City proﬁle Dubai - WordPress.com · Dubai are rooted in the tribal cul-ture and political history of the re-gion. In the eighteenth century, the southern part of Trucial Oman,

Cities, Vol. 22, No. 3, p. 255–265, 2005

� 2005 Elsevier Ltd.

*Tel.: +44-141-548-3793; fax: +44-141-552-0775; e-mail: [email protected].

All rights reserved.

Printed in Great Britain

0264-2751/$ - see front matter

www.elsevier.com/locate/cities

doi:10.1016/j.cities.2005.02.001

City profile

DubaiMichael PacioneDepartment of Geography, University of Strathclyde,50 Richmond Street, Glasgow, Scotland G1 1XH, UK

Available online 23 May 2005

Over a period of half a century the city state of Dubai has progressed from pre-industrial toindustrial to post-industrial status. Change is evident in the economic, social and cultural char-acteristics of the city and, most visibly, in the scale, pace and nature of urban development.This paper identifies the key forces and processes underlying the transformation of Dubaifrom an insignificant fishing settlement on the Arabian Gulf to a cosmopolitan regionally sig-nificant twenty-first century city.� 2005 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

Keywords: Dubai, pre-industrial, post-industrial, urban development, mega-projects, urban planning

In contrast to major Western citieswhere the transition from pre-indus-trial to industrial to post-industrial sta-tus occurred over a period of twocenturies, Dubai has undergone a sim-ilar transformation in only fifty years.The decision by the InternationalMonetary Fund and the World Bankto convene their 2003 meeting inDubai bears testimony to the citystate�s remarkable progression froman insignificant fishing settlement onthe Arabian Gulf to a cosmopolitanregionally dominant twenty-first cen-tury city. The emerging internationalstatus of the city was also signalledby property consultants Jones LangLasalle who recently identified Dubai,(along with Dublin and Las Vegas), asone of the three most successful citiesof the 1990s as measured by economicgrowth and real estate activity. In re-gional terms Dubai�s unemploymentrate of 5% is less than half that of

Egypt while its GDP per capita ismore than five times that of its largerArab neighbour. In addition, Dubai,with more than five million annual vis-itors, is now a more popular touristdestination than Egypt or India(Molari, 2004).

The economic transformation ofDubai over recent decades has beenaccompanied by major changes inrelation to its population structureand pattern of urban development.This paper identifies the key forcesand processes underlying the eco-nomic, social and physical transfor-mation of Dubai; examines themajor developments in the city�s ur-ban structure; and considers futuredirections for urban growth in thecity state.

Urban origins

The origins of the modern city ofDubai are rooted in the tribal cul-ture and political history of the re-gion. In the eighteenth century, thesouthern part of Trucial Oman,

255

(now the territories of Dubai andAbu Dhabi), was occupied by theBani Yas tribe while their historicrivals the Qawasim controlled thearea north of Dubai, (now the emir-ates of Sharjah and Ras al Khai-mah). The period was marked by astruggle for maritime supremacy ofthe Gulf between the two tribes,with the British allied to the BaniYas. In response to attacks on theshipping of the East India Companyand the consequent disruption oftrade with India a British expeditionwas sent, in 1819, to defeat theQawasim. Subsequently, in order toconsolidate their position the Britishrequired the leading sheikhs alongthe coast of Trucial Oman, includingthose of the Bani Yas, to enter intoa General Treaty of Peace. Not onlydid this secure the trade route to In-dia but also enabled the pearlingindustry of the Gulf to prosper, tothe benefit of Dubai where many ofthe pearl fishers and traders werebased (Kazim, 2000).

A political change of fundamentalimportance for the growth of Dubai

Plate 1 Jebel Ali port and industrial complex.

City profile: M Pacione

occurred in 1833 when a group ofaround 800 members of the Al BuFalasah subsection of the Bani Yastribe seceded from Abu Dhabi follow-ing a dispute with the ruler and movedto form an independent sheikhdom inDubai. This community was ruled byMaktoum bin Buti from 1833 until hisdeath in 1852. Significantly, all subse-quent rulers of Dubai are descendedfrom the Maktoum family that hasexercised an ongoing and paramountinfluence on the development of thecity state. A second key political deci-sion that impacted on Dubai�s post-war growth was the decision byBritain, in 1967, to withdraw from itsmilitary bases east of Suez. This sig-nalled the termination of the treatyrelationships in Trucial Oman, and on1st December 1971 a new political en-tity of the United Arab Emirates cameinto existence, comprising the formersheikhdoms of Dubai, Abu Dhabi,Sharjah, Ajman, Umm al Qairain,Ras al Khaimah and Fujairah. Whilethe administrative capital of the feder-ation is in Abu Dhabi, Dubai hasemerged as the principal economicand urban growth centre not only forthe UAE but also for the other GulfCooperation Council countries of

256

Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Bahrain, Qatar,and Oman, as well as for the widerregion.

The urban economy

For much of the nineteenth century,the pearl industry was a mainstay ofthe Dubai economy that also bene-fited from a prevailing philosophy ofeconomic liberalism that encouragedentrepreneurial activity. The growthof the urban economy received a ma-jor boost in 1902 when the govern-ment of Persia imposed highcustoms duties on merchants operat-ing from their ports, including themain entrepot for the Indian tradeat Lingeh at the entrance to the Gulf.The effect was to set in motion atransfer of the Indian trade, alongwith merchants, craftsmen and theirfamilies, to the more liberal economicclimate of Dubai. As a result, overthe course of the early decades ofthe twentieth century, Dubai as wellas being the key distribution centrefor trade with the interior, also be-came the main port where goodsfrom India were re-exported to Persiaand neighbouring countries. Thegrowing regional economic impor-

tance of Dubai was reinforced in1904 with the introduction of a regu-lar steamship service to Bombay.

The inter-war period, however,proved difficult for the Dubai econ-omy. The world recession of 1929 andthe introduction of the cultured pearlby Japan undermined the economy ofTrucial Oman. With the demise ofthe pearling industry Dubai placedeven greater emphasis on trade. Theoutbreak of the Second World Wardisrupted commercial links with India,however, and the resultant economicdifficulties were offset only marginallyby income from aviation and petro-leum exploration concessions.

Following discovery of petroleumoffshore in 1966, the development ofthe oil industry revolutionised theeconomy and society of Dubai. Oilrevenues enabled the government toundertake major infrastructure andindustrial projects that included con-struction of Port Rashid, the drydocks, an aluminium smelter, and theJebel Ali port and industrial area.(see Plate 1) In addition to oil reve-nues, another important force in thepost-war development of Dubai wasthe local merchant community withits network of international contacts


(Al Sayazh, 1998). Having diversifiedinto a variety of business activitiesranging from oil to marketing, themerchant group financed large pro-jects, acted as consultants, and in-vested as shareholders in privatecompanies, such as the Dubai Tele-phone Company. The commercial acu-men of the city�s entrepreneursflourished during the 1980–1988 Iran–Iraq war when Dubai�s merchants en-gaged in a lucrative trade supplyingconsumer goods and equipment toIran at considerable profit to individ-ual traders and to the urban economyas a whole. The war also stimulatedgrowth in the business of servicinginternational shipping that found Du-bai�s massive dry docks a safer alterna-tive to Kuwait or Iranian ports. Sincethe early 1980s Dubai�s trade withthe other GCC countries and otherGulf states has expanded to make Du-bai the busiest port in the region. Thecity�s growth as a commercial entrepotwas accompanied by expansion of thebanking sector and, as early as 1970,18 banking houses including 3 British,2 Pakistani, 2 Iranian, 2 North Ameri-can, 1 Jordanian and 3 locally char-tered banks, were represented in thecity. By 2002, 42 foreign banks and112 local banks were operating in Du-bai. A third critical factor underpin-ning Dubai�s post-war economicgrowth was the liberal economic ap-proach of government that sought toattract inward investment to a low-tax-ation, business friendly, and politicallystable environment. This strategy wasexpressed in concrete terms with theopening of the Jebel Ali free zone in1985 as an enclave where businessescould operate outside Dubai�s customsand legislative barriers and benefitfrom a ready supply of low wagenon-unionised labour. By 1992, JebelAli accommodated 480 firms from 56countries, and by 1995, this figurehad increased to 800 firms from 72countries, and included many majormultinational corporations such asNokia, Daewoo and Reebok seekingto penetrate the markets of the Ara-bian Gulf-Arab World. The numberof firms in the Jebel Ali free zonehas continued to increase, reaching1633 in 1999 and 2051 by 2002.

Since the early 1990s, Dubai hasbeen engaged in a process of eco-

nomic expansion and diversificationdriven by the knowledge that oil pro-duction, having peaked at 410,000 bar-rels per day in 1991, is in decline andnow accounts for less than 10% ofGDP. The primary objective of the1996–2010 Dubai strategic develop-ment plan is to attain the status of a�developed economy� by the latterdate. This goal is being pursued withina context of planned economicgrowth, by means of several strategiesincluding modernisation of productionin low value added sectors; investmentpromotion and attraction of wellestablished firms in modern high valueindustries; and diversification, with in-creased development of tertiary sectoractivities. The shift to higher valueadded manufacturing is evident inthe Jebel Ali free zone where, as theeconomy has matured, attempts havebeen made to attract more high tech-nology industries, (such as assemblyof computers and electronic equip-ment), and to phase out labour inten-sive industries, (such as textileprocessing), dependent on expatriatelabour. Thus, in 2000, while manufac-turing accounted for 17% of GDP,(second only to trade, with 18%) (Fig-ure 1), the sector ranked only third,behind construction and trade, interms of number of employees (Table1). Diversification is also evident inthe tenant mix of the Jebel Ali freezone that includes, in addition to man-ufacturing, warehouse and distribu-tion companies, producer services,(such as banking, insurance and legalservices), and trading companies en-gaged in importing goods from variousglobal markets for re-export to regio-nal markets. While manufacturingand trade remain major elements ofthe non-oil economy the more recentemphasis on expanding the tertiarysector is evident in the importance ofproducer and other services, real es-tate, hotels and restaurants, and con-struction (Figure 1). Between 1993and 2000, the number of hotel roomsin Dubai increased by 37% from18,638 to 25,571, and number of hotelbeds by 32%, from 31,267 to 41,226.The acknowledged importance of theinternational �visitor economy� is re-flected in the particular attention thathas been focused on developing up-market tourism, as symbolised by the

development of the iconic 7* Burj alArab hotel. Further planned luxurydevelopment projects include ThePalm Jumeirah, (a $1.5 billion devel-opment of man-made islands in theGulf to provide 10,000 exclusive resi-dences, 40,000 hotel rooms, and shop-ping and entertainment facilities);Dubai Marina, and �The World�, (an-other Gulf island development con-sisting of 300 private islands arrangedin the shape of a world map—with�Britain� having already been sold for£18 million) (see Plate 2).

In addition to strong inward flowsof investment capital the liberal �opendoor� economic policy of Dubai has at-tracted a steady stream of immigrantsthat has had significant impact on thesocio-cultural character of the city.

The urban population

The population growth curve forDubai takes the form of an elongatedS, with slow initial growth from 1500inhabitants in 1833 to 10,000 in 1900,and to 59,000 in 1968. Thereafter, thecity entered a period of rapid popula-tion growth. By 1985, the number ofresidents had risen to 370,788, repre-senting a five-fold increase over twodecades. The population has contin-ued to grow at a (relatively) reducedrate, increasing to 689,420 in 1995,(an increase of 86% over the decade),to 862,387 by 2000, and to 961,000 by2002.

The rapid population growth of re-cent decades is the result of two mainfactors. Of greatest significance hasbeen immigration fuelled initially byeconomic expansion based on the oilindustry that created a demand forlabour and expertise that could onlybe satisfied from abroad. The secondfactor, natural increase, is the resultof high fertility combined with a de-cline in infant mortality rates and anincrease in life expectancy consequentupon the introduction of modernhealth care facilities.

Despite a policy of �emiratisation� ofthe workforce since the mid 1990sbased on repatriation of illegal immi-grants, restrictions on entry of un-skilled foreign workers, and grantingpriority to emiri graduates in somestate sector employment, foreign-bornresidents still constitute a dominant

257

Table 1 Sectoral distribution of economic activity in Dubai, 2000

Sector Number employed %

Agriculture and fisheries 10,377 1.9Mining and quarrying 1,456 2.6Manufacturing 66,799 11.9Electricity, gas and water 1,819 0.3Construction 147,468 26.3Trading and repair services 117,738 21.0Hotels and restaurants 31,727 5.7Transport, storage and communications 47,058 8.4Financial, intermediation 9,988 1.8Real estate, renting and business services 22,726 4.1Public administration and defence 33,117 5.9Education 11,719 2.1Health and social work 10,715 1.9Other social and personal services 15,373 2.8Housemaids 30,857 5.5Extra-territorial organisations 422 0.1Not stated 718 0.1

Figure 1 Dubai non-oil sector GDP, 2000.


proportion of Dubai�s population. In2000, of the 862,387 inhabitants,460,691 (53%) were born abroad.Two principal waves of immigrantsmay be identified. The first influx ar-rived in the early part of the twentiethcentury and were largely Arabs fromcoastal Iran attracted by the economicopportunities (discussed earlier).Many of these migrants came from

258

the Bastak district of Fars provinceand were settled in a new urban quar-ter, (Bastakigah), that remains a dis-tinctive element in the urbanmorphology of the contemporary city.The second main wave of immigrants,arriving from the 1960s onwards, wereprimarily labour migrants from Indiaand Pakistan, as well as from Iran,other Arab states and Europe and

North America. This is evident in thedistinctive demographic profile of theexpatriate population that is charac-terised by a preponderance of eco-nomically active males in the 20–40age range (Figure 2). The influx of for-eign workers in the late 1960s oc-curred because the mainly Britishcompanies to which the Emirate�s gov-ernment awarded contracts for major


developments, such as the airport,roads, port facilities and hotels,sourced cheap labour from thesecountries. In 1969, construction work-ers constituted 17% of the total labourforce of 24,014. The continued impor-tance of the construction sector is indi-cated by the fact that in 2000 thesector accounted for 26% of the totallabour force of 560,077 (Table 1).

Immigrants were also attracted toopportunities in the wholesale and re-tail trades. To the merchant traditionof the colonial period was added anew class of immigrant merchantsfrom India, Pakistan, Iran andAfghanistan who often occupied aparticular niche in the commercial sec-tor. Indian and Pakistani immigrantscommonly sold clothing, electricalappliances or cameras, while Iraniansfrequently established grocery outlets.Segmentation by ethnicity and classwas evident in other sectors of theeconomy with, for example, Britishbank managers being supported bytellers, clerks and secretaries from In-dia and Pakistan. Stevedores were fre-quently Baluchis, other dock workers

Plate 2 Jumeirah Beach hotel.

Omani or Yemeni, carpenters andelectricians were often Indian Sikhs,while most street sweepers wereIranian.

The influx of foreign workers hashad a major cultural impact on thecity, most visibly in variations in dressand language, and in the growth ofrestaurants, shops and other facilitiesto serve the needs of the immigrantpopulations. Immigration remains akey determinant of the urban charac-ter of Dubai. As Table 2 shows acrossall main sectors of the economy themajority of the economically activemale population have lived in the cityfor less than a decade.

The urban outcomes of these majorhistorical, economic, demographic andcultural processes are manifested mostclearly in the socio-spatial pattern ofcity development.

Urban development

Four major phases of urban develop-ment may be identified in Dubai:

1900–1955: A period of slow growthand limited physical expansion due to

constrained economic growth andmarginal increase in population. Atthe beginning of the period Dubai�spopulation of 10,000 was concentratedin three residential quarters of

� Deira, consisting of 1600 housesand 350 suq shops, with Arabs, Per-sians and Baluchis making up themajority of the inhabitants.

� Al Shindagha, a former residenceof the ruling family, where therewas 250 houses but no suqs andonly Arab residents.

� Dubai, the smallest of the settle-ment areas with 200 houses and50 suq shops, and dominated byPersian and Indian merchants.

By 1955, the urban area remained amodest 3.2 km2. The majority ofinhabitants lived in extended familiesin �barasti� houses, (built of palmfronds). Residential quarters werebuilt in clusters for reasons of privacyand collective security. The internalparts of each enclave were connectedby narrow walkways intended forpedestrians and domestic animalsused for transport of goods and

259


drinking water from four public wells.The first house constructed using con-crete blocks was not built until 1956(Heard-Bey, 1982).

1956–1970: A period of compactgrowth based on a 1960 master plan,(prepared by a British architect), thatcalled for provision of a road system,zoning of the town into areas for dif-ferent land uses, and creation of anew town centre. These modest goalswere in keeping with the emirate�spre-oil resources. The master planstrategy was indicative also of strongcentral control over urban develop-ment. During this period it wasacknowledged that a formal institu-tional structure was required to guidefuture urban development. In 1957,the Dubai Municipality was estab-lished to administer and co-ordinateall municipal services under the super-vision of a city council whose member-ship was drawn largely from the ranksof the leading merchants. Regulationof the pattern of urban developmentin Dubai is also made possible by thestructure of the real estate market thatis markedly different from that of theWestern world.

In accordance with Arab-Islamictraditions land ownership is based ontwo principles. Within a settlementany plot of land that has been occu-pied by a homestead for a lengthyperiod belongs to the inhabitant. Else-where landed property is at the dis-posal of the ruler. In Dubai theseprinciples have been applied basedon a datum of 1960. Thus, in areaswhere by 1960 solid houses had beenbuilt the right to dispose of the plotsnormally belongs to the residents. Inthose areas of the city undevelopedby 1960 the ruler may sell the land,lease it, put it to special uses over aset period, or allocate it to the munic-ipality for public utilities. If the land isdisposed of without charge, (�grantedland�), the ruler reserves the right toreclaim it at a future date. The titlesto plots that were already developedin 1960 may be traded freely and ifsuch plots are required by the munici-pality landowners must be compen-sated according to market value. Theowners of private land may decideon its uses within certain broad guide-lines (for example, they may replacetheir house with a more modern

260

dwelling, or with a rental apartmentblock of several stories, or may sellthe land on the open market). The factthat the ruler may freely dispose oflands outside the settled areas of1960 affords considerable central con-trol over the pattern of urbandevelopment.

1971–1980: A period of plannedsuburban growth. In 1971, as a resultof urban expansion and the availabil-ity of development capital a new andmore ambitious master plan was con-ceived. The plan made provision forring roads around the city and a ra-dial street network to the suburbs.Other major transport developmentsincluded the Shindagha Tunnel be-neath the creek to connect BurDubai and Deira, and constructionof two bridges, (Maktoum and Gar-houd), thus linking city districts onboth sides of the creek. The area eastof the creek, around Deira, devel-oped rapidly into the major businessbanking and administrative centrefor the city, the main area for han-dling coastal and re-export shippingactivities, and the location for theinternational airport. On the otherside of the creek the internationalimport and container harbour wasdeveloped alongside the dry docksand several major industrial areas,as well as the landmark World TradeCentre.

The building of Port Rashid wasalso planned, and a large area, (nownamed Jumeirah), extending towardsJebel Ali was designated for residen-tial use. To the south of the city addi-tional areas were set aside for health,education and leisure/recreationdevelopments (Gabriel, 1987). Of par-ticular significance for the structure ofthe modern city was the growth corri-dor along Sheikh Zayed Road towardsJebel Ali. Characterised as the �NewDubai� this zone is emerging as thenew commercial and financial centreof the city.

1980–Present: A period of rapid ur-ban expansion, in terms of both thescale and diversity of developmentprojects and physical spread of thecity, that in 2004 covered an area of605 km2. The annual urban growthrate is currently 3.9%, and the strate-gic plan envisages extending the builtup area by a further 501 km2 by 2015.

The master plan of 1960 laid thefoundations of the urban road net-work and the system of municipal ser-vices, but could not have foreseen thesubsequent explosive growth of theeconomy and city. In the early 1990s,the government commissioned theDubai Urban Area Strategic Plan1993–2012 to guide the economic andphysical development of the city intothe twenty-first century. Key chal-lenges to be addressed were—

� To accommodate urban expansionby allocating additional land in aphased planned process to meetcurrent and future needs for resi-dential, industrial and commercialuses.

� To extend the existing transportnetwork and infrastructurefacilities.

� To promote continued economicgrowth.

� To support and attract privateinvestment by ensuring a sufficientland supply, adequate infrastruc-ture, simplified administrative andplanning procedures, and by con-ducting publicly funded feasibilitystudies for major development pro-posals to minimise the risk to pri-vate capital.

� Toencourage co-operationbetweenprivate sector companies and gov-ernment agencies in undertakingdevelopment �mega-projects�.

� To encourage expatriates to re-invest capital and profits in localenterprises.

� To develop an inter-departmentalplanning framework capable ofreviewing, monitoring and imple-menting the Structure Plan.

� To devise a regulatory environ-ment capable of operating withina strong market economy andincorporating the needs and inter-ests of a large number of agenciesand organisations.

The Strategic Plan also representedan effort to provide an explicit spatialframework for urban growth. Figure 3indicates the planned land use struc-ture for the city.

Three particular challenges relateto the adequate provision of housing,transportation infrastructure, andpublic services and facilities. Housingrepresents the largest use of urban

Figure 2 Population pyramids by age and sex for total and expatriate population.


space. As a consequence of the par-ticular system of land ownership inDubai, (discussed earlier), allocationof land for housing is based on threemain elements. A fundamental dis-tinction is drawn between nationalsand expatriate housing needs. Theformer comprise two elements. Thefirst refers to the need for new dwell-ings to accommodate a growing num-

ber of households, and to replacedilapidated housing units. The sec-ond type of nationals� housing needstems from a state policy that dic-tates that all national males above20 years of age receive a plot of landof 15,000 ft2 (1400 m2) and thatnationals with a plot of less than10,000 ft2 (935 m2) may be grantedanother plot of 15,000 ft2 in addition

to the original plot. Emiri nationalsare also entitled to interest free loansto assist with house purchase. Bothforms of nationals� housing need arethe responsibility of the public sec-tor. Expatriate housing needs are ca-tered for by the private sector, withthe municipal responsibility confinedto identification of developmentareas.

261

Table 2 Main occupations of males (%) by length of residence in Dubai, 2000

Since birth 20+ 15–19 10–14 5–9 1–4 <1

Legislators and senior officials 9.8 14.2 8.2 12.4 21.3 29.1 5.1Professionals 7.0 12.6 7.5 12.8 24.3 32.6 3.3Technicians and associate professionals 12.1 13.1 7.4 13.3 23.0 28.7 0.2Clerks 12.1 12.9 7.6 12.9 22.6 30.9 1.1Service and sales workers 4.6 10.3 7.8 14.4 26.7 34.5 1.8Skilled agriculture and fishery workers 3.1 6.7 7.5 17.3 23.4 39.4 2.6Craft and related workers 0.5 4.9 4.0 9.9 28.3 49.8 2.6Plant and machine operators 1.7 12.8 9.3 15.8 26.4 31.6 2.4Elementary occupations 1.7 4.5 4.4 9.7 28.0 49.6 2.1

Total 3.9 8.6 6.2 12.1 26.5 40.3 2.4


The Emirate�s housing policy hasseveral consequences for the physicaldevelopment of Dubai—

� Because plots are provided to indi-viduals rather than to householdsthe total amount of land requiredfor nationals� housing is increased.

� The relocation of nationals to new15,000 ft2 plots has been accompa-nied by deterioration of housingconditions in older inner city resi-dential areas.

� The peripheral location of newhousing plots has stimulated a pro-cess of suburbanisation and crea-tion of �dormitory communities�on the fringes of the city, as at Maz-har and Nad Al Hamar (Figure 3).In response, some effort has beenmade by the municipality to rein-troduce nationals� housing in rede-veloped inner urban areas such asHar Al Anz and Al Hamriya (Fig-ure 3).

� While some of the vacated nation-als� housing filters down to low-income expatriates, in general,there is limited state provision ofhousing for this social group.Indeed, the Structure Plan doesnot recommend public constructionof low cost housing for expatriateson the grounds that it would placethe state in unnecessary competi-tion with the private sector. Fur-ther, state policy requiresindustrial firms to provide accom-modation for their staff in existingor new estates as at Al Quoz andJebel Ali (Figure 3).

A second major development chal-lenge for Dubai is that of providing amodern transportation system in thecontext of a rapidly expanding urban

262

area. Dubai is an automobile depen-dent city in which under five percentof person trips are made by publictransport. Traffic congestion is a grow-ing problem at peak times, especiallyat the road crossings of Dubai Creek.In addition, within the old centralareas of Bur Dubai and Deira parkingfacilities are barely adequate. Whilethere are plans to extend the road net-work including an outer ring route, toinsert a rail system, enhance traffic cir-culation in the CBDs by means of traf-fic management schemes, and improveroad and water transportation linksacross the Creek a major challenge isto expand use of public transport.

A third key development issue re-fers to the provision of public servicesand facilities. Traditionally in Dubaiservices such as electrical power, watersupply, sewerage, and waste disposal,as well as the capital and operatingcosts of facilities such as hospitals havebeen subsidised by the Ruler�s Office.With an increasing population anddeclining oil revenues these socialinfrastructure subsidies are accountingfor an increasing percentage of GNP.A fundamental challenge is how tomaintain the level of service provisionbut restrain the rising cost of socialwelfare subsidies. Options under ac-tive consideration include higher costrecovery via increased user charges,improved demand management usingprice-related inducements to restrainconsumption, and planned phaseddevelopment of the city on land con-tiguous to the existing built up areain preference to �leapfrog� urbanexpansion.

Central to the planned urbangrowth, and as part of the city�s strat-egy to establish itself as the region�s

hub for commerce, services and lei-sure, is construction of a series of�cities within the city� mega-projects.Principal among these are—

� Internet City: One of the firstmega-projects, it is designed to pro-vide an infrastructure and environ-ment that enables ICT enterprisesto operate locally, regionally andglobally from Dubai, with signifi-cant competitive advantage, and ishome to a number of major inter-national companies includingMicrosoft, Oracle and Canon.

� Media City: Located close to Inter-net City this houses studios andoffices of major media organisa-tions including CNN and the Reu-ters News Agency.

� Festival City: One of the largestmixed use private sector develop-ments, located along the shores ofthe creek, and comprising fifteenresidential communities with acomplementary �world class� envi-ronment of entertainment, shop-ping and leisure facilities.

� Dubai Marina: Situated adjacentto Internet City and developedby a government real estateagency, (EMAAR), as a masterplanned community and �theworld�s first intelligent city� it willhouse 35,000 residents in 10 dis-tricts of upmarket apartments,with advanced IT systems asstandard in every house (seePlate 3).

� International City: An 800 hectaremixed use development comprising21,000 residences for 60,000 peopledesigned in a series of �nationalthemed� districts built to architec-tural styles from a variety of coun-

Figure 3 Dubai Urban Area Structure Plan 1993–2015.


tries, including England, Italy,China and Indonesia; a 21 hectarecentral business district; an interna-tional exhibition centre and hotels,and a range of tourist facilities(including a re-creation of the For-bidden City in Beijing).

� Dubai International Financial Cen-tre: This financial free zone is amulti-billion dollar real estatedevelopment on 450,000 m2 of des-ert. Offering advantages such aszero tax on income and profits,and no restrictions on repatriationof capital/profit, and featuring a50-storey headquarters buildingand 14 other towers DIFC isintended to become the financialcentre for a region encompassingthe countries of the GCC, theIndian sub-continent, Caspianstates, Levant, and East Africa.

� Burj Dubai: The �Dubai Tower� is aplanned office and hotel complexthat is designed to capture the dis-tinction of being the world�s tallestbuilding.

� Dubai Mall: Located adjacent tothe Burj Dubai, with 9 millionft2 of floor-space, this �Mall ofMalls� is planned to be the larg-est shopping mall in the world,

and is expected to attract 35 mil-lion visitors in its first year ofoperations.

Dubai’s development ininternational context

Dubai has developed into a city of re-gional importance, with a plannedobjective of becoming a city of signifi-cance within the global urban-economic system. Development ofthe city has been energised by a syner-gistic relationship between global andlocal forces embedded within a partic-ular historical and geographical con-text. Dubai�s development alsousefully informs the �convergence–divergence� debate regarding contem-porary urban growth by demonstratingthe dialectic relationship between theforces of globalisation, (economic,political and cultural), and localisation(e.g. environment, demography, his-tory and ideology), in the productionof the urban environment (Smith,2001; Newman and Thornley, 2005).

From the global perspective, withinthe capitalist world system concernwith economic performance domi-nates the urban agenda, but this objec-tive is pursued differentially within

particular ideological and institutionalcontexts that vary from the neo-liber-alism of the USA to the state entre-preneurship of Asia. Just as differentsocieties embrace the economicimperative of capitalism in differentways and to differing degrees, so par-ticular cities follow distinctive devel-opment trajectories that reflect theinteraction of global forces and localcontext.

A primary global force, working infavour of some form of �convergenturbanisation�, is the competitive inter-national environment engendered byeconomic globalisation that drives citymanagers to take steps to ensure thattheir city is an attractive location forinvestment. This competitive impera-tive is manifested in city promotionand marketing strategies embraced(unavoidably) by most large (ambi-tious) cities. In terms of physicaldevelopment impacts the desire to at-tract multinational corporations andspecialist service functions leads toprovision of state of the art office,entertainment and residential areasto cater for the needs of �footloose�capital. Dubai�s mega projects repre-sent some of the most spectacular ofsuch developments in the modern

263


world. Tourism has also become amajor economic growth sector in theglobal economy. Property-basedtourist-led development has trans-formed the economies and impactedupon the physical structure of manycities worldwide. Dubai with its attrac-tive �sun–sand–sea� ecosystem has be-come the leading tourist destinationin the Middle East. In addition to ho-tel, entertainment and retail com-plexes the city has developed tradecentres, conference facilities andtheme parks in order to enhance itsimage as a major leisure-tourist desti-nation. Global pressures also placegreater emphasis on infrastructureprovision in the form of airport exten-sions, rail transit systems and roadprojects, all of which are currently inprogress in Dubai.

Notwithstanding the force of globalprocesses, local context also pre-figures how global forces are opera-tionalised and impact upon cities indifferent parts of the world. A key fac-tor is the political ideology of the

Plate 3 Mina A Salam residential-leisur

264

state. Whereas in the USA city plan-ning is undertaken by a range ofdevelopment agencies with only lim-ited co-ordination at the city-regionscale, in Western Europe the state isinvolved more centrally in urban plan-ning and development. Dubai repre-sents a hybrid model between statecontrol and economic liberalism inwhich urban development is deter-mined largely by the planning visionof the ruling family within an environ-ment of market capitalism that seeksto attract foreign investment and re-duce restrictions to free enterprise.This form of state led entrepreneurialapproach to urban development pro-duces a city plan that is, in essence, aspatial expression of economic strat-egy and a mechanism for ensuringthe provision of the required infra-structure and services.

The resultant differential economicgrowth leads inevitably to socio-spa-tial polarisation between high-andlow-income groups in society, andto the possibility of social conflict.

e complex with the Burj al Arab in the ba

In Dubai the proliferation of up-mar-ket residential areas highlights theexclusive character of large parts ofthe urban space. While not a currentpriority issue for the government, thechallenge of devising an appropriatestrategy to manage social polarisa-tion may tax the powers of urbanplanners. More generally, in termsof urban politics, the growth of�anti-globalisation� urban socialmovements in many cities has en-abled some citizen groups to exercisea degree of influence over city plans.In Dubai the centralised structure ofgovernment and economic impera-tives of the structure plan afford lim-ited potential for local democraticparticipation in urban planning.Top–down rather than grassrootsdecision-making is the principalmeans for carrying forward thedevelopment of the city. Althoughthis model may not be generallyapplicable in the different politicalcontexts of the USA or WesternEurope its results in terms of the

ckground.


rapid economic and urban develop-ment of the city state are undeniable.

Dubai thus provides a strikingexample of �convergent urbanisation�in terms of the city state�s responseto global economic forces, butequally demonstrates the power oflocal environment, history, cultureand politics to mediate the impactsof global processes to promote an ur-ban form embedded in particular lo-cal context.

Urban prospect

Like many other contemporary cities,Dubai is working to establish its posi-tion within the global economy. Inmany respects, however, Dubai is alsoin a unique situation. In marked con-trast with older industrial cities of thewest and former Communist cities thatare seeking to effect urban regenera-tion, Dubai is engaged primarily in aprocess of urban generation. Similarlywhile, in common with many cities ofthe Third World, Dubai is facing thechallenge of providing adequate infra-structure in a context of rapid urbangrowth and expansion, Dubai isaddressing the problem from a positionof relative economic strength. It has anample land resource in the form of a ta-bula rasa desert landscape, no legacy ofindustrial dereliction, no sprawl ofspontaneous settlements, political sta-bility, strong inward flows of capitalinvestment, and is proceeding with aclear development blueprint that aims

to create a city of regional significancefor the twenty-first century.

Property development forms a cor-nerstone of Dubai�s developmentstrategy. Investment by both privatesector and government agencies isbeing used in a number of ways:

� as a mechanism to expand anddiversify the urban economy bycreating intra urban growth cen-tres focused on specific economicactivities such as retailing, ITand multi-media, and tourism.

� in image creation and place mar-keting, manifested in iconic archi-tectures, (such as Burj al Arab),and global scale mega-projects,(such as Palm Jumeirah and theBurj Dubai), that perform a dualrole as sources of pride andnational identity and as a meansof attracting inward investment byraising the global profile of the city.

� to extend the network of urbaninfrastructure, (including enlarge-ment of the international airport,and construction of an urban railsystem), promote populationgrowth, and facilitate urbanexpansion.

The economic prosperity of the oilyears has helped transform Dubaifrom a sleepy fishing village on theArabian Gulf into a modern prosper-ous cosmopolitan city, and develop-ment planning for the post-oildecades is designed to continue thisgrowth process. With a GDP per capi-ta ($US 19,900) that is well in excess

of other states in the region and a stra-tegic development plan target to in-crease this to $US 21,700 by 2010Dubai appears to be well placed toachieve its urban development goals.On the other hand, while economicand physical growth targets may bemet, as in all capitalist cities, wealthis not distributed evenly. Highly visi-ble income and lifestyle differencesbetween affluent and poorer residentsand socio-spatial polarisation betweennational and low-income non-nationalworkers may require that, in future,greater consideration be directed tothe distribution of wealth as well asto wealth creation.

References

Al Sayazh, F (1998) Merchants� role in achanging society: the case of Dubai1900–90. Middle Eastern Studies 34(1),87–102.

Gabriel, E (1987) The Dubai Handbook.Institute for Applied Economic Geog-raphy, Ahrensburg.

Heard-Bey, F (1982) From Trucial States toUnited Arab Emirates: A Society inTransition. Longman, London.

Kazim, A (2000) The United Arab EmiratesAD600 to the Present: A Socio-Discur-sive Transformation in the Arabian Gulf.Gulf Book Centre, Dubai.

Molari, A (2004) City on a hill NewRepublic 230(4), 11–13.

Newman, P and Thornley, A (2005) Plan-ning World Cities: Globalization andUrban Politics. Palgrave Macmillan,Basingstoke.

Smith, M (2001) Transnational Urbanism:Locating Globalization. Blackwell,Oxford.

265

Documents

City proﬁle Dubai - WordPress.com · Dubai are rooted in the tribal cul-ture and political history of the re-gion. In the eighteenth century, the southern part of Trucial Oman,