1

GrazSummerSchool,September,2018Intonationandwordorder,Fry

Class1:ProsodicphrasingOverviewoftheclassesClass1:ProsodicphrasingClass2:ToneandintonationClass3:IntonationasacorrelateofphrasingClass4:Empiricalandcomparativestudiesofsomeissuesrelatedtosyntax-phonology-informationstructureinterfaceClass5:Discontinuousnominalphrasesinatypologicalcomparison1.ProsodyandintonationProsody:Tones,accentsandphrasingandhowtheyrelatewitheachotherandwithsyntaxSyntax:wordorder,constituency,syntacticphrasing,phases,syntacticambiguitiesInformationstructure:PotentialcorrelatesofISaresyntacticand/orprosodicTypology:variationacrosslanguagesAnintonationlanguagelikeEnglishassignsmelodiestowordsandsentences,andthesemelodieshaveseveralsources.Afallingcontouroncars,asinTable1a.standsforaneutraldeclarativeintonation,asananswertoaquestionlikeWhatdidyousee?Manycarscanhavedifferentcontourswithoutaffectingthelexicalmeaningofthewords.

Table1.FallingandrisingtonalcontoursinEnglish

Table2.MoretonalcontoursinEnglishInBeijingMandarinChinese,thewordsthemselvesareassociatedwithmelodies,andthesemelodiesarelargelyinvariant.AmonosyllabicwordlikemacanchangeitsmelodicpatterninthesamewayascarsinEnglishdoes,butthechangesinmelodicpatterngoalongwithchangesinlexicalmeaning.BasicPitchShape PitchValue Examples

T1.HighLevel(H) 55 mmother

T2.Rising(LH) 35 mhemp

T3.LoworFalling-Rising(L) 21(4) mhorse

T4.Falling(HL) 51 mtoscold,toblameTable3.BeijingMandarinlexicaltones

I know that you saw cars,but did you see MAny cars?

d.

I didn't say a fewcars, I saidMAny cars

c.

Did you seemany CARS?

b.

I sawmany CARS

a.

MAny CARS?

d.

JOnathan!

e.

MAny CARS

c.

MAny CARS?

b.

MAny CARS

a.

2

1.

2.

3.

4.

Fig.1BeijingMandarinlexicaltonesDespiteevidentsimilarities,themelodicpatternsaretheconsequenceofdifferentgrammarsindifferenttypesoflanguages.Thesamekindofmelodicriseorfallcanbetheresultofdifferentgrammaticalfeaturesorproperties,assignedindifferentwaystoprosodicconstituents.Intonationandprosodicstructureareconcernedwiththemelodicpartofspokenlanguage.Hereintonationandprosodyareconsideredfromagrammaticalperspective,inadecidedlyphonologicalapproach.Inthephonologicalviewofintonation,tonesandresultingtonalcontoursaregrammaticalobjects,sometimescomparedtomorphemes,whichinteractwithothercomponentsofgrammar,likesyntaxandsemantics.Typologicalcomparisonwillplayanimportantpart.(1) IntonationIntonationisthetonalstructureofspeechmakingupthemelodyproducedbyourlarynx.Ithasaphoneticpart,thefundamentalfrequency(F0)andagrammatical(phonological)part.(2) ProsodicstructureProsodicstructurereferstotheparsingofcontinuousspeechinprosodicdomainsmora,syllable,foot,prosodicphraseandintonationphrase,andtheircorrelates.2.Indirectreferencehypothesis,prosodichierarchyandStrictLayerHypothesisTheindirectapproachinprosodyconceivesoftherelationshipbetweenacousticsandmeaningasbeingmediatedbyphonology,andinthecaseofintonation,byprosodicconstituencyandtonalgrammar.Intonationalcomponentsarerelatedtolinguisticexpressionsorganizedinprosodicconstituents.(3) Prosodichierarchy(adaptedfromNespor&Vogel1986,Selkirk1984andothers)

-phrase intonationphrase (correspondsroughlytoaclause) -phrase prosodicphrase (correspondsroughlytoasyntacticphrase) -word prosodicword (correspondsroughlytoagrammaticalword) F foot (metricalunit:trochee,iamb) syllable (stringsofsegments:CV,CVC,) mora (unitofsyllableweight)

(4) StrictLayerHypothesis(SLH,Nespor&Vogel1986:7)Principle1.Agivennonterminalunitoftheprosodichierarchy,Xp,iscomposedofoneormoreunitsoftheimmediatelylowercategory,Xp1.Principle2.Aunitofagivenlevelofthehierarchyisexhaustivelycontainedinthesuperordinateunitofwhichitisapart.

Prosodichierarchyisbasedonsyntax.

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Intonationphrase Prosodicphrase Prosodicword FF F F Foot o (o) o(o) Syllable(5) [[Goodnovels]DP[readeasier]VP]CP

(5)AnalternativetoStrictLayerHypothesis:Recursivemin-maxmodel(Ito&Mester2009)

(6) Distinctionbetweendifferentlevelsofthesamecategory:amincandifferfromamax Maximal(max):notdominatedby. Minimal(min):notdominating. :dominatedbyanddominating.

(7)

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Fig2.CompoundsinJapanese:accentisonthefirstsyllableofthesecondwordWordcompounds Phrasalcompounds

MonophrasalBiphrasal|1a.2

|2b.1

2c.1

|2d.1

hoken-gaisyabnareinsurancecompanydeparturemovementawayfrominsurancecompany

genkinfri-komicashswingpush.awaycashtransfer

hatsukao-wasefirst.timefacealignfirstface-to-facemeeting

znkokukaisya-nnaination-widecompanyguidenation-widecorporateguide

3.Hymansdistinctionbetweenstressandtones(8) Stresscharacterizestheabstractpropertyofbeingprominent,and isbestrepresentedona

metricalgrid.PropertiesofstressaccordingtoHyman(2006:231).Culminativityimpliesthatevery-wordhasauniqueprimarystressStressisdefinitionalofa-word:ifsomeprosodicconstituenthasstress,itisawordObligatoryHeadconditioninlanguageswithlexicalstress:stressisobligatoryineveryword.(9) Lexicaltonesaretonalspecifications(levelorcontourtones)assignedtosyllablesortomoras

atthelevelof-words.

(10) PropertiesoftonesaccordingtoHyman(2006:230)Tonesarefeaturaland,assuchtheycanbeidentified.PropertiesofatonelanguageaccordingtoHyman(2006:229):Alanguagewithtoneisoneinwhichanindicationofpitchentersintothelexicalrealisationofatleastsomemorphemes.Here:toneandstressareassignedtoprosodicconstituents,nottomorphemes.DifferencesbetweenAfricanandAsiantones:InAfricanlanguages:tonalcontoursaresequencesofindividualtones;stabilityandautonomyoftones.(11) Kukuya(Bantu;RepublicofCongo,Paulian1975,Hyman1987):MappingofaLHLmelodyaccordingtothesyllablestructureandnumberoftone-bearingunits(TBUs)onthefiveprosodicstemshapes(max3syllables,3moras):

CV: (nd)bv(s/he)fallsCVV: (nd)ky(s/he)losesweight/k/CVCV: (nd)pl(s/he)goesoutCVVCV: (nd)bm(s/he)wakesupCVCVCV: (nd)klg(s/he)turnsaround

InAsianlanguagessuchasVietnameseandMandarin:tonalcontoursshouldbeinterpretedasunits,andnotassequencesofindividualtone,theyarepartsofthesyllablesormorphemesthatcarrythem,seeTable3.

5

4.WordswithoutlexicalstressandwithoutlexicaltoneSeverallanguagesarecandidatesforbeingphraselanguages:French,Finnish,WestGreenlandic,manyIndianlanguageshavenolexicalstress(orfixedone)andnolexicaltone.French:ThereisnominimalpairdistinguishingtwowordsonthebasisofstressandtherecouldnotbesuchminimalpairinFrench.Preferencefordisyllabicfeetinsomeofitsmorphologicaloperations,forinstanceinhypochoristicformation(involvingnicknamesandthelike),see(12).Thisprocessdoesnotimplyalexicalstressintheoriginalword.Theacuteaccentonthetranscriptionsstandforaperceptuallyprominentsyllable.(12) Frenchhasfeetandprosodicwordsbutnolexicalstressandnolexicaltone a.Dominiquename (Dodo) [dod] b.oursbear (nounurs)[nuns] teddybearfromunours,abear

c.grand-mregrandmother (Mm) [mem] grandmaSchwasyllablesdonotcarrytones,exceptwhentheyaretheonlyvowelofaword.Awordliketabletablecanbemono-orbisyllabic,dependingontheenvironment.Thesameistrueforawordlikeours.Insomewords,bycontrast,sinceschwaistheonlyvowelofthefinalword,itdoescarrythefinal-phrasetone.Epentheticschwasdonotcountassyllablesnuclei,underlyingonesdo(contraDell1984).(13) a.tablenoire [tabnwar]/[tablnwar]blacktable

b.oursblanc [usbl]/[usbl] whitebear,whitebear c.prends-le [pl] takehim d.moije [mwa] meI1

5.Wordswithlexicalstressandwithoutlexicaltone(14) English,Dutch,Germanhaveminimalpairsofwordswithdifferentstressposition

prmitN vs. permtV bstractN vs. absrctV xportN vs. exprtV cnstructNvs. constrctV

(15) TrochaicpatternofprosodicwordsinEnglish

a.(rcord),(prrot),(le)phant,A(mri)ca b.a(gnda),il(lsion),(August) c.(hle),bal(lon),in(tnse),cor(rpt),rac(con)

(16) Englishcomplex-wordsconsistingofonemin a.Derivationwithstress-shifting(orclass1)affixes:atom-ic,music-al-ity,music-ian,

1Thisisanidiomaticexpressionservingtosignalthatsomepersonsarealwaysspeakingofthemselves.

6

Canton-se,lemon-de b.Inflection:nut-s,boy-s,bush-es,laugh-ed,intend-ed,laugh-ing

(17) Englishcomplex-wordsconsistingofmorethanonemin

a.Derivationwithstress-neutral(orclass2)affixes:penni-less,happi-ness,neighbour-hood,human-like

b.Compounding:blckbird,ptticoat

5.1PhrasingandtoneassignmentaccordingtosyntaxMetricalstructureisassignedaccordingtoprosodicstructure.Culminativityisthekey(atleastforsomelanguages):eachprosodicconstituenthasaheadandthehead,typicallyapitchaccentonalexicalstress,definesthisprosodicconstituent. ( ) (-phrase) ( )( ) ( ) (-phrase) ()( )( )( ) ()() (-word) ()( . )()()(.) ()() (foot)(18) MissMartin calledherunclelastweekHowdowebuildtheprosodicconstituents?Firstwemapthemwithsyntacticconstituentsaccordingtorulesorconstraints.A(toosimple)algorithm:(19) MatchConstraints(Selkirk2011):mappingsyntaxintoprosody

a.MATCHCLAUSEAclauseinsyntacticconstituentstructuremustbematchedbyacorresponding-phraseinprosodicrepresentation.

b.MATCHPHRASEAphraseinsyntacticconstituentstructuremustbematchedbyacorresponding-phraseinprosodicrepresentation.

c.MATCHWORDAwordinsyntacticconstituentstructuremustbematchedbyacorresponding-wordinprosodicrepresentation.

Second,theprosodicstructureresultingfrom(19)issubjecttowell-formednessconstraints.Untilrecently,recursivestructureoranyotherstructurenotobeyingtheconstraintsin(20)wereforbiddenbytheStrictLayerHypothesis.(20) Well-formednessconstraints(whereCn=someprosodiccategory) a.NON-RECURSIVITY:AprosodicconstituentCndoesnotdominateanotherconstituentofthesamelevelCn. b.LAYEREDNESS:AprosodicconstituentCmdoesnotdominateaconstituentofahigherlevelCn,n>m. c.HEADEDNESS:AconstituentCndominatesaconstituentoftheimmediatelylowerlevelCn1.(Aprosodicconstituenthasaheadontheimmediatelyhigherlevel.) d.EXHAUSTIVITY:NoCnimmediatelydominatesCn2.(Noprosodicconstituentisskipped.)

7

Inreallife,SLHisviolatedveryoften,see(21). foot syllable(21) ((Good(novels))(read(easier)))

5.2TonalstructureOnceprosodicstructureandmetricalstructurearethere,tonesareassignedtometricalprominentpositions(pitchaccents)andtoboundariesofprosodicconstituents(hereprosodicphrasesandintonationphrases):

(22) [(TheyoungBAKER)(hadtobakeROLLS)(earlyintheMORNING)] L*H L*H H*L L

H*,L*arepitchaccents,HLarephrasaltones(H-,L-),andHLareboundarytone(H%,L%).Pitchaccentsmaybebitonal.Thetonalstructurein(22)istypicalforadeclarativeclause.Focusstructurecanchangetheprosodicandtonalstructure(subscriptFstandsforfocus):Bakeristhefocusofthesentenceandcarriesthenuclearaccent.{Whohastobakerollsearlyinthemorning?}

(23) [([TheyoungBAKER]F)(hadtobakerolls)(earlyinthemorning)] H*L L

Questionshavedifferentcontours,ashaveexclamativeutterances.Subtlepragmaticdistinctionsmaybeexpressedwithintonation,sometimesonentirecontours.Tonesareusuallyassumedtobecompositionalasfortheirmeaning(seePierrehumbert&Hirschberg1990).Moreoverintonationmayexpressemotions,speakersattitudeandsoon.6.Wordswithlexicalstressandwithlexicaltone:PitchaccentlanguagesoraccentualtonelanguagesInintonationlanguages,thetonesdefiningthesentencemelodyhavetheirowngrammar,andtheyassociateatdifferentpointsinthesentence,animportantanchoringreferencebeingthelexicalstresses.Sentencemelodiesarepartlyindependentofthetextcarryingthem(seePierrehumberts1980finitegrammarthatdefineswhichkindoftonesareobligatoryinanintonationphrase).Bycontrast,tonelanguagesandpitchaccentlanguagesdohavetonespecificationsatthelevelofthe-word.Thesespecificationsareinvariant,andsentenceintonationcomesadditionally,intheformoftonesassignedat-phraseand-phrase.Sentenceintonationhastoaccommodatethelexicaltones,andbecauseofthis,phrasalandsentencetonesmaybe/couldbemorerestrictedthaninintonationlanguages.

8

Hyman(2006:246)callspitchaccentlanguagespick-and-chooselanguages,becausetheychooseamongthepropertiesthatcharacteriseprototypicaltonevs.stress-accentsystems.Adefinitionisneverthelesspossible:Inapitch-accentlanguage,onlymainstressisalsoassociatedwithatonalspecification.6.1Germanicpitchaccentlanguages (24) Swedishhastwolexicaltonalspecifications:Accent1andAccent2a. 1and-en theduck 2ande-n thespirit

1regl-er rule-PL 2regl-ar mirror-PL.b. 1fnrik secondlieutnant 2sommar summer 1ketchup ketchup 2senap mustard

(25) Bruces(1977:133)basicpitchrulesforwordaccents

Accent1:Hinthepre-stresssyllable,Linthestressedsyllable. Accent2:Hinthestressedsyllable,Linthepost-stresssyllable.

Bruce(1999)characterizedAccent1asHL*andAccent2asH*L.

Fig.3Bruce(1977:64)(26) a. 1anden b.2anden

| | HL* H*L

theduck theghost fromand-enduck.DET fromande-nghost.DET(27) Riads(1998a)privativelexicaltonalopposition Accent1: Accent2: H*(28) a.Derivation: 2sjukdomillness,2underbarwonderful

b.Compounding: 2sommardagsummerday,ba2nanskalbananapeel,2byxkjolpant-skirt(29) Compoundstressassignment

((o)()) | H*L*

H* L*H(30) a.((2mellanmlen)) thesnacks (compound) H*L HL*H b.((2mellan)(1mlen)) betweenthemeals(phrase)Sentenceintonation:additionalsentenceaccentandterminaljuncture,Figure3.

9

Fig.3Bruces(1977:50)modelofSwedishnuclearintonationinadeclarativesentence(31) Myrberg&Riad 2015 Wordaccent (smallaccent) Focalaccent(bigaccent) Accent1 HL* HL*H Accent2 H*L H*LH (H*L*Hincompounds)

H*L*H(L) H*LH (L)(32) a.2mellanmlenthesnacks b.2blommorna theflowers

H*L*H(L) (33) 2skol-bok-hyllaschoolbook-shelves Myrberg(2013:83)makesadistinctionbetween initialityandfocalaccent,bothwrittenwithH,see Figure 4. In general topics also have one, and all nuclear accents and usually pre-nuclearaccentsalsohaveone.ItcanbeinterpretedasaphrasaltoneH

Fig.4FromMyrberg(2013:99).IAstandsforinitialityaccentandFAforfocalaccent.BotharetakentobeHhere.Insum,thesentenceintonationofSwedishisderivedcompositionallyfromlexicaltones,phraseaccent(prosodicphraselevel)andfinalboundarytone(intonationphraselevel).Norwegian:Kristoffersen(2000:264),seealsoGussenhoven(2004:217-219)fordiscussion(34) Accent1 Accent2 |

10

HPlusapurelyintonationalL*Htonalcontour.(35) Accent1 Accent2 | L*H HL*H(36) a.1fe:br+1nt 1fe:bnt fevernight

b.2smmr+1nt 2smmntsummernight(37) MinimalpairsinDanish

a.Wordswithstd b.Wordswithoutstd hund[hun]dog hun[hun]she vend[vn]turn ven[vn]friend sum[sm]sum sum[sm]sums

CentralFranconiandialectsarealsopitchaccentlanguages(seeHermans1985,Schmidt1986,Gussenhoven&vanderVliet1999,Gussenhoven&Peters2004)6.2JapaneseandTurkish6.2.1Japanese(38) Initialaccent Penultimateaccent Finalaccent Unaccented

H*L H*L H*L | | | noti kokro atam sakana life heart head fish

H*L H*L (39) a. hna aname b.hanflowerc.hananoseWordsareaccentedorunaccented,havealexicaltoneornot.Anaccented-wordcarriesapitchaccentH*L,anditformsa-phrasebyitself,seeGussenhoven(2004)andVance(2008:142-54),a.o.Japaneseassignstonesto-phrases.ThereisaninitialLinthe-phrase,followedbyH.

LH LHH*L || |||/

(40) a.(garasudama)glassbeadsb.(kake-ro)break-off

H*L LH*L | | | | | (41) a.(hasi-ga)chopstick-NOMb.(hasi-ga)bridge-NOMPhrasingdependsonthepresenceofanaccentedword:eachaccentedworddefinesaso-called

11

minorphrase(orminimal-phraseforIto&Mester2012)(42) (sir-i) (um-no kubiwa)= a. [[sir-ium-no]NPkubiwa]NP white-INFLhorse-GENcollar thecollarofthewhitehorse b. [[sir-i]APum-nokubiwa]NP thewhitecollarofthehorse(43) a. ((Noya-no)(ni-no) (win-o)) b. (Naomi-no ane-no win-o) Naoya-GEN big.brother-GEN wine-ACC Naomi-GEN big.sister-GEN wine-ACC Naoyasbigbrotherswine Naomisbigsisterswine

Fig.5Japanese.AAAsequence,left,andUUAsequence,right(fromIshihara2015:572)AsinSwedish,thesentenceintonationofJapaneseisderivedcompositionallyfromlexicaltones,phraseaccentandboundarytone.Additionally,phrasingisbasedonthekindoflexicaltonestonespresentinthesentence.6.2.2Turkish(Levi2005,Kamali2011)(44) Unaccentedwords

[v]househouse [ev-lr]house.PLhouses [ev-ler-n]house.PL.2ND.POSS.SGyourhouses [ev-ler-in-d]house.PL.2NDPOSS.SG.LOC(theyare)inyourhouses. [ev-ler-in-de-k]house-.PL.2ND.POSS.SG.LOC.PRONtheoneinyourhouses [ev-ler-in-de-ki-lr]house.PL.2ND.POSS.SG.LOC.PRON.PLtheonesinyourhouses

[ev-ler-in-de-ki-ler-]house.2ND.POSS.SG.LOC.PRON.PL.ACCtheonesinyourhouses H*L (45) psta-c-lar-mz-da (accentedword)

cake-DER-PL-POSS1SG-LOC amongourcakechefs

(46) ExamplesofminimalpairsfromLevi(2005)

Msir Egypt misr corn bbek nameofasuburbofIstanbul bebk baby jzma dontwrite! jazm writing (47) a.idiosyncraticallystressedaffixes-yorprogr-ndewhenand-rekby

b.pre-stressingsuffixes:-'meneg,-'dealso-'mAneg

12

(48) a.ynlendir-yor

direct-PROGisdirecting b.ynlendr-me-meli direct-NEG-NECshouldnotdirect

Combinationoftwopre-accentingsuffixes'mA(verbalnegativemarker)and-'ti(pastauxiliary):theleftmoststresssurvives(seealsoBasque).(49) a.sinirlen-edk s/shewillbecomeirritated

b.sinirln-me-jedek s/shewillnotbecomeirritated c.sinirlen-edk-ti s/shewillhavebecomeirritated d.sinirln-me-jedek-ti s/shewillnothavebecomeirritated

(50) a.fabrka factory+ badchimney [fabrkabada-s]factorychimney b.ajak foot+kap cover [ajkkab-] shoe(lit.footcover)

7.Wordswithlexicaltone:tonelanguagesHymans(2006:229)definitionforatonelanguage:Alanguagewithtoneisoneinwhichanindicationofpitchentersintothelexicalrealisationofatleastsomemorphemes.7.1TonesinAfricantonelanguages:autosegmentaltradition(toneautonomy)WelmersandHymans(2006:229)definitionforatonelanguage:Alanguagewithtoneisoneinwhichanindicationofpitchentersintothelexicalrealisationofatleastsomemorphemes.Whatisvariableintonelanguages:thekindoftones:leveltonevs.contourtone+complexitythenumberoftones.Uptosixleveltones,andevenmorecontourtonestheTBU(tonebearingunits):morasorsyllablesthenumberofTBUsspecifiedfortonesinawordnumberandkindofchangesintones(tonesandhi,tonedoubling,shifting,Meeussensruleandmanymore)InAsianlanguages,tonesarepartsofthespecificationofmorphemes:lessautonomyoftonesthaninAfricanlanguages.Registerphenomenaarefrequent,asareboundarytones,butnotmuchchangesasthoseinTables1and2.Autosegmentalrepresentationoftones:Leben(1973,1978),Goldsmith(1976)andWilliams(1976)forAfricanlanguageslikeMende,IgboandEwe.Leben(1973):wordsinMende,aMandelanguagefromSierraLeone,havemelodies:high(H),low(L),falling(HL),rising(LH)andrising-falling(LHL)(51) a.H k war pl house hwm waistline

b.L kp debt bl trousers kpkl tripodchair c.HL mb owl ngl dog flm junction d.LH mb rice fnd cotton ndvl sling e.LHL mba companion njh woman nkl groundnut

Tonemappingconventionstotheeffectthatthefirsttoneisassociatedwiththefirstsyllable,thesecondtonewiththesecondsyllable,andthethirdtonewiththethirdsyllable.Iftherearemore

13

tonesthansyllables,tonecrowdingtakesplace.

L H LHL LHL LHL | /\ ||| |\/ \|/

(52) a.kp b.pl c.nkl d.njh e.mba TheObligatoryContourPrinciple(OCP)disallowssuccessiveidenticaltonesandforcesdissimilationofadjacenttones,asrequiredbyMeeussensruleamongothers.

LH LHH |/\ |||

(53) a.ndvl sling b.*ndvl (54) Meeussensrule(1970) HL/H(#)__(55) MeeussensruleinShona a.n#bw nbwa dog,withadog

b.n#hv nhove fish,withafish c.n#hkta nhakata withthebones d.n#bnzbvunz nbenzibvunz (witha)curiousfool e.n#badz nbadz axe,withanaxe

(56) TonestabilityinEtsako(Kwa)fromOdden(2005:303)

a.dzl dzl threeaxes b.kl kl threerams c.dzkp dzkp oneaxe d.kkp kkp oneram e.ww ww everyhouse(textually:househouse) f.dd dwd everylion (textually:lionlion)

LHLH LHLH LHLH |||| | || | \||

(57) kkp kkp kkp(58) Morphemic floating tones with case-marking and modified nouns in Angas, a Chadic

languagefromNigeria (Odden2005:315) Stem Case-marked Modified +H +L a.t(H) t t rope

b.nj (H) nj nj elephant c.s(M) s s dog d.ms(L) ms ms locustbean

Somelanguagesalsohavemorphemeswithouttones:toneisacquiredbyassimilationorspreadingfromtheprecedingword(seeLeben1973,1978forexamplesfromMende).Welmers(1959):languageswithdownsteptriggeredbyafloatingLterraced-level: H !H H !H | /\ /\|(59) a.n!njk itisasnake b.njk!donlyasnake

H !H!H H!H!H HL

14

| || | || || c.n!ng!titisasheep d.ng!t!donlysheep e.kdog7.2AsiantonesWhatisvariableintonelanguages:thenumberoftonesthekindoftones:leveltonevs.contourtone+complexitytheTBU(tonebearingunits):morasorsyllablesthenumberofTBUsspecifiedfortonesnumberandkindofchangesintonesInAsianlanguages,tonesarepartsofthespecificationofmorphemes:lessautonomyoftonesthaninAfricanlanguages.7.2.1InvarianceoflexicaltoneinCantoneseAllsyllablescarryatoneRegister LevelLevelRisingFalling

CV(N)CVq

a.high(yin) 3355,333555/53

b.low(yang) 22222321Table4.CantoneselexicaltonesystemaccordingtoM.Chen(2000:16)(60) Uncheckedtones Checkedtones

55(~53) H si poetry 55 Hq sk toknow33 M si totry 33 Mq sk tokiss22 L si affairs 22 Lq sk toeat23 LM si market35 MH si tocause,make21 ML si time

(61) PinjamchangedtoneinCantonese(M.Chen2000:32ff,Yu2007):oneoftheveryfewtonalprocessesinthelanguage

a.Leveltone b.Risingtonesou33 tosweep sou35 abroomp22 toweigh p35 ascalew22 tolisten w35 anutterancem11 togrind m35 agrindtsh11 toplough tsh35 aplough

7.2.2ToneinvarianceandtonesandhiinBeijingMandarinSeeTable3forthelexicaltones(62) a. you-dengoillamp b. tjan-hwaatelephone 35 55 51 51

c.paa-paa paa-p dad 5151 51 -

(63) Dualvocabulary(Duanmu2007).

15

a.dian or shang-dian (business)-store b.cai or shu-cai (vegetable)-vegetable c.zhongor zhong-zhi toplant-(plant)

BeijingMandarinhasaTone3sandhirule(T3T2/__T3)(64) a.xiao small+ goudog xiaogoupuppy

214 214 35 214 b.maibuy + mahorse maima tobuyahorse 214 214 35214

T3sandhiiscyclic.Itisregulatedbymorphosyntacticstructure,anddependsonemphasisandspeechstyle.Theconditionsofitsapplicationarecomplex.

(65) a.[lao-hu] tiger+ dan gall lao-hudanbrave

214214 214 3535214b. zhipaper+ [lao-hu]tiger zhilao-hucoward 214 214214 21435214

(66) Left-branchingsyntacticdomain:tonesandhiappliestwicemaibuy+ haogood jiuwine [[maihao]jiu]finishedbuyingwine214 214 214 35 35214(but*21435214,*35214214)

(67) Right-branchingsyntacticdomain:tonesandhimayapplyonlyonceortwice maibuy+ haogood jiuwine [mai[haojiu]]tobuygoodwine 214 214 214 3535214 or21435214(but*35214214)

7.2.3VarianceoftonesinShanghai(M.Chen2000:307).BasicPitchShape Examples

A.53(HL) tknife

B.34(MH) tisland

C.23(LH) dpeach

D.5q(Hq) toqsincere,earnest

E.12q(LMq) doqtoreadTable5.Shanghailexicaltones(68) se pe3cups sep3plates sz pe 4cups sz p4plates

Citation 53 53 5353 2353 2323Deletion53 - 53- 23- 23-Surface 5 3 5 3 2 3 2 3

((.) ( .)) (. . .)

(69) o ta li ya Australia ota liya ((34-) (23 -)) (34- -) ((3 4) (2 3)) (. ) ( .)

(70) a.(j oz ) (53 -) (34 -) (53 ) (3 4)

16

Ou-yang professor ProfessorOu-yang ()( .) (.. ) b.(w oz) (wo-z ) (23)(34 - ) (23- ) Wang professor ProfessorWang Compoundstress (.)( ) ()(.) Wordstress

(71) a.[hmoq]z b.h [moqz] 2323 23 2323 23 Underlyingtones (23)(23) *(23) (2 3) Tonedeletion/association (23 -) (2 3 -) ClashResolution redwoodbed redwoodenbed

Shanghaideletionandre-associationoftonesreflectamorpho-syntacticallymotivatedprosodicconstituency.Shanghaihasbothtoneandstress.Toneisdefinedonallsyllables,butstressisculminative.7.2.4XiamenMincircle:Xiamen,aSouthChineseMinNanlanguagespokeninTaiwanBasicPitchShape Sandhiform

44(H) 22

24(MH) 22

22(M) 21

21(ML) 53

53(HM 44Table6.Xiamenlexicaltones(72) SouthernMinToneCircle(M.Chen2000:433) 24 22 24:MH 22:M

44 21 21:ML 44:H

53 53:HM(73) Underlyingtones Tonesaftertonesandhi

tsinpangveryfragrant pangtsui perfume(fragrant+water) 44 22

pewe leathershoes wetua shoelaces 24 22 wip stomachailment plang sickperson 22 21 kitsu buildahouse tsuting roof(house+top) 21 53 tuahai bigocean haik oceanfront 53 44

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8.TonogenesisHaudricourts(1954)modelofhowtonesarisehasbeenextremelyinfluentialFinalconsonantsdeterminedcontoursandinitialconsonants(voicingoftheprecedingC)determinedthepitchheight:avoicedstopisadepressor.(74) FollowingC: CVn,CV CVq CVs

(proto-Vietnamese) level rise fall(75) PrecedingC: pV bV pVq bVq pVs bVs (proto-Vietnam.) high-level low-level high-rise low-rise high-fall low-fall

ngang huyn sc nng hi ngScandinavianlanguages,stressconfigurationsinlateProto-Nordic,between800and1200ce(Riad1998,2003,Kingston2011),(76) *dmn d.ma tojudge

*wr.o wr.u words.NOM/ACCPL.Thenewlylightsyllablelostitsstress,butretaineditspitchproperties,thusgivingrisetoadoublepitchpeakonasequenceoftwosyllables(accent2).9.ConclusionsStressisanabstractpropertyidentifyingonesyllableoronemorainawordasthemostprominentone(andoptionallysecondaryones).Itisbestaccountedforbymetricalpropertiesof-words.Stresscanberealisedindifferentways,orremainunrealisedwhenitisinthepostnuclearposition.Lexicaltoneisalwaysrealisedbyaconcretetonalpattern,itcanbealeveloracontourtone.Languagescancontrastoneormoretones.Tonescanchangetheirform(insandhicontextsorothers)orbelargelyinvariant.Inpitchaccentlanguages,stressandtonecombine.There,therealisationofstressisnotdependentonsentenceintonationasinpureintonationlanguages:itisdependentontheunderlyingtonalstructureofthe-word.Somelanguageslackbothstressandtone,likeFrench,Berber,WestGreenlandicandBellaCoola.Theselanguagesassigntheirtonalstructureatthelevelof-phraseand-phraseonly,notatthelevelofthe-word.Tonelanguagescanhavestressornot.Exercises1.DrawtheprosodicconstituentsonsomewordsandsentencesinEnglishandinanotherlanguageofyourchoice.DoestheStrictLayerHypothesismaketherightpredictions?2.Gordon(2003,2005,2014)showsthatbesidealimitednumberofmorpholexicalhigh-tonedpitchaccentsinasubsetofverbsthatwedonotaddresshere,Chickasawdistinguisheswhathecallswordstressandpitchaccent.Stressisnotphonemic,butratherassignedtopdown,onheavysyllables,orfinalsyllables.Primarystressfallsontherightmostlongvowel,oronthefinalsyllable./tala:nompa/telephonehasthreeheavysyllables,andonlyonelongvowel.Theresultingstressstructureis[tal:nmp].Moreover,inasequenceoftwoopensyllableswithshortvowels,the

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secondsyllableisrhythmicallystressedandbecomeshalf-long(andheavy):/pisalitok/Ilookedatit[pislitk]./tio/medicinemanhasfinalstress[ti].AhighpitchaccentH*appearsattheendofan-phrase.Inasimplestatement,H*issimplylocatedonthelastsyllable,cancellingprimarystress:[tal:nmp].Attheendofaninterrogative-phrase,H*isgenerallylocatedonthepenult:[tal:nmp]and[kata:tto]?Whoisamedicineman?aretheresults.Discusstheresultingdifferenceinaccentstructuresdependingontheirpositioninthe-phraseand-phraseincomparisonwithEnglish,wherewordstressisnevercancelled.Howisthisdifferenceaccountedfor?Canwereallytalkofwordstressinbothcases?ReferencesBruce,Gsta.1977.Swedishwordaccentinsentenceperspective.Travauxdel'Institutde

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