for this amounts to a that amidst all their grievances, they still retain their allegiance and

I find no Common Sense in this pamphlet, but much uncommon phrenzy. It is an outrageous insult on the common sense q/Americans; an insidious attempt to poison their minds, and seduce them from their loyalty and truest interest. TIle principles of government laid down in it, are IlOt only

but too absurd to have ever entered the 1lead of a crazy politician before. Even Hobbes would blush to own the author for a disciple.1 He unites the violellce and rage of a republican, with all the entllUsiasm and folly if a fanat­ic. If principles f truth and common sense, however, ulould flOt serlJe his scheme, he could not help that by any other method than by inlJeflting such as would; alld this he has done.

No person breathin,g, has a deeper sense of the present distresses ifAmer­thall I halJe--or would rejoice more to see them remolJed, and our liber­

ties settled on a permanent, constitutional foundation. But this author's pro­posal, instead of remolJing our grievances, would aggravate them a thousand fold. The remedy is infinitely worse than the disease. It ulould be like wttirlg off a leg, because the toe happened to ache. It is probable that this pamphlet, like others, will soon sink in obliv­

ion-that the destructilJe plan it holds out, will speedily be forgotten, and like the baseless fabric of a vision; yet, while any honest mall is in

danger of beillg seduced by it-whilst there is even a possibility that the dreadful evils it is calculated to produce, should overtake tiS, I think it a duty which I owe to God, to my King and Country, to counteract, in this manner, the poison it contains. Nor do I think it less a duty thus to lJirl­dicate our honourable Congress, and my injured countrymen in

Thomas Hobbes (1588-1679) was one of the most important English philosophers of the seventeenth century. His Levial/lan remains one of the most influential works of political philosophy ever written. In Leviathan Hobbes presents a somewhat brutal and violent vision of human nature.

from the duplicity and criminal insincerity with which this pamphlet pirtually (ha J?es them.

The reader, howelJer, must not expect that I should submit to the drtl gery returning a distinct answer to elJery part of a pamphlet, in which the lines

in many places are out-numbered by falshoods; where the author's malice and W ith the same lJiew, I presume, to make his pamphlet go down the bet­ter, he prifixes the title of Common Sense to it-by a figure ill antipathy to monarchical government, misrepresent almost everything relative

fo the sl/bject . I have done, notwithstanding, what I conceilJe to be suffi­cient-I have developed his leading principles, and obviated such misrepre­

which is called a Catechresis, that is, in plain English, an abuse of words. Under this title, he counteracts the clearest dictates f reason, tmtll and com­

sentations as are aptest to mislead the unwary. I have, moreover, shewn that mon sense, TIws halJe I seen a book written by a popisll bigot, elltitled, this scheme is b(g with ruin to America--that it is contrary to the sentiments of the colonists, alld that in a Reconciliation with Great-Britain, on solid,

and Truth; or Charity maintained; in which the allfitor very and charitably damns all heretics.

cOllStitutional principles, excluding all parliamentary taxatiorl, the happiness mId prosperity of this continent, are only to be sought or folltld.

I neither halJe, nor can possibly have any itlterests separate from those of America--any object itl view but her welfore. My fate is involved in her:,. If she becomes a conquered country, or an independent republic, I can promise

advantage or emolument in either case; Imt must inevitably share with millions in the evils that will ensue. TIlis I can declare, bifore the searcher if hearts, is the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth . Can the autilor f Common Sense do the same? Can he truly and sin­cerely say, that he has no honour, power, or profit in view, should his darling republican scheme take place? If not, then he is an interested, prejudiced per­SOIl, and lJery unfit to advise in this matter. We should /le distrus ful his judgment, and on our guard against what he recommends.

The at/thor calls himself an Englishman, but whether he is a native Old England, or New England, is a thing I tleither know nor care about. I am only to know him by the features he hath here exhibited of himself, which are those of an avowed, violent Republican, utterly averse and unfriendly to the English constitution. He hath not prifixed his name to his pamphlet; neither shall I prifix mine to this. But as I fear his alJilities as little as I love his republican cause, I hereby pledge myself, that in case he should reply, and publish his name; I also, should I think it necessary to

shall publish my name. I honour genius wherever I meet with it; but detest its prostitution to bad purposes. The few faint glimmeriflgs f it that are thinly scattered through this pamphlet, are but a poor compensation for its malevolent, pernicious design; and serve only to raise our indignation and abhorrence.

I hope the reader will distinguish-where there is a real difference-­between his Republican's cause, and that of America. If not, and if he is not

to listen calmly to tmth, I adlJise him to stop here and lay down this But if the case be othenvise, I have only to beseech him, whilst

perusing these STRICTURES, to rememiJer, that they were written to promote

152 APPENDIX n

COMMON SENSE 153

our Reconciliation with a King and nation, whom, not long since, we sin­cerely loved and esteemed. The bitterest enmity I know is that which subsists between those who were once friends, but have fallen out. On such occasions, and while our resentment is high, the advice which tends to gratify that resentment may be the most welcome. But when our passions subside, our for­mer 4iections will also return; and we shall then look upon him to be much more our friend who would calm our resentment than him who would inflame it. From our former connection Ivith Great Britain, we have already derived numberless advantages and benefits;from a closer union with her, on proper principles, we may derive still greater benefits in future. Duty, grati­tude, interest, nay Providence, by its all-wise dispensations, loudly call on both countries to unite, and would join them together; and may infamy be the portion of that wretch who would put them asunder. February 16, 1776.

* * *

Consider this matter as you will, view the Declaration of Indepen­dency in what light you please; the win of America must be the inevitable consequence. Our author's earnestness and zeal therefore, that we should declare ourselves Independent, serves only to prove that he himself is desperate; and that he would gladly bring his whole continent into the same situation.

But our author repeatedly tells us-"That to expend so many millions for the sake of getting a few vile acts repealed, is unworthy the charge:' Now to pass over the gross insult here offered to the Continental Congress, who had this important object principally in view, in the spirited measures they have taken: I answer--That if five times as many millions had been expended, America would be an immense gainer, provided those acts are repealed, and her liberties, property, and trade, are settled on a firm basis, by a Constitutional Union with Great-Britain. Were that measure once effected, the peace and prosperity of this continent would be as immutably and certainly secure as any thing in this world can.We should be the hap­piest people in the world. The Americans have fully evinced, to the conviction of the most incredulous, that they have an high sense of their liberties, and sufficient spirit to vindicate those liberties. Their numbers, strength, and importance, will be daily increasing; these will command respect from Great-Britain, and insure to them a mild and equitable treatment from her. She will not hereafter be over anx­ious to contend, or come to blows with them. This I think is clear to demonstration; and hence we may learn to set a proper value on

154 APPENDIX B

the rant which this author throws out, as if America would be per­petually embroiled with England hereafter, unless we declare for independency.

For my part, I look upon this pamphlet to be the most injurious, in every respect, to America, of any that has appeared since these troubles began. Its natural and necessary tendency is, to produce jeal­ousy, dissention and disunion among us. The Continental congress, the several Provincial Congresses and Assemblies, have all unani­mously and in the strongest terms, disclaimed ever y idea of Inde­pendency. They have repeatedJy declared their abhorrence of such a step; they have as often declared their firm attachment to our Sov­ereign and the Parent State. They have declared that placing them in the same situation that they were at the close of the last war, was their only object; that when this was done, by repealing the obnox­ious acts, our former harmony and friendship would be restored. I appeal to the reader whether all this had not been done from one end of the continent to the other.

Yet here steps forth a writer, who avers with as much assurance as if he had the whole continent on his back, and ready to support his asseverations-That Independency is our duty and interest­That it was folly and rashness to go to the expence we have been at for the sake of repealing those obnoxious acts; and moreover, loads with the most opprobious terms, that Sovereign and Nation to which we had declared our attachment! In what light can this be viewed in Britain? Must it not weaken the influence of our friends--strengthen the hands of the ministry--and give weight to every thing our enemies have said to to our disadvantage? Must it not induce people to suspect our candour-that all our declarations were insincere, fallacious-intended only to amuse and deceive?-lt is as much to vindicate my injured countrymen from this disgrace, which they deserve not, as to oppose the destructive project ofInde­pendency, that I appear on this occasioIl-a project which is as neU! as it is destructive.

I have now considered every thing in this Incendiary's pamphlet, that deserves notice. If some things are passed over, it is not because they are unanswerable; but because they are not worthy of an answer. I have on purpose omitted ever y subject, the discussion of which might tend to raise jealousy among the colonists; such as reli­gion, the claims of some colonies on other s, besides many more of the same kind. But it was more difficult to avoid speaking of these, than to point out what prolifiC sources of animosity, bitterness and bloody contests they must infallibly prove, were America to become

COMMON SENSE 155

independent. The whole is freely submitted to the reader's candid, dispassionate judgment.

The Author of Common Sense may probably call me "a disguised tory, a prejudiced man," or what in his estimation "will be productive of more calamities to this continent than all others-a moderate man." But I am too conscious of the sincerity of my own heart, and of the rectitude of my intentions, to pay any regard to whatever he is pleased to call me. Who indeed would be ambitious of his approbation, when he expressly reprobates Moderation-that offspring of true wisdom and sound judgment? The welfare of America is what I wish for above any earthly thing. I am fully, firmly and conscientiously persuaded, that our author's scheme of Independency and Republicanism, is big with ruin-with inevitable ruin to America. Against this scheme therefore, which totally changes the ground we set out on, as an honest man, as a friend to human nature, I must and will bear testimony.

. Let the spirit, design and motives which are undeniably evident in our respective pamphlets, decide which should be attended to most.

The author of Common Sense is a violent stickler for Democracy or Republicanism only--every other species of government is reprobated by him as tyrannical: I plead for that constitution which has been formed by the wisdom of ages-is the admiration of mankind-is best adapted to the genius of Britons, and is most friendly to liberty. He takes pleasure in aggravating every circumstance of our

unhappy dispute-would inspire others with the same rage that instigates himself, and would set his fellow subjects to cutting each others throats. I would most gladly, were it in my power, draw a veil of eternal oblivion over any errors which Great Britain or the colonies may have fallen into-I would willingly persuade them to mutual harmony and union; since on these their mutual happiness and interest depend. He is evidently goaded on by ambition and resentment, to seek

for the gratifIcation of those passions in an independent republic here; which would reduce America to the same desperate state with himself I have no interest to serve but what is common to my coun­trymen-but what every American of property is concerned in equally with me. He places himself at the head of a party; and spurns from him

with the utmost contempt and indignation, all who will not enlist under his banner: I am of no party, but so far as the welfare of Amer­ica is aimed at; and I believe there are many who aim at this in every party. I have not learnt to pace with such intire acquiescence in the

156 APPENDIX B

trammels of any party, as not to desert it, the moment is deserts the interests of my country. He recommends a new, untried, romantic scheme, at which we

would at first have shuddered-which is big with inevitable ruin, and is the last stage of political phrenzy. I am for pursuing the same object, and acting on the same principles and plan with which we

set out, when this contest began, and of whose success there is a moral certainty.

This, as far as I can know or see, is the true state of our case-let Heaven and Earth judge between us.

America is far from being yet in a desperate situation. I am confi­dent she may obtain honourable and advantagious terms from Great Britain. A few years of peace will soon retrieve all her losses. She will rapidly advance to a state of maturity, whereby she may not only repay the parent state amply for all past benefits; but also lay under the greatest obligations. America, till very lately, has been the happi­est country in the universe. Blest with all that nature could bestow with the profusest bounty, she enjoyed besides, more liberty, greater privileges than any other land. How painful is it to reflect on these things, and to look forward to the gloomy prospects now before us! But it is not too late to hope that matters may mend. By prudent management her former happiness may again return; and continue to encrease for ages to come, in a union with the parent state.

However distant humanity may wish the period; yet, in the rotation of human affairs, a period may arrive, when, (both countries being pre­pared for it) some terrible disa ster, some dreadful convulsion in Great Britain, may transfer the seat of empire to this western hemisphere­where the British constitution, like the Phrenix from its parent's ashes, shall rise with youthful vigor and shine with doubled splendor.

But if America should now mistake her real interest-if her sons; infatuated with romantic notions of conquest and empire, ere things are ripe, should adopt this republican's scheme: They will infallibly destroy this smiling prospect. They will dismember this happy coun­try-make it a scene of blood and slaughter, and entail wretchedness and miser y on millions yet unborn.

Quod Deus a nobis procul averta::.1

FINIS.

"Which thing may God avert far away from us " ; or, more colloquially, " "May God keep this far from us.

COMMON SENSE 157

British evacuation of

Ruin.

published the edition of Plain Truth reprinted

.

Horror, and Desolation.

Truth; Addressed to Remarks on a Late

Pamphlet, Entitled Common Sense (Philadelphia: Bell, 1776)

fA wealthy landowner who had arrived in Maryland in 1Chalmers would not only write Plain Truth but later become Lieu­tenant-Colonel of a Maryland battalion of Loyalist fighters. Pub­lished about a month after T11c True Interest, Chalmers' pamphlet wasdedicated to John Dickinson, who had not yet been persuaded tosupport independence. Unfortunately for Chalmers , Plain Truth waspublished on the eve of one of the colonies' first significant victories

Boston), which played a crucial role in cementing support for thewar. Robert Bell, always at the center of Revolutionary controversy,

Passionately devoted to true

I HAVE now before me the Pamphlet, entitled COMMON SENSE; on which I shall remark with freedom and candour. It may not be

2. Candidus [James Chalmers], Plain improper to remind my readers, that the investigation of my subject, the Inhabitants of America, COtJtaining, demands the utmost freedom of enquiry. I therefore entreat his

indulgence; and that he will carefully remember, that intemperate zeal, is as injurious to liberty, as a manly discussion of facts is friend­ly to it. "Liberty, says the great MONTESQUIEU, is a right of doing whatever the laws permit; and if a citizen could do what they for-

in the military conflict with Great Britain (the

he would no longer be possessed of liberty, because all his fel­low citizens would have the same power."! In the beginning of his pamphlet, the Author asserts,"that society in every state is a blessing. T his in the sincerity of my heart I deny; for it is supreme misery to be associated with those, who to promote their ambitious purposes, flagitiously pervert the ends of political society. I do not say that our Author is indebted POLITICAL DISQUISITIONS, to ROUSSEAU'S Social Compact for his definition of Government, and his large Tree; although I wish he had favoured his readers with the following extract from that sublime reasoner. "To investigate those conditions of society which may best answer the purpose of nations, would require should be witness to all the passions of men, but be subject itself to none, who should have should have a perfect knowledge of it:A Being, in short, whose hap­piness should be independent of us, and who employ itself about us. It is the province of Gods to make the laws for Men."With the utmost deference to the celebrated ROUSSEAU, I cannot indeed imagine, that laws even so constructed, would mate­rially benefit our imperfect race; unless omniscience deigned previ­ously to exalt our nature. T he judicious reader will therefore per­ceive, that malevolence only, is requisite to declaim against, and arraign the most perfect governments. himself of this trite expedient, to cajole the people into the most abject slavery, under the delusive name of independence. His first indecent attack is against the English constitution; which with all its imperfections, is, and ever will be the pride and envy of mankind.

Charles-Louis de Secondat, baron of Montesquieu (1689-1755) was an

eminent French philosopher and man of letters. His Spirit cif the Laws is one of the most influential worb in both the history

cal theory and of jurisprudence. It had a profound impact on eighteenth­

century political thought and was especially important to American and

French revolutionaries, for whom it provided many of the founding

structures of modern democracy, including the division of political

power into legislative, executive and judiciary.

COMMON SENSE 159

to BURGH'S or

INTROD UCTI ON.

IF indignant at the Doctrine contained in the Pamphlet, entitledCOMMON SENSE:

I have expressed myself, in the following Obser vations, with someardor; I entreat the Reader to impute my indignation, to honest zealagainst the Author's Insidious Tenets. Animated and impelled byevery inducement of the Human Heart; I love, and (if I dare soexpress myself,) I adore my CountryLiberty; I glow with the purest flame of Patriotism. Silver'd with ageas I am, if I know myself, my humble Sword shall not be wanting tomy Country; (if the most Honorable Terms are not tendered by theBritish Nation) to whose Sacred Cause, I am most fervently devot­ed. T he judicious Reader, will not impute my honest, tho boldRemarks, to unfriendly designs against my Children-against myCountry; but to abhorrence of Independency; w hich if effected,would inevitably plunge our once pre-eminently envied Countryinto

the abilities of some superior intelligence, who

no connections with human nature, but

would nevertheless

Our Political Quack, avails

PLAIN TRUTH; CONTAINING

REMARKS ON A LArE PAMPHLET, ENTITLED,

COMMON SENSE

158 APPENDIX II

Henry

bv

f'lLU''',Vf'llCl

lightenment. skeotlclsm

Essays.

contemptible

melancholy

'-Af''-.U'-H'-'-.

To this panegyric involuntarily our author subscribes, by granting individuals to be safer in England, than in any other part of Europe. He indeed insidiously attributes this pre-eminent excellency, to the constitution of the people, rather than to our excellent constitution. To such contemptible is our Author reduced. I would ask

why did not the constitution of the people afford them supe­nor safety, in the reign of Richard the Third, Henry the Eighth, and other t yrannic princes?i Many pages might indeed be filled with encomiums bestowed on our excellent constitution, illustrious authors of different nations.

This beautiful system (according to MONTESQUIEU) our constitu­tion is a compound of Monarchy, Aristocracy, and Democracy. But it is often said, that the Sovereign, by honours and appointments, influences the Commons. The profound and elegant HUME2 agitat­ing this question, thinks, to this circumstance, we are in part indebt­ed for our supreme felicity; since without such controul in the C rown, our C onstitution would immediately degenerate into Democracy; a government, which in the sequel, I hope to prove ineligible. Were I asked marks of the best government, and the pur­pose of political society, I would reply, the encrease, preservation, and prosperity of its members, in no quarter of the Globe, are those marks so certainly to be found, as in Great Britain, and her dencies. After our Author has several pages, to break the bounds of society by deba ing Monarchs: He says, "The plain truth is, that the antiquity of English Monarchy will not bear looking into."

HUME t reating of the original contract, has the following melan­choly, but sensible observation, "Yet reason tells us, that there is no property in durable objects, such as lands, and houses, when careful­ly examined, in passing from hand to hand, but must in some peri­od, have been founded in fraud and injustice. The necessities of human society, neither in private or public life, will allow of such an accurate enquiry; and there is no virtue or moral duty, but what may, with facility, be refined away, if we indulge a false philosophy, in

sifting and scrutinizing, by every captious rule of logic, in every or position in which it may be placed."

Say ye votaries of honour and truth, can we adduce a stronger of our Author's turpitude, than his quoting the anti-philo­

story archs. Briefly examining the story of this race, more barbarous than our savages: We find their history a continued suc­cession of miracles, astonishing our imaginations, and exercising our faith. Mter wandering forty years in horrid desarts, they are chiefly condemned to perish for their perverseness, although under the immediat e dominion of the KING OF HEAVEN. At length, they arrive in the sterile country of Palestine; which they conquer, by extermi­nating the inhabitants, and warring like Demons. The inhabitants of the adjoining regions, justly therefore held them in detestation, and the Jews finding themselves constantly abhorred, have ever since hated all mankind. This people, as destitute of arts and industry, and humanity, had not even in their language a word expressive of edu­cation. We might indeed remind our Author, who so readily drags in the Old Testament to support his sinister measures; that we could draw from that source, many texts, favourable to

onscious, that the Mosaic Law, way to the Gospel Dis-The reader no doubt will be by the following

extract from a most primitive Christian. "Christianity is a spiritual relative only to celestial objects. The Christian's inheritance

is not of this world. He performs his duty it is true, but this he does with a profound indifference for the good or ill success of his endeavours: Provided he hath nothing to reproach himself, it is of little consequence to him whether matters go well or ill here below. If the state be in a flourishing condition, he can hardly venture to rejoice in the public felicity, least he should be puffed up, with the inordinate price of his country's glory. If the state decline, he bless­es the hand of GOD, that humbles his people to the dust:'

Having defined the best government, I will humbly attempt to describe good Kings by the following unerring rule. The best Princes are constantly calumniated by the envenomed tongues and pens of the most worthless of their subjects. For this

Richard III (1452-85) ruled England briefly from 1483 to 1485.do I appeal to the testimony of VIII (1491-1547) ruled England for almost 40 years. The noble impartial historian

2 David Hume (17] 1-76) was the foremost almost divine Henry the Fourth of France says , "Thus was the god­His ideas about causality and his

like represented (by the discontented of these days) almost a crucial role in the history

throughout his whole kingdom, as a furious, and implacable tyrant: from his essay "Of the Original Contract" which They were never without one set of arguments to engage his his Moral and Political (]748).

160 APPENDIX B COMMON SENSE 161

catholic nobility in a rebellion against him; and another t o sow sedi­tion among his protestant officers and gentry."! HUME say s, that the cruel unrelenting tyrant, Philip the Second of Spain, with his infer­nal Inquisition, was not more detested by the people of the Nether­lands; than was the human e Charles, with his inoffensive Liturgy; by his mutinous subjects.2 The many unmerited insults offered to our gracious Sovereign; by the unprincipled Wilkes, and others down to this late Author; will forever disgrace humanity." For he say s, "that monarchy was the most prosperous invention the Devil ever set on foot for the promotion of idolatry. It is the pride of Kings which throws mankind int o confusion: In short, continues this Author, monarchy and succession, have laid not this or that kingdom only, but the World in blood and ashes." How deplorably wretched the condition of mankind, could they believe such execrable flagitious jargon. Unhappily indeed, mankind in every age are susceptible of delusion; but surely our Author's poison carries its antidote with it. Attentive to the spirit of his publication, we fancy ourselves in the barbarous fifteenth century: in which period our Author would have figured with his "C ommon Sense---and blood will attend it."

After his terrible anathema against our venerable constitution, and monarchy ; let us briefly examine a democratical state; and see whether or not it is a government less sanguinary. This government

Maximilien de Bethune, Duke de Sully (1560-1641) was the lifelong

friend and loyal minister of Henry IV. Mter Henr y was assassinated in

1610, Sully was forced to retire from the government. In 1638 he pub­

lished his Memoirs, in which he celebrated Henry's vision and accom­

plishments.

2 Chalmers contrasts Philip II of Spain (1527-98), the Catholic monarch

who attempted to eradicate Protestantism from The Netherlands

under Spanish rule), with Charles I of England (1600-49), who tried to

force Presbyterian Scotland to adopt a new liturgy based on the Book of

Common Prayer (the standard liturgy of the Anglican Church). The

Inquisition was originally a tribunal established by the Catholic Church

in the 13th century to tr y people accused of heresy. It was one of the

instruments used by Philip II to combat the Protestant Reformation

which began in the sixteenth century. 3 John Wilkes (1725-97) was a controversial politician and journalist who

became Lord Mayor of London in 1774. As a member of Parliament and

in his newspaper, North Briton, Wilkes promoted a radical political agenda

and soon became a populist hero. In the end, however, Wilkes seems to

have been not so much a committed reformer as an opportunist who

saw radical popular political views as a way to promote his own career.

162 APPENDIX B

is extremely plausible, and indeed flattering t o the pride of mankind.

them: although conscious it The demagogues therefore, to seduce the people into their criminal designs ever hold up democracy to never did, nor ever will answer in practice. If we believe a great Author, "There never existed, nor ever will exist a real democracy in the World." If we examine the republics of Greece and Rome, we ever find them in a state of war domestic or foreign. Our Author therefore makes no mention of these ancient States. "When Alexan­der ordered all the exiles, to be restored throughout the citi es, it was found that the whole amounted t o t wenty thousand, the remains probably of still greater slaughters and massacres. 1 W hat an astonish­ing number in s o narrow a country as ancient Greece? and what domestic confusion,jealousy, partiality, revenge, heart-burnings must tear those cities, where factions were wrought up to such a degree of fury and despair." Apian's history of the civil wars of Rome, con­tains the most frightening picture of massacres, proscriptions, and forfeitures that ever were presented to the world.2

The excellent Montesquieu declares, "That a democracy suppos­es the concurrence of a number of circumstances rarely united, in the first place, it is requisite that the state itself should be of small extent; so that the people might be easily assembled and personally known t o each other. Secondly, the simplicity of their manners, should be such as to prevent a multiplicity of affairs, and perplexity in discussing them: And thirdly, there should subsist a great degree of equality between them, in point of right and authority: Lastly, there should be little or no luxury, for luxury must either be the effect of wealth, or it must make it necessary. It corrupts at once, both rich and poor: The one, by the possession, and the other, by the want of it." To this may be added continues the same Author, "that no government is s o subject to CIVIL WARS, and INTESTINE COMMOTIONS, as that o f the democratical or popular form; because, no other tends so strongly and so constantly to alter, nor requires so much vigilance, and forti­tude t o preserve it from alteration. It is indeed, in such a constitution, particularly, that a Citizen should alway s be armed with fortitude, constancy ; and should every day, in the sincerity of his heart, guard against corruption, arising either from selfishness in himself, or in his

Alexander the Great (356-23 BCE) began his career in Macedon, north

of Greece, and conquered much of the then-known world before his

death at the age of 33.

2 Appian. who lived in the 2nd century CE, was an early historian of

Rome.

COMMON SENSE 163

--

compatriots; for if it once enters into public transactions, to root it out afterwards would be miraculous."

* * *

I shall humbly endeavour to shew, that our author shamefully mis­represents facts, is ignorant of the true state of Great Britain and herColonies, utterly unqualified for the arduous task, he has presump­tuously assumed; and ardently intent on seducing us to that precipiceon which himself stands trembling.To elucidate my strictures, I mustwith fidelity expose the circumstances of Great Britain and hercolonies. If therefore, in the energy of description, I unfold certainbold and honest truths with simplicity, the judicious reader willremember, that true knowledge of our situation, is as essential to oursafety, as ignorance thereof may endanger it. In the Englishprovinces, exclusive of negroe and other slaves, we have one hundredand sixty thousand; or one hundred and seventy thousand men capa­ble of bearing arms. If we deduct the people called Quakers,Anabaptists,l and other religionists averse to arms; a considerablepart of the emigrants, and those having a grateful predilection for theancient constitution and parent state, we shall certainly reduce thefirst number to sixty or seventy thousand men. Now admitting thoseequal to the Roman legions, can we suppose them capable ofdefending against the power of Britain, a country nearly twelve hun­dred miles extending on the ocean. Suppose, our troops assembledin New-England, if the Britons see not fit to assail them, they hasteto and desolate our other provinces, which eventually would reduceNew England. If by dividing our forces, we pretend to defend ourprovinces, we also are infallibly undone. Our most fertile provinces,filled with unnumbered domestic enemies, slaves; intersected by nav­igable rivers, every where accessible to the fleets and armies ofBritain, can make no defence. If without the medium of passion andprejudice, we view our other provinces, half armed, destitute ofmoney and a navy: We must confess, that no power ever engagedsuch POTENT ANTAGONISTS, under such peculiar circumstances ofinfelicity. In the better days of Rome, she permitted no regulartroops to defend her. Men destitute of property she admitted not

The Anabaptists were one of the many radical Protestant groups to

emerge during the sixteenth century. Known primarily for their belief in

adult baptism, pacifism, as Chahners suggests, was another one of the key

tenets of their belief.

164 APPENDIX B

into her militia, (her only army.) I have been extremely concerned at the separation of the Connecticut men from our army. It augur'd not an ardent enthusiasm for liberty and glory. We still have an army before Boston, and I should be extremely happy to hear substantial proofs of their glory. I am still hopeful of great things from our army before Boston, when joined by the regiments now forming, which WANT OF BREAD will probably soon fIll. Notwithstanding the predilection I have for my countrymen, I remark with gr ief, that hitherto our troops have displayed but few marks of Spartan or Roman enthusiasm. In the sincerity of my heart, I adjure the read­er to believe, that no person is more sensibly afflicted by hearing the enemies of America remark, that no General ever fell singly and so ingloriously unrevenged before the inauspicious affair of Quebec.1 I am under no doubt, however, that we shall become as famed for martial courage, as any nation ever the sun beheld. Sanguine as I am, respecting the virtue and courage of my countrymen, depending on the history of mankind, since the Chr istian £ra, I cannot however imagine, the zeal for liberty will to such glorious efforts of heroism, as religious enthusiasm hath often impelled its votaries to perfor m [.. . .]

With the utmost deference to the honorable Congress; I do not view the most distant gleam of aid from foreign powers. The princes alone, capable of succouring us, are the Sovereigns of France and Spain. If according to our Author, we possess an eighth part of the habitable globe, and actually have a check on the West India com­merce of England. The French indigo, and other valuable West India commodities, and the Spanish galeons, are in great jeopardy from our power. The French and Spaniards are therefore wretched politi­cians, if they do not assist England, in reducing her colonies to obe­dience. Pleasantry apart! Can we be so deluded, to expect aid from those princes, which inspiring their subjects with a relish for liberty, might eventually shake their arbitrary thrones.-Natural avowed enemies to our sacred cause: Will they cherish, will they support the flame of liberty in America? Ardently intent, on extin­guishing its latent dying sparks in their respective dominions. Can we believe, that those pr inces will offer an example so dangerous to

In one of the early engagements of the War of Independence, colonial

forces invaded Canada. Led by General Richard Montgomery, the expe­

dition, which culminated in the siege of Quebec in the winter of 1775-

76, failed miserably. The plan was largely an attempt to incorporate

Canada into the conflict with Great Britain.

COMMON SENSE 165

"Every quiet method of peace has been ineffectual; our prayers have

been rejected with disdain." I do not indeed agree with the people

of England in saying, that those, who so successfully laboured to

widen the breach--desired nothing less than peace. That they who

shortly were to command the most numerous and best disciplined

army under Heaven; and a navy fit to contend with the fleets of

England; imagining, the time had found us, disdained to be just. I high­

ly venerate a majority of the Delegates. I have not indeed the hon­

our of knowing all the worthy members; however, I wish the Gen­

tlemen of the Congress, 'ere they entered on their important charge,

had been better acquainted, with the strength of our fr iends in par­

liament. I sincerely lament, that the King did not receive the last

excellent petition from the Congress; and I as sincerely ",'.ish, the

Gentlemen of the Congress had not addressed themselves at that

juncture, to the people ofIreland. "As to government matters;' (con­

tinues our Author,) "it is not in the power of Britain to do this Con­

tinent justice:The business of it will soon be too weighty and intri­

cate to be managed with any tolerable degree of convenience, by a

power so very distant from us, and so very ignorant of us; for if they

cannot conquer us, they cannot govern us. The difference between

Pennsylvania, and Connecticut, respecting some unlocated lands,

shews the insignificance of a British government, and fully proves,

that nothing but Continental authority can regulate Continental

Until the present unhappy period, Great Br itain has afforded to

all mankind, the most perfect proof of her wise, lenient, and mag­

nanimous government of the Colonies-The proofS to which we

already have alluded, viz. our supreme felicity, and amazing increase.

Than the affair of the Connecticut invaders; Omnipotence only

could grant us stronger reasons for praying a continuance of our for­

mer beneficent government. Most certainly, every dispassionate per­

son, as well as the plundered Pennsylvanians, must confess; that the

Arm of Great Britain alone detained those Free-booters aforesaid,

from seising the city of P hiladelphia, to which without all doubt,

they have as just a claim, as to those fertile regions in Pennsylvania,

which they surrreptitiously have possessed themselves of. In wrath to

mankind, should Heaven permit our Author's new fangled govern­

ment to exist; I, as a friend to Pennsylvanians, advise them to explore

new settlements, and avoid the cruel mortification of being expelled

by the Saints from their delicious abodes and pleasing fields.-"But

* * * their subjects and colonies, by aiding those provinces to indepen­dence? If independent, aggrandized by infinite numbers from every part of Europe, this Continent would rapidly attain power astonish­ing to imagination. Soon, very soon would we be conditioned to conquer Mexico, and all their West India settlements, which to annoy, or possess, we indeed are most happily situated. Simple and obvious as these truths are, can they be unknown to the people and princes of Europe? Be it however admitted, that those princes unmindful of the fatal policy of RICHLIEU'S arming Charles's sub­jects against him, and the more fatal policy of LEWIS the fourteenth permitting our glorious deliverer to effect the Revolution.1 I say, be it admitted, that those princes regardless of future consequences, and the ineptitude of the times, are really disposed to succour us. Say, ye friends of liberty and mankind, would no danger accrue from an army of French and Spaniards in the bosom of America? would ye not dread their junction with the Canadians and Savages, and with the numerous Roman Catholics, dispersed throughout the Colonies?

Let us now briefly view the pre-eminently envied state of Great Britain. If we regard the power of Britain, unembarrassed with Con­tinental connections, and the political balance, we may justly pro­nounce her what our author does, AMERICA;-"A match for all Europe." Amazing were the efforts of England, in the war of Queen Ann, when little benefited by colony commerce, and e' er she had availed herself of the courage, good sense, and numbers of the peo­ple of Scotland and Ireland.

That England then prescribed laws to Europe, will be long remembered. Last war, her glory was, if possible, more eminently exalted, in every quarter of the globe did victory hover round her armies and navies, and her fame re-echoed from pole to pole. At present Great Britain is the umpire of Europe.

Armand-Jean du Plessis, Cardinal Richelieu (1585-1642) was leader of

the French royal council under Louis XIII and a powerful advocate of

absolutism who also laid the foundation for France's cultural dominance

of Europe in the late seventeenth century. During Richelieu's tenure as first minister, Charles I was drawn into war with France, Louis XIV

(1638-1715) ruled France from the age offive until his death four days

before his 77th birthday. "Our glorious deliverer" refers to William III

(also known as William of Orange) whom Louis was forced to recognize his belief that James II was the

nutters."

appointed heir the British throne. as king of England in spite of

COMMON SENSE 167166 APPENDIX B

fiftv

(says the Author) the most powerful argument is, that nothing but independence, (that is a Continental for m of government) can keep the peace of the Continent, and preserve it inviolate from civil wars. I dread the event of a reconciliation now with Britain, as it is more than probable, that it will be followed by revolt somewhere; the con­sequences of which may be far more fatal than all the malice of Britain. Thousands are already ruined by British barbarity, thousands more will probably share the same fate. These men have other feel­ings, than those who have nothing suffered: All they now possess is liberty, what they before enjoyed is sacrificed to its service, and hav­ing nothing more to lose, they disdain all submission."

Here we cannot mistake our author's meaning, that if one or more of the middle or southern Colonies reconcile with Great Britain, they will have war to sustain with New England; "the con­sequences of which may be more detrimental, than all the malice of Britain."This terrible denunciation, fortunately for such Colonies; is as futile as its author. Should Great Britain re-establish her authori­ty in the said Colonies by negociation; surely it is not temerity to add, that the weight of Britain, in the scale of those provinces, would preponderate against the power of New England. If Britain should reduce the Colonies by ar ms, (which may Heaven avert!) The New England provinces will have as little inclination, as ability, to disturb the peace of their neighbours. I do indeed most sincerely compas­sionate those unhappy men, who are ruined by our unfortunate dis­tractions. I do fervently pray, that Britain, and the Colonies may most effectually consider their peculiar infelicity. Such attention will do infinite honour to the parent state; who cannot view them as ene­mies, but as men unhappily irritated by the impolitic measures of Great Britain.

* * *

I shall no longer detain my reader, but conclude with a few remarks on our Author's scheme. The people of those Colonies would do well to consider the character, fortune, and designs of our Author, and his independents; and compare them with those of the most amiable and venerable personages in, and out of the Congress, who abominate such nefarious measures. I would humbly observe, that the specious science of politics, is of all others, the most delusive. Soon after the Revolution; the ablest states-men in England, and other part of Europe; confidently predicted National ruin, infallible r uin, soon as the Public debt exceeded millions

168 APPENDIX B

sterling. The Nation now indebted nearly thrice that sum; is not arrived at the zenith of her credit and power. It is perhaps possible to form a specious system of government on paper which may seem practicable, and to have the consent of the people; yet it will not answer in practice nor retain their approbation upon trial. "All plans of government (says HUME) which suppose great reformation in the maillers of mankind, are merely imaginar y." 1

The fabricators of Independency have too much influence; to be entrusted in such arduous and important concerns. This reason alone, were sufficient at present, to deter us from altering the Con­stitution. It would be as inconsistent in our leaders in this hour of danger to form a government; as it were for a Colonel forming his battalion in the face of an enemy, to stop to write an essay on war.

This author's Quixotic system, is really an insult to our understand-it is infinitely inferior to HUME"S idea of a perfect Common

Wealth, which notwithstanding his acknowledged greatness of genius, is still reprehensible. It is not our business to examine, in what manner this author's associates, acquired their knowledge in national affairs; but we may predict, that his scheme of independency would soon, very soon give way to a goverrunent imposed on us, by some Cromwell of our armies. Nor is this sentiment unnatural, if we are attentive to con­stant experience, and human nature. The sublime MONTESQUIEU, so

quoted by the Congress, unhappily corroborates our doctrine "from he) a manner of thinking that prevails amongst mankind. They set a higher value upon courage than timorouSlless, on activity than prudence, on strength than counsel. Hence, the army will ever despise a senate, and respect their own officers. They will slight the order sent them by a body of men whom they look upon as cowards, and therefore unworthy to command them, so that as soon as the army depends on the legislative body, it becomes a military and ifthe contrary has ever happened, it has been owing to some extra­ordinary circumstances, such as Holland being able to drown her gar­risons, and the Venetians having it in their power to compel their troops to obedience by the vicinity of the European armies. Resources to which we forever must be strangers. If independence takes place, the

This quotation is from Hume's essay on the "Idea of a Perfect Common­

wealth," Essay 16, which he published in Part II of his Political Discourses In the same essay he proposes his own scheme for a perfect form

of government.

2 The passage is from the chapter of TIle Spirit if the LAws devoted to an

analysis "Of the Constitution of England," (Part 2, Book 11, Chapter 6).

COMMON SENSE 169

New England men by their consequence therein; will assume a supe­riority, impatiently to be born by the other Colonies.

Notwithstanding our Author's fine words about toleration: Ye

sons of peace and true christianity; believe me, it were folly supreme, madness, to expect angelic toleration from New-England, where she has constantly been detested, persecuted and execrated. Even in vain would our Author: or our CROMWELL cherish toleration; for the people of New-England, not yet arrived in the seventeenth or eigh­teenth century, would reprobate her.-It is more than probable to suppose, that the New-England governments would have no objec­

tion to an Agrarian law; nor is it unreasonable to suppose, that such division of property would be very agreeable to the soldiers. Indeed their General could not perhaps with safety to his existence as a General, refuse them so reasonable a gratification, particularly, as he

will have more than one occasion for their services. Let us however admit that our General and troops, contradicting the experience of ages; do not assume the sovereignty. Released from foreign war; we

would probably be plunged into all the misery of anarchy and intes­

tine war. Can we suppose that the people of the south, would sub­mit to have the seat of Empire at Philadelphia, or in New England;

or that the people oppressed by a change of government, contrast­

ing their misery with their former happy state, would not invite Britain to reassume the sovereignty.

* * *

Volumes were insufficient to describe the horror, misery and deso­

lation, awaiting the people at large in the syren form of American independence. In short, I affirm that it would be most excellent pol­icy in those who wish for TRUE LIBERT Y to submit by an advanta­

geous reconciliation to the authority of Great Britain; "to accom­plish in the long run, what they cannot do by hypocrisy, fraud and force in the short one." INDEPENDENCE AND SLAVERY ARE SYNONYMOUS TERMS.

FINIS.

3. Selections from "Cato's Letters" [William Smith] and

"The Forester" [Thomas Paine] Pennsylvania Gazette

(1776)

[From March through June of 1776 the major Philadelphia newspa­pers all reprinted the debate between "Cato" and "The Forester."

170 APPENDIX B