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7/28/2019 Civil-Military Integration and Chinese Military Modernization
1/4
China has long been aware of the potential benefits of civil-military integration (CMI) in help-
ing to overcome technological shortcomings and other problems plaguing its military-
industrial complex. Beijing especially sees CMI as advancing its long-term aim of
achieving self-sufficiency in developing and producing advanced arms.
Chinese attempts at CMI in the 1980s and early 1990s were basically an effort
to convert military factories over to civilian production. These efforts were
only modestly successful, however, and they did little to transfer innovative
commercial technologies to military uses.
Since the mid-1990s, China has pursued an active strategy of dual-use
technology development and commercial-to-military spin-on, particular-
ly in the areas of microelectronics, space systems, new materials,
propulsion, missiles, computer-aided manufacturing, and information
technologies (IT).
Certain sectors in China's military-industrial complex appear to be ben-
efiting from this dual-use CMI approach, especially shipbuilding and
aerospace (missiles and satellites). The military has also benefited from
leveraging developments in China's booming commercial IT industry, and
consequently it has greatly expanded and improved its capacities for com-
mand, control and communications, information-processing, and information
warfare.
CMI in China is still quite limited, however, and there is little evidence of significant
dual-use technology development and commercial-to-military spin-on in other defense
sectors. There still exist many gaps in China's science and technology base, and China's
commercial high-tech sector is still quite weak.
Given the considerable promise and potential of CMI, however, China will likely continue to promote dual-use
technology development and spin-on as a means of promoting the country's military buildup. It will be difficult if not impos-
sible for the United States and other Western powers to restrict dual-use technology exports to China, but they could per-
haps take steps to offset their effects.
Mr. Richard A. Bitzinger isa Associate Research
Professor with the Asia-
Pacific Center for
Security Studies.
His work focuses mainly
on military and defense
issues relating to the
Asia-Pacific region. His
most recent APCSS publi-
cation is Challenges to
Transforming Asian-
Pacific Militaries
(October 2004). He is also
the author ofTowards a
Brave New Arms
Industry? (Oxford
University Press, 2003).
Asia-Pacific SecurityAsia-Pacific Security SStudiestudies
Civil-MilitCivil-Military Integration andary Integration and
Chinese MilitChinese Military Modernizationary Modernization
Asia-PAsia-Pacifacific Center fic Center for Security Studies Vor Security Studies Volume 3 - Number 9, December 2004olume 3 - Number 9, December 2004
The views expressed in this publication are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of Asia-Pacific
Center for Security Studies, U.S. Pacific Command, the U.S. Department of Defense, or the U.S. Government.
Key Findings
7/28/2019 Civil-Military Integration and Chinese Military Modernization
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Introduction
Civil-military integration (CMI) is the process of combining the defense
and civilian industrial bases so that common technologies, manufactur-
ing processes and equipment, personnel, and facilities can be used to
meet both defense and commercial needs. According to the U.S.
Congressional Office of Technology Assessment, CMI includes:
cooperation between government and commercial facilities in
research and development (R&D), manufacturing, and/or main-tenance operations; combined production of similar military and
commercial items, including components and subsystems, side
by side on a single production line or within a single firm or
facility, and use of commercial off-the-shelf items directly with-
in military systems.
CMI can occur on three levels: facility, firm, and sector. Facilities can
share personnel, equipment, and materials, and even manufacture
defense and civilian goods side-by-side. Firm-level integration involves
separate production lines but the joint military-civilian use of corporate
resources (management, labor, and equipment). Finally, integrated
industrial sectors (such as aerospace or shipbuilding) can draw from a
common pool of research and development activities, technologies, and
production processes.
There are many potential benefits of CMI to military modernization
efforts. Adapting already available commercial technologies to meeting
military needs can save money, shorten development and production
cycles, and reduce risks in weapons development. CMI can also improve
the quality of military equipment and contribute to more efficient pro-
duction and acquisition of military systems. Above all, CMI permits
arms industries and militaries to leverage critical technological advances
in sectors where the civilian side has clearly taken the lead in innovation,
particularly information technologies (IT), such as communications,
computing, and microelectronics. In this regard, the Chinese People's
Liberation Army (PLA) has been particularly influenced by the emerging
IT-based revolution in military affairs, and it sees considerable potential
for force multipliers in such areas as information warfare, digitization of
the battlefield, and networked systems.China, like many countries, is keenly aware of the potential benefits of
CMI in reducing the costs and risks of weapons development and pro-
duction, and in accelerating the process of military modernization.
Additionally, however, the Chinese military sees CMI as advancing its
long-term objective of greater self-sufficiency in arms procurement, by
enabling the PLA "to source more of its critical and sensitive technolo-
gies domestically" and subsequently reduce its dependencies upon for-
eign suppliers for its most advanced weapons. For China, therefore, CMI
is basically a new wrinkle on the classic techno-nationalist development
strategy of a joint government-industry-military effort to acquire, nur-
ture, indigenize, and diffuse critical dual-use technologies deemed essen-
tial to national security and defense. China, therefore, has a considerable
stake in making CMI work.
Background to the Chinese
Military-Industrial Complex
China possesses one of the oldest, largest, and most diversified military-
industrial complexes in the developing world. It is one of the few coun-
tries in the newly industrialized world to produce a full range of military
equipment, from small arms to armored vehicles to fighter aircraft to
warships and submarines, in addition to nuclear weapons and interconti-
nental ballistic missiles.
At the same time, the state-owned military-industrial complex has long
suffered from a number of weaknesses and shortcomings. China's defense
technology base is perhaps 20 years behind the West in several critical
areas, including aeronautics, propulsion (such as jet engines), microelec-
tronics, computers, avionics, sensors and seekers, electronic warfare, and
advanced materials. The arms industry has traditionally been poor when
it comes to quality control and systems integration, and burdened by too
many workers too much productive capability, and too many managers
afraid to take risks and to embrace market forces. As a result, arms pro-
duction in China has largely been inefficient, wasteful, and unprofitable.
Finally, China's defense industry has typically been isolated from the restof the country's industrial base, limiting its access to innovation and
breakthroughs found in other sectors of the national economy.
China's Defense Industry and CMI, Early 1980s
to the Mid-1990s: Defense Conversion
The Chinese defense industry's first attempts at civil-military integration
ran from roughly the early 1980s to the mid-1990s and were basically an
effort to rectify its acute economic, structural, and organizational prob-
lems through a concerted attempt to convert military factories over to the
manufacture of civilian products. In particular, commercial production
was seen as a means of absorbing excess capacity and manpower in the
arms-producing sector, providing defense enterprises with additionalsources of revenues to compensate for their under-performing military
product lines, and encouraging their directors and managers to bring their
enterprises more in line with market forces. This strategy was officially
embodied in Deng Xiaoping's so-called "Sixteen Character" slogan,
which called for "combining the military and civil, combining peace and
war, giving priority to military products, and making the civil sup-
port the military."
With Beijing's enthusiastic blessing, therefore, the defense industry
branched out into a broad array of civilian manufacturing during the
1980s and 1990s. China's aviation industry, for example, established a
number of commercial joint ventures with Western aircraft companies.
The McDonnell Douglas Corporation set up a production line in
Shanghai to build MD-82 and MD-90 passenger jets. Boeing, the
European Airbus consortium, Sikorsky Helicopter, Pratt & Whitney (amanufacturer of jet engines), and Bombardier of Canada all established
facilities at various China aircraft factories to produce subassemblies and
parts for Western civil aircraft. Beginning in the 1980s, Chinese ship-
yards successfully converted much of their production to more profitable
civilian products, such as bulk carriers and general cargo ships. China's
missile industry entered the lucrative satellite-launching business, with
its series of Long March space-launch vehicles.
Additionally, many defense enterprises became engaged in commercial
ventures far outside of their traditional economic activities. Ordnance
factories assembled motorcycles, aircraft companies built mini-cars and
buses, and missile facilities put together refrigerators, television sets, and
even corrugated boxes. By the mid-1990s, 70 percent of all taxicabs,
twenty percent of all cameras, and two-thirds of all motorcycles pro-
duced in China came out of former weapons factories. By the late 1990s,80 to 90 percent of the value of defense industry output was estimated to
be nonmilitary.
Very little of this earlier conversion effort actually aided the Chinese mil-
itary-industrial complex, however. For one thing, defense conversion has
been no guarantee of financial success, and many former weapons facto-
ries have actually lost money on civilian production. In particular, many
failed to create reliable, "main-stay" product lines or develop a more con-
sumer-savvy attitude when it came to price, quality, and adding new fea-
tures. More important, defense conversion did little to benefit China's
defense industry in terms of acquiring and diffusing potentially useful
commercial technologies to the military sector. The concern that con-
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version meant a process of "swords into plowshares - and better swords"
was largely unfounded. If anything, spin-off - that is, the transfer of mil-
itary technologies to civilian applications (such as in the development of
China's space-launch business, which was initially based on the commer-
cialization of its intercontinental ballistic missile systems) - was more
important during this period than civilian-to-militaryspin-on.
At the same time, the opportunities for the direct spin-on of civilian tech-
nologies to military production remained limited. In the aviation indus-
try, for example, while the Chinese acquired a number of advancednumerically controlled machine tools, for use in commercial aircraft pro-
duction, end-user restrictions kept these from being diverted to military
use. With regard to the shipbuilding industry, even as late as the mid-
1990s commercial programs had little impact on improving China's abil-
ity to produce modern warships or to develop advanced naval technolo-
gies. The shipbuilding industry's low technology base, while sufficient
for building cargo ships, offered little value-added to the design and con-
struction of warships.
This is not to say that some efforts at dual-use technology development did
not take place during this period. In fact, a critical science and technolo-
gy development effort, the so-called 863 Program, was launched in the
mid-1980s; the 863 Program was a long-term initiative to expand and
advance China's high-technology base in a number of areas, many of
which had potential military applications, including aerospace, lasers,opto-electronics, semiconductors, and new materials. The 863 Program,
however, was essentially a basic and applied research activity, and initial-
ly it was not set up (or funded) in order to promote and diffuse these tech-
nologies for practical - and particularly military - uses.
At best, therefore, efforts at civil-military integration during this period
only indirectly aided Chinese weapons development and production, to
the extent that the military-industrial complex benefited from overall eco-
nomic growth. In some cases, defense conversion did help to reduce
overhead costs and generate new sources of income to underwrite new
arms production. In general, however, there were few linkages between
military and civilian production and, in particular, very few efforts to
develop dual-use technologies or to apply innovative civilian technolo-
gies to military uses.
China's Defense Industry and CMI, Mid-1990s to the
Present: Exploitation of Dual-Use Technologies
China's approach to civil-military integration began to change around the
mid-1990s, and it entailed a crucial shift in policy, from conversion (i.e.,
switching military factories over to civilian use) to the promotion of inte-
grated dual-use industrial systems capable of developing and manufac-
turing both defense and military goods. This new strategy was embodied
and made a priority in the defense industry's five-year plan for 2001-
2005, which emphasized the dual importance of both the transfer of mil-
itary technologies to commercial use and the transfer of commercial tech-
nologies to military use, and which therefore called for the Chinese arms
industry to not only to develop dual-use technologies but to actively pro-
mote joint civil-military technology cooperation. Consequently, the spin-
on of advanced commercial technologies both to the Chinese military-
industrial complex and in support of the overall modernization of the
PLA was made explicit policy.
The key areas of China's new focus on dual-use technology development
and subsequent spin-on include microelectronics, space systems, new
materials (such as composites and alloys), propulsion, missiles, comput-
er-aided manufacturing, and particularly information technologies. Over
the past decade, Beijing has worked hard both to encourage further
domestic development and growth in these sectors and to expand link-
ages and collaboration between China's military-industrial complex and
civilian high-technology sectors. In 2002, for example, the Chinese gov-
ernment created a new enterprise group, the China Electronics
Technology Corporation, to promote national technological and
industrial developments in the area of defense-related electronics. Under
the Tenth Five Year Plan (2001-2005), many technology breakthroughs
generated under the 863 S&T program were finally slated for develop
ment and industrialization. Defense enterprises have formed partnerships
with Chinese universities and civilian research institutes to establish tech-
nology incubators and undertake cooperative R&D on dual-use technolo-
gies. Additionally, foreign high-tech firms wishing to invest in China
have been pressured to set up joint R&D centers and to transfer more
technology to China.
These efforts at exploiting dual-use technologies have apparently paid
dividends in at least a few defense sectors. China's military shipbuilding
for example, appears to have particularly benefited from CMI efforts over
the past decade. Following an initial period of basically low-end com-
mercial shipbuilding - such as bulk carriers and container ships - China's
shipyards have since the mid-1990s progressed toward more sophisticat-
ed ship design and construction work. In particular, moving into com-
mercial shipbuilding began to bear considerable fruit beginning in the
late 1990s, as Chinese shipyards modernized and expanded operations
building huge new dry-docks, acquiring heavy-lift cranes and computer-
ized cutting and welding tools, and more than doubling their shipbuilding
capacity. At the same time, Chinese shipbuilders entered into a number
of technical cooperation agreements and joint ventures with shipbuilding
firms in Japan, South Korea, Germany, and other countries, which gavethem access to advanced ship designs and manufacturing technologies -
in particular, computer-assisted design and manufacturing, modular con-
struction techniques, advanced ship propulsion systems, and numeri-
cally controlled processing and testing equipment.
As a result, military shipbuilding programs collocated at Chinese ship-
yards have been able to leverage these considerable infrastructure and
software improvements when it comes to design, development, and con-
struction. This in turn has permitted a significant expansion in naval ship
construction since the turn of the century, and since 2000, China has
launched at least six new diesel-powered submarines, three destroyers,
and four frigates, with eight more warships under construction; this is
nearly double the rate of naval ship construction during the 1990s.
Moreover, the quality and capabilities of Chinese warships have also
apparently improved. In 2001, for example, China began work on thefirst in a new class of domestically developed, 9,000-ton guided-missile
destroyer, the Type 052B, equipped with a long-range air-defense missile
system and incorporating low-observable features in its design. A further
refinement on this class, outfitted with a rudimentary Aegis-type phased-
array radar, is the Type-052C destroyer, first launched in 2003. China is
also currently producing the Song-class diesel-electric submarine, the first
Chinese submarine to have a skewed propeller for improved quieting and
capable of carrying an encapsulated antiship cruise missile that can be
launched underwater.
Even more important, the PLA has clearly benefited from piggy-
backing on the development and growth of the country's commercial
IT industry. The PLA is working hard to expand and improve its
capacities for command, control and communications, information-
processing, and information warfare, and it has been able to enlis tmany local IT firms in support of its efforts. These include Huawe
Technologies (which manufactures switches and routers for commu-
nications networks), Zhongxing Telecom (ZTE, mobile and fiber-
optic networks), Julong (switchboards), and Legend and Beijing
Founder (computers). Many of these companies have close ties to
China's military-industrial complex, and some, such as Huawei
Julong, and Legend, were founded by former PLA officers
Consequently, the PLA has developed its own separate military com-
munications network, utilizing fiber-optic cable, cellular and wire-
less systems, microwave relays, and long-range high frequency
radios, as well as computer local area networks.
Two other defense sectors are worth noting when it comes to achieving
some success in civil-military integration. First, China's satellite business
3
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has entailed the considerable development and application of dual-use
civilian technologies. Chinese telecommunications satellites are basical-
ly commercial in nature, as is China's rudimentary Beidou navigation
satellite system, but both serve military purposes as well. In particular,
recent Chinese successes in launching earth observation satellites - such
as the Ziyuan-1 and Ziyuan-2 - have critical military applications in pro-
viding near-real time - and increasingly high-resolution - imagery intelli-
gence. In addition, many of the technologies being developed for com-
mercial reconnaissance satellites, such as charge-coupled device cam-eras, multispectral scanners, and synthetic aperture radar imagers, have
obvious spin-on potential for military systems.
Secondly, China's small but growing helicopter industry has always been
dual-use in execution, such as the licensed-production of the French AS-
365 Dauphin 2 (used by the PLA Navy for antisubmarine warfare, for
example), and the more recent development of the indigenous Z-10 util-
ity helicopter, which includes an armed attack version.
Conclusions
Despite these achievements, Chinese civil-military integration efforts -
particularly when it comes to commercial-to-military spin-on have
remained limited. There is little evidence so far of any significant civil-
military integration in other sectors of the Chinese defense industry, par-ticularly the aviation industry where one might expect CMI to be a natu-
rally occurring phenomenon. Commercial and military aircraft manufac-
turing in China is still carried out not only (and perhaps unavoidably) on
separate production lines, but also in separate facilities and often in sep-
arate enterprises, with little apparent communication and crossover
between these compartmentalized operations. Moreover, with the excep-
tion of helicopters (and possibly transport aircraft), the technological
overlap between civil aviation and military aircraft (particularly fighter
aircraft) is small and not very conducive to CMI. As such, there are few
opportunities to share personnel, production processes, and materials, and
perhaps even fewer prospects for joint R&D or collocated production.
Likewise, China's overall record of indigenous high-technology develop-
ment and innovation has been mixed, further limiting opportunities for
CMI. There still exist many gaps and weaknesses in China's S&T base,
and very little indigenous design and manufacturing actually takes place
in much of China's high-technology sectors. Rather, high-tech
production is still oriented toward the fabrication of relatively mature
consumer or commodity goods, such as DVD players or semiconductors,
built according to original equipment manufacturer (OEM) specifications.
In addition, China still lacks sufficient numbers of skilled designers
engineers, scientists, and technicians in crucial high-technology sectors,
particularly IT, and so most high-end items, such as
microprocessor chips, must be imported.. Finally, many of the country's
high-technology incubators are still very much in their nascent stage, and
Beijing continues to spend relatively little on high technology compared
to the United States and the rest of the West.
Moreover, much of China's high-technology R&D and industrial base is
still foreign-controlled, either through foreign-owned companies or joint
ventures. Foreigners own virtually all of China's high-technology intel-
lectual property and most of its manufacturing capacity (such as semi-
conductor plants), and as such, 85 percent of China's high-tech exports
come from foreign-owned or joint ventures operations. In addition, many
foreign-established so-called R&D centers are actually geared more
toward training and education than joint S&T development.
Overall, therefore, civil-military integration in China is still very much in
its early stages, and both civilian and military authorities have yet to for-
mulate a specific strategy for more effectively exploiting CMI. As one
consequence, therefore, the R&D of defense-specific technologies, as
well as the importation of such technologies, continues to be crucial in
the modernization of the country's military-industrial complex and in the
development of next-generation weapons systems.
Nevertheless, CMI still has considerable potential to revolutionize the
way militaries develop and produced defense-critical systems. It holds
particular promise in the area of adapting commercial information tech-nologies - know-how increasingly seen as essential to transforming
armed forces for next-generation warfare - to military purposes. For
these reasons, therefore, China is likely to continue to search for ways to
promote dual-use technology development and exploit commercial-to
military spin-on in support of its military modernization efforts.
Beijing's efforts to utilize dual-use technologies for military moderniza-
tion have considerable implications for the United States and its allies in
the Asia-Pacific. China is in the midst of an unprecedented military
buildup that could greatly upset the regional security calculus. The
United States has an obvious interest in retarding this effort - hence, its
continued opposition to lifting the Western ban on arms sales to China
Dual-use technology exports are much harder to control, however, par-
ticularly since such transfers are usually commercial and therefore seen
as benign and beneficial to both seller and buyer alike. In addition, many
of these technologies are already widely diffused throughout the world,
and it would be difficult and even impractical to try to restrict their sales
Consequently, while the United States may not be able to halt the process
of Chinese civil-military integration and dual-use technology exploita-
tion, it can, by better understanding the strengths and weaknesses of such
an approach, perhaps take steps to offset their effects. In any event, the
proliferation of military technologies is no longer simply a matter of
immediate end-use but of all of its potential uses.
Civil-Military Integration and Chinese Military Modernization
4
Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies2058 Maluhia Road Honolulu, Hawaii 96815-1949 (808) 971-8900 fax: (808) 971-8999
www.apcss.org
The Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies (APCSS) is a regional study, conference, and research center established in Honolulu on September 4, 1995. comple-menting PACOM's theater security cooperation strategy of maintaining positive security relationships with nations in the region. The APCSS mission is to enhancecooperation and build relationships through mutual understanding and study of comprehensive security issues among military and civilian representatives of theUnited States and other Asia-Pacific nations.
The Asia-Pacific Security Studies series contributes to the APCSS mission to enhance the region's security discourse. The general editor of the series isLt. Gen. (Ret.) H.C. Stackpole, President of the APCSS.