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Coloured Places and Pigmented Holidays: RacializedLeisure TravelPerry L. Carter aa Department of Economics and Geography , Texas Tech University , TX, USAPublished online: 28 Jul 2008.

To cite this article: Perry L. Carter (2008) Coloured Places and Pigmented Holidays: Racialized Leisure Travel,Tourism Geographies: An International Journal of Tourism Space, Place and Environment, 10:3, 265-284, DOI:10.1080/14616680802236287

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Tourism GeographiesVol. 10, No. 3, 265–284, August 2008

Coloured Places and PigmentedHolidays: Racialized Leisure Travel

PERRY L. CARTERDepartment of Economics and Geography, Texas Tech University, TX, USA

ABSTRACT This paper deals with race, space and leisure travel. It enquires into the differencesbetween African-American and White travel behaviour while challenging existing theoreticalexplanations for these differences. This work aims to extend previous research on racializedleisure through utilizing a multi-method, multiple data sources approach to illustrate and thenelucidate racial differences in behaviour. The findings of the study suggest that racializationof space is the primary factor influencing African-American travel behaviour.

KEY WORDS: Race, travel, multi-method

Introduction

With the introduction of this travel guide in 1936, it has been our idea to givethe Negro traveler information that will keep him from running into difficulties,embarrassments and to make his trip more enjoyable (from the 1949 edition ofThe Negro Motorist Green Book).

No Negros allowed. Blacks ride, sit, eat and drink in the back; Coloured bathroomsfor the lucky, otherwise the bushes behind the building. During the era of racial segre-gation in the USA (Jim Crow) travel really was an adventure for African-Americans.Blacks who travelled became adept at negotiating racialized spaces. Jim Crow lawsand the ever-present threat of violence forced African-American travellers to developstrategies for manoeuvering around and across the raced spaces of America (Foster1999).

The Civil Rights Act of 1964 outlawed discrimination in public places such asservice stations, restaurants, hotels and at various public recreation and amusementsites, therefore removing most of the encumbrances to African-American leisuretravel. Yet, more than forty years after its enactment, Blacks, in general, continueto be apprehensive travellers. African-Americans compared to White Americans are

Correspondence Address: Perry L. Carter, Department of Economics and Geography, Texas Tech Univer-sity, Box 41024, Lubbock, TX 79409-1014, USA. Fax: (806) 742-1137; Tel.: (806) 742-2466 ext.251;Email: perry.carter@ttu.edu

ISSN 1461-6688 Print/1470-1340 Online /08/03/00265–20 C© 2008 Taylor & FrancisDOI: 10.1080/14616680802236287

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more apt to travel in large groups, are more likely than Whites to limit their visits todestinations recommended to them by family members, friends and acquaintances.Once at their destinations, Black travellers tend to adhere strictly to their vacationitineraries – no last minute explorations of little-trodden paths. Their lack ofspontaneity and adventurousness often manifests itself as an inclination to shununknown food and lodging options and seek out familiar hotel and restaurant chains(Philipp 1994). This avoidance of the unfamiliar is reflected in research that showsthat African-Americans under-utilize the country’s national park system as wellas other outdoor recreation sites (Cordell et al. 2002; Wolch and Zhang 2004).Essentially, despite desegregation, Black leisure travellers engage in many of thetravel behaviours they developed during Jim Crow.

This paper is about race and leisure travel. It examines current African-Americantravel behaviour vis-a-vis White travel behaviour and sets about explicating a racedspace theory of Black travel. The narratives of African-American travellers are theprimary evidence used to support this raced space theory of how Blacks navigate thiscountry and the world’s White spaces.

The next section of this paper is a review of the literature on race and leisure travel.A dearth of academic work exists dealing with race and travel. From this literaturetwo theories of African-American travel behaviour have emerged, one economic andthe other cultural. Recent work on race and travel suggests that rather than economicand cultural rationales, Black travel behaviour can be explained by negative racialexperiences in certain places and spaces. The succeeding section describes a multi-method approach which first illustrates Black travel behaviour through the use ofquantitative measures and then elucidates this behaviour by analysing the narrativesof African-American travellers. The findings of this study are encompassed in sectionsthat present quantitative measures of racial travel behaviour, primary source narratives(interviews) of African-American travel, and secondary source narratives (quotesfrom newspaper and magazine articles) of how racism contravenes leisure travel.The paper ends by summarizing and discussing the findings from this study and thesignificance of these findings in terms of African-American cultural life.

Previous Work on Blacks and Leisure

Research on African-American travel has been carried out primarily by a small circleof leisure study researchers (Philipp 1994, 1998, 1999, 2000; Floyd 1998; Foster 1999;Holland 2002; Shinew et al. 2004). One reason why this field of study is so smallhas to do with the fact that leisure and tourism studies are both relatively recentlyinstitutionalized areas of study. Another probable reason is related to the seemingincongruity between race and racism, and leisure and tourism. Whatever the reason,this nascent field of study has already produced two theories of African-Americantravel behaviour.

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Coloured Places and Pigmented Holidays 267

The marginalization thesis posits that African-Americans’ circumscribed leisurebehaviour is a function of their marginal socio-economic status in the USA – they lackthe resources to engage in certain types of activities (Washburne 1978; Holland 2002:24–28). While the ethnicity hypothesis holds that Blacks are not actually limited intheir leisure activities, but rather the leisure activities in which African-Americansengage are different from those of the majority White population, there are things thatWhites do for fun and relaxation and there are other things that Blacks do for fun andrelaxation (Washburne 1978; Holland 2002: 26–28). More recent research challengesthe assumptions of both of these theories (Philipp 1994; Floyd 1998). This researchsuggests that what actually constrains African-Americans in their pursuit of leisure isa legacy of past racial discrimination and anxieties about encountering contemporaryracism (Philipp 1994, 1998, 1999, 2000; Floyd 1998; Holland 2002: 28–30).

An example of how Blacks might come to view certain spaces as being unwel-coming is demonstrated in the work of Martin (2004). His content analysis of theracial composition of individuals in magazine advertisements evinced how these adsimply that the ‘Great Outdoors’ is a White space. In the three magazines he examined,with issues covering more than fifteen years (1985–2000), few Blacks were visible inads depicting wild lands or wilderness recreation activities (Martin 2004). This lackof Black figures in outdoor recreational ads acts to subliminally code these spacesas places where only Whites belong. This might, at least in part, explain African-Americans reluctance to engage in certain outdoor activities, such as hiking, as wellas their under-utilization of national park lands (National Park Service 2001; Cordellet al. 2002). His research concluded that spaces, at the very least outdoor spaces, areraced; that certain people with certain types of bodies are expected to occupy certaintypes of places.

While marginalization, ethnicity and raced spaces hypotheses all potentially explainthe mechanisms producing contemporary African-American leisure travel behaviour,it is put forward here that the marginalization and the ethnicity hypotheses are basedon a flawed conception of the African-American community. Both the marginaliza-tion, and the ethnicity hypotheses presume that Blacks as a group are fundamentallydifferent from Whites, not only in their needs and desires but in their means of ful-filling these needs and desires. It is argued here that differences between White andBlack travel preferences, at least in the realm of leisure travel, are either superficialor are artefacts of the nation’s racial history.

As far as economic resources, there has always existed a disparity in wealth betweenthe two groups, but even as the income gap between African-Americans and Whiteshas slowly narrowed over the past sixty years, racial differences in travel behaviourhave persisted. Agarwal and Yochum (1999), researching tourist spending, foundthat African-American tourists spend just as much as White tourists during theirvacations. Lack of income may be a factor in preventing African-Americans fromleisure travelling in numbers proportionate to their numbers in the nation, but forthose who do travel it does not appear to affect how they travel.

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If not a financial issue, then could African-American travel behaviour be somethingmore inveterate, as the ethnicity hypothesis presumes? Is African-American cultureand being Black radically different from White culture and what it means to be White?The ethnicity hypothesis presents a culturally essentialist argument for difference intravel behaviour (Sayer 2000: 81). It assumes, for example, that there is somethinginnate within Black culture that predisposes Black people to shun rural and wildernessspaces. It neglects to account for the fact that up until the early twentieth centurymost African-Americans lived in rural and semi-wilderness spaces. It also neglectsthat African-Americans of means, even during the antebellum period, have alwaystravelled across the country and the world (Foster 1999).

If economic and essentialist ethno-cultural theories do not explain adequately thecausal mechanisms which produce racial differences in travel behaviour, then by whatmeans can they be understood? It is asserted here that what differentiates African-American travel from White American travel is how African-Americans and Whitesview space. Blacks view space as raced and most spaces as White, spaces in which tobe on guard. Whites view most spaces as normal (i.e. unraced), which is to say theytoo subconsciously perceive them as White. Whites are so accustomed to unproblem-atically occupying most spaces that they are unaware that spaces are Coloured. Thisstudy looks at leisure spaces from a Black perspective. It chronicles the perils theynegotiate in White spaces.

A Multiple Methods, Multiple Data Sources Approach

Sayer (1992) argued that extensive methods, such as survey procedures and the quan-titative techniques associated with them, are appropriate tools for identifying patternswithin phenomena, however; they are inappropriate means for arriving at the underly-ing root causes of phenomena. To ascertain cause, Sayer asserted that intensive meth-ods must be employed – qualitative methods. Previous survey/quantitative studies ofrace and leisure travel have repeatedly and consistently revealed racial differences inleisure travel behaviour, yet they have been unable to explain adequately why thesedifferences occur (Philipp 1994, 1998, 1999, 2000; Floyd 1998; Shinew et al. 2004).

The nexus of race and travel is examined in this study through the use of multiplesources of data/information and multiple methods of analysis. To be more specific, thisstudy will employ a concurrent quantitative/qualitative data triangulation approach(Denzin 1978; Tashakkori and Teddlie 1998: 128). Triangulation is a techniquewhere the findings from various data, analysed using various methods, are comparedto each other to ensure that the results are consistent or reconfirming. It is a means ofvalidation. In addition, as Nightingale (2003: 79–80) pointed out, triangulation canalso make evident the lacunae, contradictions and paradoxes that reside in data. Here,this approach is used to analyse quantitatively one set of secondary source numericaldata and to analyse qualitatively a set of primary source textual data and another setof secondary source textual data. The advantage of a concurrent data triangulated

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Coloured Places and Pigmented Holidays 269

approach is its ability to not only quantify the differences between Black and Whitetravel behaviour, but also to illustrate what it is about the African-American experiencethat produces these differences (Creswell 2003: 214).

This study begins with a quantitative analysis of the 2001 National HouseholdTravel Survey (NHTS) data. Conducted by the Federal Highway Administration(FHWA) since 1969, the NHTS is an inventory of daily and long-distance travelbehaviour in the USA − the NHTS is distributed by the Bureau of TransportationStatistics. Data from the NHTS will be used to quantify the differences in Black andWhite travel behaviour. These differences will be made visible through a series oftables juxtaposing African-Americans’ and White Americans’ means of travel, traveldestinations, reasons for travel and extent of travel.

While the tables produced from the NHTS provide an extensive view of racializedtravel behaviour, the intensive stage of this research involves applications of narrativeanalysis. Social life is a narrative (MacIntyre 1981/1986). We plot, impose structureand intent, our lives by transforming actions and events into stories which we tellourselves and others (Czarniawska 2004). Consequently, narratives are appropriatesites in which to seek the motivations underlying actions and behaviours (Richard-son 1990: 30). In the life story method of narrative analysis, the one applied in thisstudy, the researcher translates vignettes from interviews (Burck 2005: 238). As indiscourse analysis, the researcher searches for reoccurring themes throughout narra-tives. Narrative analysis differs from discourse analysis, however, in that discourseanalysis is concerned primarily with institutional and/or hegemonic narratives and,rather than individual views and attitudes, discourse analysis is interested in how in-stitutional and hegemonic narratives enable and disenable certain actions and ways ofthinking (Tonkiss 1998: 247–249; Burck 2005: 248). Narrative analysis, conversely,is interested in views and attitudes and is concerned with ‘small’ stories in the beliefthat these ‘small’ stories also have the power to enable and disenable certain ways ofthinking and acting in the world.

Narrative analysis has been used as an effective instrument in examinations ofrace and racism. Bell (2003) applied a ‘close reading’ of 106 transcribed interviewswith Black, White and Hispanic respondents to reveal how differently raced subjectsperceived, or did not perceive, racism. Her analysis of these narratives elucidatedhow racism operates in culture and society and how individuals’ experiences of racismconnect to and reproduce patterns of actions and behaviours in the wider social realm.

Similarly, through examining the published travel narratives of Afro-Britishtourists, Stephenson and Hughes (2005) displayed racism in Europe and revealed howit affects Black travellers (MacMaster 2001). They concluded that while Whites per-ceive Blacks as being “‘threatening” and “dangerous”’ it is, in fact, this very perceptionthat makes Whites threatening and dangerous to Blacks and makes Black travel per-ilous. Their narrative study is particularly pertinent because it exhibits how social rela-tionships and spaces are produced and reproduced through stories (Wiles et al. 2005).

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Racial Differences in Travel Behaviour

Differences in African-American travel behaviour compared to Whites are evidentin the long trip data (trips over fifty miles) gathered as part of the 2001 NationalHousehold Travel Survey. The following criteria were used to select leisure travellersfrom the survey:

� trips with at least one overnight stay� vacation trips� trips to visit friends and family� rest and relaxation trips� sightseeing trips� outdoor recreation trips� trips to attend entertainment events� shopping trips.

The use of these criteria resulted in the sifting of 12,138 leisure trips out of the totalsample of 45,165 long trips, with African-Americans constituting only 455 of thesetrips. This severe disparity vis-a-vis White leisure travellers in and of itself stronglysuggests some fundamental difference in travel behaviour based on racialization (ifthey travelled in proportion to their numbers in the population Blacks would generateapproximately 1,500 trips). The following tables elaborate the differences in leisuretravel behaviour between the two racialized groups.

Table 1 shows the distribution of reasons for travel for the two groups. The twomost prominent differences between the two groups can be seen in their two mostcommon responses to the question, ‘why did they make this trip?’. The primaryreason for travel for both groups was to visit friends and family, but over 60 percentof African-Americans gave this as a motivation for travel, while less than half ofWhite leisure travellers visited friends and relatives. While visiting friends and familyis not necessarily for purely leisure travel, vacations by definition are leisure trips.

Table 1. Reason for trip

Whites African-AmericansReason for trip (%) (%)

Vacation 24.5 15.4Visit friends or relatives 48.4 60.9Rest or relaxation 5.7 7.0Sightseeing 1.5 0.9Outdoor recreation 8.9 1.3Entertainment 9.1 12.3Shopping 1.9 2.2

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Table 2. Travel party

Averages

Non-householdTravellers Trip party size members in party Nights away from home

Whites 3.1 0.8 3.6African-Americans 3.9 1.5 3.7

Almost a quarter of White Americans take vacations, while only around 15 percentof Blacks do. Two other notable items from Table 1 include the African-Americanpercentages for outdoor recreation and for entertainment. African-American outdoorrecreation is unusually low (1.32%), while conversely it is unusually high (12.31%)for entertainment. The low outdoor recreation numbers support the research findingsof Cordell et al. (2002), the National Park Service (2001) and Martin (2004).

Tables 2 and 3 reveal how Blacks and Whites prefer to travel. As with Table 1 theinformation in these tables reinforces the findings of previous research on the subjectof race and leisure travel behaviour. Taken together, trip party size and number ofnon-household members in trip in party (Table 2) indicate that African-Americanstravel in larger parties than Whites and that African-Americans are more likely totravel in larger extra-familial groups. Philipps’ (1994) work also suggests that Blackslike to travel in large groups. Table 2 also shows that African-Americans tend to spendless time away from home engaged in leisure than do White Americans. In terms ofmeans of travel, African-Americans differ greatly from Whites. African-Americansdrive less but take the bus and other non-air modes of transportation more often.Bus travel is probably not a function of lack of access to automobiles as a mode oftransport for Black travelers, but probably is related to Blacks’ propensity to travelin large groups (e.g. chartered bus trips). Church bus trips are a popular tradition inthe African-American community. Similarly, the 2.64 percent other mode categoryis probably composed mostly of cruise ship travellers, a leisure activity that is alsopopular in the Black community.

As the marginalization hypothesis presumes, some portion of these differencesbetween Blacks and Whites is related probably to differences in wealth in thesetwo populations. Yet, Table 4 illustrates how income, race and travel behaviourmay not be linked as closely as the marginalization hypothesis posits. Whereas the

Table 3. Means of travel (%)

Travellers Auto Air Bus Other

Whites 85.2 12.7 1.0 0.7African-Americans 81.3 8.6 7.5 2.6

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Table 4. Median miles travelled for leisure by family income and race

Family income

Travellers <$US60,000 >$US60,000

Whites 361 413African-Americans 418 454

marginalization thesis holds that African-American travel behaviour differs fromWhites because Blacks in general possess fewer financial resources to use towardtravel, the information presented in Table 4 implies that for those Blacks who dotravel for leisure, income does not limit how they travel. Members of Black familiesin both less than $US60,000 and more than $US60,000 a year households travel fur-ther for leisure than Whites. These results are in accord with the findings of Agarwal’sand Yochum’s (1999) research on tourist spending by racial groups.

Travel Agents’ Narratives

As part of a project on the economics of African-American agencies, interviews wereconducted with African-American travel agents (Butler et al. 2002). The interviewstook place at the 1999 semi-annual conference of the InterAmerican Travel AgentsSociety (ITAS) in Jacksonville, Florida. Founded in 1954, ITAS is the oldest andlargest association of African-American-owned and operated travel agencies in thecountry. Though an organization geared towards minority-owned agencies, ITAS’membership mirrors in all but race the industry as a whole. Ninety-five percent ofthe nations travel agencies can be classified as small businesses, many being family-owned firms. Eighty-five percent of travel agency jobs are held by women, and seventypercent of agencies are owned and/or managed by women (Alton 2002: 3). All fifteenof the ITAS members in attendance in Jacksonville were small business owners. Inat least five cases these businesses were run as family concerns, with two of thesefive operated as husband and wife partnerships. In several agencies relatives of theowner(s) worked as employees in the firm. In two cases the owners of agencies hadinherited their businesses from their father. Twelve out of the fifteen members inattendance were women, with two of the three top officials, including the president,of the organization being women.

The three agents interviewed all told various stories that linked race to leisure travel.Carol Goodson spoke of how her agency was working to dispel negative images ofAfrica in the African-American community:

. . . [W]e have sent hundreds of people to Egypt. I guess I kind of specialize,and a lot of Black people did not realize it, Egypt is an African country. TheEuropeans [Whites] will have you thinking it is in the Middles East etc. Anyplace but Africa, because . . . Timbuktu was the learning center of the world.

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Carol is expressing an Afro-centric, post-colonial view of Egypt. What she suggestsin this passage is that Whites (as in White culture) have intentionally (re)moved Egyptfrom Africa as a means of denying the achievements of Black people. Africa is oftenstereotypically depicted as a primitive, uncivilized, black place (Nederveen Pieterse,1995; Lutz & Collins, 1993: 116–117). Thus, the idea that one of the world’s firstcivilizations emerged from this region is an apparent spatial contradiction. If allthe desirable locations in the world are coloured White or if their non-Whitenessis whitewashed over, then people of colour are robbed of places of pride in whichthey can self-identify (Deverell 2004: 250–252). This Whitening of desirable placesdampen the desire of people of colour to travel to places that are either stigmatizedas being backwards and uncivilized – i.e. non-White – or it intimidates them fromtravelling to places – White-coded places – where they will be viewed as Others. Afro-centric and post-colonial ideologies have begun to break down this racist perceptionof space. Carol is offering her Black patrons an alternative means of viewing theirworld, one which recalibrates the equation between skin colour and space by invertingthe alleged link between blackness and undesirable spaces. Carol’s tours to Egypt areas much about reclaiming racial pride as they are about leisure travel. They are aboutreclaiming a place: Africa.

Dana Tanner is a co-owner with her sister Claudia of the nation’s oldest African-American travel agency. Founded in 1949, Wright’s Travel and Tours was purchasedin the late 1950s by Claudia’s and Dana’s father, William Tanner. The sisters inheritedtheir father’s agency after his death.

Dorothy Scott has retired from the travel industry. Her son runs her and her latehusband’s agency. Before Dorothy became a travel agent, she worked as a nursewhile her husband attended graduate school and, later, after he earned his degree, sheworked as a homemaker.

Oral histories are narrative recollections of individuals’ experiences of and partic-ipation in changes in society, culture and places over time (Lykes, 1983; George &Stratford, 2005; Andrews et al. 2006). They tend to be ‘bottom-up’ histories of sub-altern groups, the hidden or forgotten counter-narratives of the marginalized (Cahn1994: 597–600). The oral histories that Dana and Dorothy relayed saliently illustratedhow racism operated in circumscribing Black leisure travel:

Dana: [The] InterAmeican Travel Agents Society (ITAS) [is] the oldest African-American trade association comprised of retail travel agents . . . ITAS wasfounded in 1954. During that time African-Americans could not travel. Theywere just getting into the travel market. All of our groups before this time werebus groups and you know everything was segregated.

The founding of ITAS was a response to the racial segregation of spaces. Dana’sexcerpt gives a sense of a colour-coded world, a world where Blacks were ex-cluded from White spaces (Delaney 1998). Dana asserted that before the 1950s

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‘African-Americans could not travel’. This statement is somewhat hyperbolic, a fewBlacks travelled regularly before 1950, but the 1950s ushered in an era when middle-class as well as upper-class African-Americans regularly vacationed. However, asdescribed by Dana, where and how Blacks travelled during this time period reflectedtheir vulnerability as a racial minority in a racist nation. Black skin marked its owneras a potential target of not just racial violence, but more frequently of indignities thatranged from having to sit at the back of a bus to being refused access to ‘public’restrooms. The trepidations and indignities of travel were ameliorated by travellingin numbers:

. . . You know, we used to take bus trips . . . and we would end up in Orlandoand then come back. Or we went from D.C. to Niagara Falls. Or we went fromD.C. to New York. Then we started going from D.C. and stopped in AtlanticCity. I stopped going by Atlantic City because I didn’t like how they treated us[Black people]in those days. And our church groups they wanted to take a buseverywhere ....

Black people travelled in large groups and they went to endorsed (by their travelagents) ‘Black friendly’ places, which were not always so friendly, as Dana discoveredwith Atlantic City. African-American travel agents during this period offered theirBlack clients something that White agencies, assuming they would even serve Blacks,could not – racial risk aversion. They steered their clients away from places where theymight be disrespected or harmed. They aided their clients in negotiating racializedspaces. As Dana alludes, the corridors they traversed were narrow. Note that in herrecollections of routes, the points along the routes include either large cities with largeBlack populations, or well-known points – Niagara Falls and Atlantic City. She doesnot describe visiting national parks or beaches or other outdoor recreational sites, yetover time these routes expanded outward into more distant Black spaces:

Dana: Then Eastern [airlines] started chartering airplanes. Then we startedgoing to Nassau [the Bahamas]. Nassau was the primary destination and thenJamaica.

Dorothy: And Black people were setting up charters to Africa. That was thefirst time I went to Africa. That is how we got into the travel business.

Dana: That was the secondary destination after the Islands (the Caribbean)and that died. Europe has never been, London has been pretty good and Spain.. . . [O]ur advertising even now has been word of mouth. Our advertising wasdone by our sales agents. They would go out in their neighborhoods and telltheir friends and neighbors about places.

Travel agents, through word of mouth, conjured in consumers’ imaginations exoticnew Black destinations and, over time, African-American travellers, aided by their

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agents, expanded their range of travel to include Black spaces beyond the borders of theUSA, such as the Bahamas, Jamaica and Africa. Conversely, Dana notes that Europehas never been a major destination for African-American vacationers. Her assertionis validated by international leisure travel data from the National Household TravelSurvey which, in 2001, recorded that while 23.4 percent of White leisure travellersvisited Europe, only 7.7 percent of African-American leisure travellers sought it asa destination; conversely, 79.9 percent of African-American travellers visited theCaribbean, compared to 15.2 percent of Whites. Dana’s statement also substantiatesthe proposition, put forth here, that the world is perceived, and not just by Blacks, asan arrangement of raced spaces. Lutz and Collins (1993: 155–166) study of how theperiodical National Geographic shapes US citizens’ views of the world supports thecontention that places are perceived as raced. White places are perceived by Blacks asbeing unwelcoming and, as a result, Blacks tend to find them unattractive. It is likelythat Europe, as Dana asserts, has never been a popular African-American destinationdue to this perception (MacMaster 2001).

Dorothy, in a recollection concerning a more local site of Black leisure, callsattention to the fact that during the Jim Crow era even African-American leisurespaces were not always safe from incursions:

Dorothy: Then we [her family] went to Tuskegee [Alabama] and stayed therefor ten years. That is when the civil right struggle started. Then we moved, wewanted to get out of the South back then. Because, I didn’t want to get anybodykilled in my family. And I didn’t want to get anybody killed because I was crazythen, fiery, then we went to New York. I remember once we were in Alabamaand we went into a club, you know how these all Black clubs were, the policethought that they could come in there and pull their guns out whenever theyfelt ready. We were in this club in Montgomery, and something had happenedoutside and the police came in brandishing their guns. ‘Everybody get up andmarch out this door’. And they searched us as we went out. When they got tome the man said ‘open your purse’, ‘I am not going to open my purse’. Myhusband told the police ‘man she is crazy!’ He pushed me right out of the door[her husband]. I was not about to let that man search me. He might have killedme but he never would have searched me. We moved to New York.

Black spaces at all scales are vulnerable through various means and methods tothe predations of Whiteness. Dorothy’s story of her encounter with White authorityin a Black space is yet another example of this spatial vulnerability. Dorothy and herhusband sought to spend their leisure time in what appeared to be a safe Black space,an African-American night club. But the White world outside invaded this space or,as Dorothy put it, ‘the [White] police thought that they could come in there and pulltheir guns out whenever they felt ready’. It is possible that this raid was nothing morethan an action by the White power structure at the time, civil rights era Alabama, to

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exert its authority over Black space. One of the many ways in which power is manifestis through the occupation and holding of space, and lacking such power made/makesBlack places precarious spaces. This encounter ultimately resulted in Dorothy andher family leaving a place, the South, where they felt that being Black made themobjects of persecution. Being Black in the South at that time meant knowing one’splaces.

The question – the one all studies of African-American leisure travel seek to answer– is after desegregation what restrains Black travellers from engaging care-freely inan activity meant to free them of their restraints? Phillip (1994), in subtitling his studyof African-American travel behaviour ‘a legacy of discrimination’, implies that theanswer lies in memory. Though its markings are no longer visible – ‘Whites only’signs, White and Coloured-designated facilities – racial boundaries linger in socialmemory. They live because their stories live. It is doubtful that Dana’s and Dorothy’sstories of race, racism and travel were first recollected for this project. Almost certainlythroughout their lives in various settings they have shared their stories of race, racismand travel with friends and family. Their stories are variations on innumerable storiesof racism and travel told all across the country everyday wherever two or moreAfrican-Americans gather. Narratives like these are deeply embedded in the socialmemory of Black America.

Promulgated Narratives

Unlike the stories told by Carol, Dana and Dorothy, narratives passed along via word ofmouth, the following stories of race and travel have a wider scope. They are narrativesthat have been transmitted via the media. Not only do media-transmitted narrativesreach more people faster than word-of-mouth narratives, the fact they are in print andconveyed through institutional outlets gives them an authority as well as a range thatword-of-mouth narratives lack. An exceptional example of this is Alex Haley’s novelRoots.

Based on a family oral history (word-of-mouth narrative) extending back morethan a century to Gambia in West Africa, it retells the story of Haley’s family fromAfrica, through the Middle Passage, to enslavement in America. The novel won aPulitzer Prize in 1976 and the following year it was transformed into a TV mini-series which garnered more than 130 million viewers. Roots tourism, the industrythat the mini-series spawned (and the one that both Carol and Dorothy allude toabove), is a manifestation of the power of media-communicated narratives:

They [African slave castles] became American tourist attractions during the1970s, when Alex Haley’s ‘Roots’ popularized slave history and the UnitedNations anointed the forts historic landmarks.But why cross an ocean, then a jungle, to confront such poverty, the legacy ofslavery?

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I found the answer walking the hallways of two castles and a fort with fellowtravelers, watching them touch the walls, recoil from history and reach out toancestors . . .

An African-American artist asked the purpose of a small mound of wreathsacross from the dungeon. A shrine honoring slaves, the guide said. The artistbegan to weep. Another African-American woman reached out in the dark andembraced her (Fiske 2006).

Jordan (2007) has observed that slaves castles are ‘sites of memory’, nodes on theAfrican diaspora’s odyssey to the Americas. What links these nodes to Africans inthe Americas are narratives. Narratives, like Alex Haley’s Roots, embody memories.The weeping African-American traveller that Fiske described is an example of howmemories are linked to spaces by stories. The weeping traveller is experiencing a re-memory. Re-memory are ‘the memories of others as told to you by parents, friends,and absorbed through day-to-day living that are about a sense of self beyond a lin-ear narrative of events, encounters and biographical experiences’ (Tolia-Kelly 2004:316). Many African-American re-memories are bleeding memories, re-memories thatrevive whole histories of racial oppression and racial indignities. The following 6 May2007 editorial by Chicago Tribune’s deputy bureau chief Jeffrey L. William about atrip to his mother’s home state of South Carolina is an example of a re-memory in anAmerican travel context:

I saw no signs of the Old South [in Columbia, South Carolina] that oncewas plagued by racism and segregation. As I strolled near my hotel in thehistoric downtown, I saw upscale restaurants that supplanted out-of-work mills.Intoxicated by the sultry breeze, I realized I was falling for the genteel charmof a city listed among the nation’s most livable, musing that this could somedaybe home.

My reverie was shattered when I spied the crimson, white and blue Confederateflag fluttering outside the Statehouse. Seeing it displayed on public soil, morethan 140 years after slavery’s abolition, repulsed me and awakened fears of anominous undercurrent just beneath the placid smiles and window dressing.

The Confederate flag may be a symbol for Whites of the South’s ‘glorious past’,but for Blacks it symbolizes a long history of racial terrorism. For many African-Americans who have left the region, like Dorothy, it symbolizes a White place, aplace they do not belong. The irony is that most African-Americans in the USAlive in or, like Williams, have origins in the region. The South is viewed as a Whiteregion because no other region in the nation so explicitly proclaims and revels in itsWhiteness. This is displayed not only through the Confederate flag but also in touristsites such as plantations, civil war battle fields and memorials to the Old South thatdot the region (Hoelscher 2006).

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Narratives of race and travel are not exclusive to re-memories of a racist past as thefollowing accounts of ‘travelling while Black’ attest:

The Grays, Fort Lauderdale residents, have vacationed in Myrtle Beach beforeand hold no illusions about what to expect this time . . .

‘We just know what it means to be treated right’, Nathan Gray said. ‘We’reAfrican-Americans, and a lot of people we meet, including flight attendants andrental car people, have attitude problems. But that doesn’t mean that we can’thave a great time. Because we do’ (Maxwell 1997).

The Grays, seasoned travellers, know what to expect from ‘a lot of [White] people’when they travel. They expect to be treated as if they do not belong. Vacation spaces,such as Myrtle Beach, are not Black places or at least that is the impression conveyedby some Whites. The Grays, and Blacks in general, are viewed as being out ofplace in ‘White’ spaces. Many racist encounters are triggered by presumed boundarytransgressions. The very idea of boundary transgression assumes that certain peoplebelong in certain spaces and not in others. Maxine Waters who represents Californiain the US House of Representatives relays two examples of being viewed as out ofplace in certain spaces:

The congresswoman says that racist behavior by airline personnel is a constantpart of her air travels. ‘Every time I attempt to hang up my bag as I walk intothe airline’s first-class section, they always stop me and say, “You can’t hangyour bag here.” And I have to say, “Oh yes, I can hang my bag here.” Then theyask, “Where are you sitting?” and I say, “I am sitting in the right place to hangthis bag here”’.

The congresswoman says that on numerous occasions, Whites have movedto another vacant seat if one became available and sat beside another Whiteperson rather than sit beside her. ‘When you are traveling a lot’, Rep. Watersconcluded, ‘and you run into these small slights constantly, it begins to wearon you quite a bit’ (Massaquoi 1996).

Blacks do not belong in first class. Though there are no signs stating this, thepolicing actions of flight attendants that representative Waters describes suggests thisis the case. Their racial gate-keeping of this elite space, implies that first class is aWhites-only space. The corollary being, Blacks are not worthy of first-class status –that a racial (racist) hierarchy persists. This thinking is perhaps what motivates someof the congresswoman’s White seat mates to get up and move seats: they paid anexorbitant amount of money not to have to sit next to her and her kind.

What if the White passenger moved because he simply wanted more space, whatif there was no racist intent behind his gesture? This is possible but how can African-American travellers ever truly discern true slights from innocent gestures? As ananalogy for how discipline is unreflectively internalized, Foucault (1977) described

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the case of prisoners incarcerated within a panopticon. A modern-day equivalent of apanopticon would be a one-way mirror in which prisoners can never be certain if theyare being surveilled by their jailers on the other side of the glass. Never knowing forcertain they must assume that they are always subjects of a gaze and act accordingly.Correspondingly, Blacks outside of their homes and communities most often findthemselves in White spaces – places where Whiteness is presupposed and whereminority encounters are minimal and superficial – where they perceive themselvesas subjects of a critical White gaze. Like Foucault’s inmates, Blacks are guardedin Whites spaces even when they need not be because how would they know if thethoughts and intentions of those around them (Whites) are benign or malevolent? Thisleads paradoxically to rational paranoia – fearing the unknown with some amount ofjustification. This state of rational paranoia could be what accounts for some of thedifferences in Black and White leisure travel behaviour.

The following accounts support the rationality of African-Americans being para-noid travellers:

When Brenna Graham checked into the Adam’s Mark Hotel in Daytona Beach,Florida, for the Black College Reunion last April [1999], she was surprised tofind a desk clerk snapping an orange band around her wrist. The white couple inline ahead of her wasn’t asked to wear a band, nor was her white companion. ‘Itwas a scarlet letter’, says Graham, a 24-year-old elementary-school teacher . . .

The [US Justice Department] claims the luxury chain overcharges blackguests, gives them inferior rooms, subject them to stricter security than whites,and generally discourages their patronage (Kaplan, January 2000).

For [the ‘Black Bike’] weekend only, . . . the [Yachtsman Hotel, Myrtle Beach,South Carolina] refused to process any reservations for the weekend withoutthe advanced submission of a photo identification card. The hotel also chargedsignificantly more for rooms and required a substantially longer minimum stay.

Derwin Ross, who traveled to ‘Black Bike Week’ in 2002 from Atlantaand stayed at the Yachtsman said: ‘Everything the Yachtsman did, inventingspecial rules, making you pay for everything in advance, having security guardseverywhere and all these other things just for the guests during the black bikerally made us feel like second-class citizens’ (NAACP Files Lawsuits AgainstMyrtle Beach 2003).

The hotel industry caters to the desires of its guests with the hope that they willreturn in the future as well as share their positive experiences with others (potentialfuture guests). So why did the Adam’s Mark Hotel in Daytona Beach and YachtsmanHotel in Myrtle Beach treat their African-American guests so rudely, like ‘second-class citizens’? It seems clear they did not want them to come back or for other Blacksin the future to patronize their hotels. Their actions ostensibly appear economicallyirrational. These hotels do not want African-American guests, or at least more than a

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token number, because they fear that Blacks, by their presence in conspicuous num-bers, will transform their hotels’ spaces into Black spaces or rather their spaces willcome to be perceived as Black spaces by White consumers, which could eventuallyresult in a loss of White patronage. Whites far outnumber African-Americans, there-fore, discouraging Blacks – who through their very presence create Black space –from patronizing your business is a rational economic decision. It is also racist. Itblames the victims, Blacks, for the prejudices and fears of White consumers. Nowthat establishments can no longer legally keep Blacks out of their spaces, can nolonger erect ‘Whites only’ signs, they resort to other means of boundary marking.

Another category of space that is not explicitly labelled White, but where manyBlacks feel they do not belong, is rural and wilderness space. The two followingpaired tourism and hate-crime narratives suggest why this might be so:

Welcome to the Homochitto National Forest in the rolling hills of SW Mis-sissippi. We have 189,000 acres of land that are managed for a multitude ofactivities. Homochitto National Forest is rich in wildlife and teeming withrecreational activities. There are many hiking trails and a nationally recognizedmountain bike trail available for your enjoyment. We invite you to check outour website then come on down and visit Southwest Mississippi’s best keptsecret (USDA Forest Service website, accessed 31 May 2007).

The FBI has reopened the 1966 murder of black farmhand Ben Chester White,who was shot to death in the Homochitto National Forest, near Natchez. ThreeKlansmen were arrested; one was acquitted, one released after a mistrial and thethird never tried. Like White, two other black men, Henry Dee, 19, and CharlesMoore, 20, were apparently murdered in Homochitto, though their bodies werefound elsewhere. ‘We’re looking at it’, says an FBI spokesman. ‘If they werekilled on federal property it would give us jurisdiction’ (Newsweek 2000).

In the Piney Woods of East Texas, Nature lays down a wondrous welcomemat. Carpeted with fragrant pine needles, brimming with lakes both mammothand mysterious, and seasonally rich with radiant roses, delicate dogwoods, andexquisite azaleas, this inviting area both fascinates and captivates (Texas Travelwebsite, accessed 31 May 2007).

Not until three white men chained James Byrd Jr. to a pickup truck in 1998 anddragged him to his death in the woods outside town did people start to wonderaloud why there was an immutable order to things in Jasper . . . When they travelbeyond the Piney Woods, they know better than to tell strangers where they live.‘East Texas’, they offer, and if pressed further, ‘Near the Louisiana state line’.

. . . [I]nvestigators determined that the victim . . . had been beaten, his facesprayed with black paint, and bound by his ankles with a logging chain. Evidenceshowed that he had been conscious for much of the dragging, having fought to

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keep his head above the pavement. His elbows, heels, and backside had beenskinned to the bone. His knees and genitals were ground away. His head hadbeen severed from his body when it hit a culvert, as had his right arm (Colloff2003).

Bad things happen to Black people in isolated, rural, pine needle-carpeted locations.African-Americans have been and continue to be wary of bucolic landscapes (Cloke2004). They view such spaces as places where Whiteness knows few bounds. Thisis why Blacks avoid these and other White spaces, why they travel in groups, whythey abstain from the unknown. When they choose to travel for leisure many Blacksminimize their exposure to White spaces because they perceive them (rightly orwrongly), at best, as potential sites of racial indignations and, at worst, as landscapesof fear.

Conclusions

This paper has sought to make visible the link between African-American leisuretravel behaviour and racialized spaces through the use of multiple methods and mul-tiple sources of data. Its two primary objectives were to (1) call into question economicand essentialist ethno-cultural-based theories of African-American leisure travel be-haviour and (2) to reveal how the racialization or colouring of spaces might influenceAfrican-American travel behaviour. The multi-method/ multi-data source approachused in the study was instrumental in achieving both of these objectives. Specifically,the data from the National Household Travel Survey (NHTS) reconfirmed the find-ings of previous research, while quantifying and making visible the actual differencesbetween Black and White leisure travel behaviours. The travel agents’ narratives con-firmed the findings from the NHTS found in the survey result – e.g. large travel partysize in the survey, several mentions of group travel in the agents’ narratives. Thetravel agents’ narratives and published narratives both suggest why Blacks travel theway they do – tales of racial harassment in both narratives. Taken together, the surveyinformation and the narratives strongly suggest that the motivations behind the dif-ferences in African-American and White American leisure travel are not economic orethno-cultural in nature but rather are spatial and racial. Many Blacks perceive Whiteplaces as anxiety-inducing spaces and not as spaces of leisure.

While for more than two decades there has been an ongoing discussion about thegendering of space (McDowell 1983; Rose 1993; Massey 1994), little has been writtenabout raced spaces and their affects on the raced – non-Whites. Just as bodies aresocially marked as being white or black or something in between, spaces are sociallymarked by those who inhabit them, by those who claim them as their own. Spacesare coloured with the expectation that certain bodies belong in certain places andnot in others. For minorities this expectation can make for a rather spatially narrowexistence and, in the case of leisure travel, a raft of evidence suggests that this is thesituation for many African-American travellers.

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The obvious next step in a study of raced spaces and leisure travel would be to surveyand gather the travel narratives of typical Black travellers and, as a benchmark, thoseof White travellers. This study has suggested a line of questioning to be presented toAfrican-American travellers. Questions such as: which destination appeals more toyou, Europe or the Caribbean? Europe or Africa? Would you rather visit Las Vegasor the Grand Canyon? Disneyworld or the Grand Canyon? Do you prefer to travel inlarge groups or in small groups or alone? How often do you travel purely for pleasure?How much do you usually spend on vacations?. . . And all these questions would befollowed up with why? In order to understand what it is about race that influencesleisure travel behaviour, we must find the answers to these why questions.

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Note on Contributor

Perry L. Carter is an Associate Professor of Geography in the Department of Eco-nomics and Geography at Texas Tech University. His areas of interest include racedand gendered geographies, tourism and research methodologies and methods.

Resume: Lieux de couleur et vacances pigmentees : voyages de loisirs de groupesraciaux divers

Cet article traite des problemes de race, d’espace et de voyages de loisirs. Il examine les comporte-ments differents des africains americains et des blancs en voyage tout en questionnant les theories quiexistent pour expliquer ces differences. Ce travail cherche a augmenter les recherches precedentessur les loisirs vecus par des groupes raciaux differents en utilisant une approche qui utilise desmethodes et des sources de renseignements diverses pour illustrer et comprendre les differencesraciales dans le comportement des voyageurs. Les resultats suggerent que la division de l’espaced’apres la race (des utilisateurs) est le facteur qui influence le plus le comportement des voyageurs.

Mots-cles: Race, voyage, methodes multiples

Zusammenfassung: Farbige Platze und pigmentierte Ferien: RadikalisiertesFreizeitreisen

Dieser Beitrag beschaftigt sich mit Geschwindigkeit, Raum und Freizeitreisen. Er untersucht dieUnterschiede zwischen afro-afrikanischem und weißem Reiseverhalten und blickt kritisch auf beste-hende theoretische Erklarungen fur diese Unterschiede. Diese Arbeit zielt darauf ab, vorherge-hende Forschungen uber radikalisierte Freizeit zu erweitern durch die Anwendung eines mul-timethodischen Ansatzes unter gleichzeitiger Nutzung verschiedener Datenquellen, um rassischeUnterschiede bezuglich des Verhaltens zu veranschaulichen und dann zu erklaren. Die Ergebnissedieser Studie legen nahe, dass die Radikalisierung des Raumes der Primarfaktor ist, welcher dasafro-amerikanische Reiseverhalten beeinflusst.

Stichworter: Rasse, reisen, Multimethodik

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