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Chinese Families Down Under: The role of the family in the construction of identity

amongst Chinese Australians, 1920-1960

By Carole Tan,

School of Languages and Comparative Cultural Studies, University of Queensland

Paper presented at the International Conference “Migrating Identities: Ethnic Minorities in

Chinese Diaspora” held by the Centre for the Study of Chinese Southern Diaspora, ANU, 26-

28 September 2001

Introduction

While much has been written about Italian and Greek migrants and their families in Australia,

little academic research has been conducted on Chinese families except for one or two

studies on recent migrants from Hong Kong and Taiwan (Mak & Chan, 1995; Pe-Pua, 1996).

Pioneering studies of the Chinese in Australia such as those of Cathie May (1984), Shirley

Fitzgerald (1997), Diana Giese (1995, 1997) and Janis Wilton (1996), and descendants’

histories such as those of Norma King Koi (1995) and William Yang (1996), refer to the older

group of Chinese immigrant families whose grandparents and great-grandparents contributed

to the early development of regional Australia and places like Sydney. In the fields of family

and ethnic studies however, these families have largely been ignored. This paper seeks to

address this gap by using an analysis of the personal narratives of Chinese Australians to

explore the role of the family as ‘gatekeepers’ in the construction of identity. In particular it

explores the impact of second- and third- generation families on the ability of individual family

members to negotiate the boundaries between the Chinese home and mainstream Australian

society and the way individual family members constructed their identities as a consequence

of this. Furthermore, this paper specifically focuses on Chinese Australian families during the

years of the White Australia policy due to the specific pressures shaping family life at that

time.

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While there are in fact a number of ‘gate-keeping agencies’ that influence the construction of

identity by individual Chinese Australians, this paper focuses on just one of these – the family.

Apart from a few respondents who arrived in Australia as young children under the age of ten,

all respondents interviewed as part of this research were born in Australia and originate from

parts of Southern China. While a number of second-generation respondents came from

families that had for many years existed as ‘split families’ (Glenn & Yap, 1994), that is to say

the father lived and worked in Australia whilst the wife and children continued to reside in

China or Hong Kong,1 it should be noted that the majority of these were actually born after the

family had been reunited in Australia. In general, third-generation respondents were also

members of established families due to parents and grandparents having settled in Australia.

Due to the fact that severe immigration restrictions made it extremely difficult for Chinese to

settle permanently in Australia however, the number of Chinese families that became

established during the years of the White Australia policy was decidedly low. Nevertheless,

the stories, memories and experiences of second- and third-generation Chinese Australians

who grew up during this time, are significant in that they illustrate the role of the family in the

processes of resistance, adaptation, maintenance and negotiation (Sinclair & Cunningham,

1999) which operate in the (re)construction and (re)production of both culture and identity

across several generations. It is to a closer examination of these processes that we will now

turn.

During the years of the White Australia Policy Chinese families were excluded from the

political, social and economic life of mainstream (read: white) Australia due to immigration

restrictions, economic regulations, and prejudice and racial discrimination within wider

society (Choi, 1975; Fitzgerald, 1997; Giese, 1997). Relegated to the margins of

mainstream Australian society therefore, Chinese families relied on the cohesion of the

family as a tightly knit unit for social and economic survival. However there was also intense

pressure to shed Old World traits and become as ‘Australian’ (read: white) as possible in

order to gain the acceptance and tolerance of the wider community in which Chinese families

were located (Wilton & Bosworth, 1987). The way in which parents of second- and third-

1 This was primarily due to immigration restrictions that restricted the entry of Chinese women to Australia unless the husband held merchant status. (See Choi, 1975).

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generation families responded to this pressure - and the position they consequently took on

issues relating to the retention of Chinese practices and values vis-à-vis accommodation or

assimilation into the mainstream - inevitably determined the rigidity or permeability of family

boundaries and the opportunities or limitations experienced by individual family members in

seeking access into mainstream Australian life. The family had significant influence

therefore as ‘gatekeepers’ who monitored the border-crossing activities of individual family

members between the home and the outside world and either facilitated or hindered this

process (Bowes & Watson, 1999).

It was in the performance of this role as ‘gatekeepers’ therefore that the family can also be

seen to have influenced the various ways in which the second- and third- generation

fashioned their individual identities. What these narratives also show however is that the

position of parents and the concomitant nature of family boundaries changed significantly

between generations. In order to ascertain the role of the family in the (re)construction of

identity therefore, it is important to trace these changes as they occurred between

generations.

Intergenerational studies performed overseas illustrate how the (re)construction of identity

between generations takes place as part of an on-going process in which certain aspects of

the ‘original culture’ are maintained while others are modified, reinvented, submerged or

discarded (Alba, 1990; Nagel, 1994). Studies also show that even within the context of the

family, individual family members may accept or reject the values and expectations of the

previous generation(s) (Thompson, 1993; Thompson, 1995). Both points are useful when

considering the (re)construction of identity amongst ‘multi-generational’ Chinese Australians.

For within Chinese families, the acceptance or rejection of parental values and expectations

was frequently perceived as a reflection of one’s identity as either more 'Chinese' or more

‘Australian’ (Song, 1997). Second- and third- generation Chinese Australians thus inevitably

became involved in a process of ‘picking and choosing’ (Nagel, 1994) aspects of

‘Chineseness’ that should be retained and other aspects that could be discarded. This

generally took place as the second- and third- generation reinterpreted 'Chineseness' in terms

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of what was relevant and meaningful for them. The freedom with which they were able to do

this however was largely determined by the family (Song, 1999).

Before going any further it is important to point out that families are unique in the way they

create, guard and maintain the boundaries between the home and the outside world.

Nonetheless certain characteristics emerge from the personal narratives of Chinese

Australians who talk about their families, which appear to be commonly shared by families of

the same generation. It is to a discussion of these characteristics as they are located within

second- and third-generation families2 therefore that we now turn.

Second-Generation Families

The fact that parents of second-generation families were Chinese migrants had significant

influence on family life for their children who were born in Australia. Connections with the

‘homeland’ remained quite strong as grandparents and extended family members remained in

China and regular remittances were made to contribute to their support.3 The notion of

‘home’ (both real and imagined) as located within the ancestral village in China also remained

strong and continued to impact on the attitudes and aspirations of migrant parents for

decades to come (Wilton, 1996).

Migrant parents often found it difficult to adapt to Australian life due to the inability to speak

English and a lack of understanding of the diverse set of practices, values and belief systems

upheld within mainstream Australian society. Whereas migrant fathers were generally forced

to accommodate to the Australian way of life in order to deal successfully with the outside

world, migrant mothers frequently remained isolated within the home or at the back of the

family business (Wilton, 1996). Having little opportunity to interact with the wider non-

2 Here I use the term ‘second-generation families’ to indicate that respondents were either born in Australia or arrived in Australia before the age of ten. In most cases both parents were migrants, although in some cases one parent had been born locally. The term ‘third-generation families’ refers to families in which both parents were born in Australia and were therefore second-generation Chinese Australians, whilst their offspring formed the third-generation. 3 These often included a ‘Chinese mother’ (the father’s first wife) and half brothers and sisters she had given birth to. Due to immigration laws restricting the entrance of Chinese women into Australia, it was also often necessary for wives to leave their daughters behind on rejoining their husbands in Australia.

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Chinese community, migrant mothers found it difficult to adapt and continued to (re)produce

aspects of 'Chineseness' within the home environment in Australia. This included speaking

Chinese, cooking Chinese food and herbal medicines, and observing festivals and religious

days such as Chinese New Year, Qing Ming4, and the Autumn Moon festival. Visits to the

Chinese temple were also common as was burning incense at the family shrine.

By replicating aspects of home life in China migrant parents procured a tenuous sense of

belonging in an otherwise foreign and alien land. In fact the second-generation home could

be described as a cultural ‘bastion’ (Glenn, 1986; Glenn & Yap, 1994) in which migrant

parents sought at once to preserve Chinese traditions and practices whilst also repelling the

influences of mainstream culture. Within this environment they not only fostered a sense of

pride in motherland China and in being Chinese, but also created a space in which family

members could feel nurtured and accepted, a place of refuge from the prejudice and

discrimination encountered in the outside world (Ip, 1996). In this way, migrant parents

created distinct boundaries between the home and the outside world. The nature of such

boundaries could be both nurturing and limiting however, and could either facilitate or hinder

the process that inevitably took place as individual family members crossed between Chinese

and mainstream cultural domains (Shun Wah, 1999).

The Gates: Open or Closed?

The ability of second-generation family members to cross between cultural domains

successfully was often contingent on the attitudes of migrant parents towards accommodation

and assimilation to the Australian way of life. Parents, who recognised that assimilation

opened doors in terms of gaining access into the mainstream, were able to empower their

children5 by providing opportunities for interaction with the outside world. Others insulated

their children from the influences of the mainstream however and in effect hindered their

access into the mainstream.

4 Qing Ming is otherwise known as “the sweeping of the graves” and takes place around April each year. 5 Although I use the term ‘children’ here I am not referring to their age but rather their position within the context of the family.

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The boundaries created within second-generation families differed therefore in the degree to

which they were rigid or permeable. Parents who sought to facilitate the border-crossing

process for their children encouraged them to fit into their environment by wearing Western

dress, becoming fluent in English, and participating in activities outside the home, such as

playing sports, going to movies, attending Sunday school and Boy Scouts and so on (Wilton,

1996). In these families parents sought to pass on strategies to children for dealing

successfully with the outside world thereby assisting them in the process of gaining access

into the mainstream. Robyn, who was brought up in Sydney during the 1950s, recalls her

own upbringing and the attempts her parents made to facilitate the success of their children in

the outside world…

They decided that we’d be brought up in a very Australian sort

of way and compete - my father used to say if you are going to

compete with the Australians you have to be better than the

Australians. So he let us speak Chinese until we were five and

when we went to school he made us speak pure English and

perfect English so that we wouldn’t be disadvantaged…. We

had to be the best Australians there were.6

While children such as Robyn may have been permitted or even encouraged to adapt to

Australian ways when outside the home within the home they were still expected to uphold

certain Chinese customs and practices – even though as Robyn points out being Chinese

was ‘secondary’ to being ‘Australian’…

But because they [the parents] lived in an English environment

their Chinese was secondary. And the Chinese they taught us

was just the family talk and … the food and things like that and

they taught us Chinese customs and things like that. And they

stuck to the custom of calling everybody Aunty and Uncle and

having respect for elders and using chopsticks correctly and

6 Interview with author in Gordonvale, 12 August 2000.

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that sort of thing. A lot of the old Buddhist religious feasts and

things…7

While second-generation families like Robyn’s may have encouraged accommodation to the

Australian way of life, nevertheless the fact that Chinese traditions and values were

maintained within the home (albeit to various degrees) meant that the home represented a

distinctly ‘Chinese’ environment to the second-generation. The encounters of young second-

generation Chinese Australian children as they crossed between the borders between home

and school would have made them acutely aware of ‘difference’ therefore, as they crossed

between two cultural domains.

In some families however the borders between the home and the outside world were quite

rigid as migrant parents maintained a kind of ‘siege mentality’ in which the home became the

reserve of Chinese customs and practices whilst influences from the outside world were to a

great extent kept out (Glenn & Yap, 1994). In families such as these, parents usually insisted

on children speaking Chinese rather than English, emphasised the importance of Chinese

customs and values, and provided little opportunity or encouragement for children to mix with

non-Chinese outside the home.

Ken, for instance, arrived in Australia with his mother in 1961 as a young boy. He and his

mother had come from Hong Kong to be reunited with Ken’s father who was practising as a

Chinese herbalist. Ken remembers his father being extremely strict as regards to speaking

only Chinese at home and keeping Chinese traditions and values. He was also strict about

how much time Ken spent outside the home after school, insisting that Ken return home

immediately in order to help in the herbalist business he operated. Furthermore Ken was not

allowed to play sports such as football, and seldom had the opportunity to go to the movies or

to play with friends. Ken’s case is interesting as it reveals how being raised in a distinctly

‘Chinese’ environment with little social interaction with the outside world could actually inhibit

the ability of the second-generation to function successfully in the outside world. For Ken this

7 Interview with author 12 August 2000.

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emerged most clearly in his struggle with English. For instance Ken’s first choice of career

was to be an engineer, however, due to his struggle with English at school he decided to

leave school and become an herbalist like his father. Ken feels that this is partly due to the

fact that he was already eight years old when he and his mother joined his father in Cairns…

[I]f I had studied at a lower grade when I was younger I wouldn’t

have been a herbalist, because my English would have picked

up a lot more…. So because my father doesn’t speak much

English, my mother doesn’t speak English at all, it is very hard

for me to learn... 8

Ken’s father was very happy with this decision however, because as Ken says…

In Chinese customs and traditions ... you always try to get the

eldest one to take over from ... the father. So he was quite happy

with what I was doing.9

The requirement that children help out in the family business was often a matter of survival for

second-generation families who lived on the margins of wider Australian society (Song, 1999;

Wilton, 1996). Chinese small businesses characteristically involved intensive labour and long

working hours, which generally left little time to socialise outside the family. Children were

relied on therefore to help out in the family business, to care for siblings and do domestic

chores, and assist their parents as mediators and interpreters when dealing with the outside

world. As in Ken’s case, family responsibilities often limited the opportunities available to

children for social interaction in the outside world – except for what took place ‘over the

counter’ as it were (Parker, 1995; Song, 1999; Wilton, 1996).

Annette Shun Wah, who grew up in Brisbane in the 1960s, believes she had a sheltered

upbringing due to her parents working seven days a week in the family business, which left

little time for socialising. Furthermore there were few Chinese in the area and her parents felt

extremely alienated from the wider Australian community…

8 Interview with Diana Giese in Cairns, 11 February 1997. Post-War Chinese Australians, National Library of Australia. TRC3566. Website: www.nla.gov.au. 9Interview with author in Cairns, 8 August 2000.

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Their opinion of life in Australia, and of Australians, was less than

enthusiastic. They saw western culture as alien to them and lived

apart from it. If they could not socialise with Chinese, then they

would not socialise at all (Shun Wah, 1999).

A number of second-generation families were in fact isolated from the wider Australian

community in one way or another, whether this was by choice - perhaps a reaction to

prejudice and racial discrimination in the outside world, or just a natural side effect of

geographical isolation. Nonetheless, living in isolation from wider Australian society inevitably

impacted on the encounters of the second-generation with the outside world, which in turn

influenced the way they came to see themselves.

Annette, for instance, describes her own upbringing on an isolated farm in regional

Queensland in the 1940s, where the family had limited contact with the non-Chinese

community. She recalls her father being extremely strict about speaking Chinese and

maintaining Chinese customs. Growing up within this distinctly ‘Chinese’ environment with

little interaction with the outside world also influenced the way family members saw

themselves…

We grew up being Chinese … and we had very little outside

influence and with parents who spoke to us in Chinese, eating

Chinese food, understanding the Chinese culture, we have

never thought of ourselves being anything other than Chinese.10

As a result of being isolated or insulated from the outside world several second-generation

Chinese Australians also recall feeling socially inept in their attempts to function and find

acceptance within the wider Australian community. This was commonly linked with having

been raised in a distinctly ‘Chinese’ home. Dolly, who was raised in a small town along

Queensland’s coastal region, describes what this meant for her…

10 Interview with author in Townsville, 6 August 2000.

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You are just taught to do as you are told. But that has a

drawback because you don’t grow up as quickly as someone

that’s born of an Australian culture that’s taught to fend for

themselves a little faster or that does that anyway…. Socially it

was very hard.11

Single Parent Families

Children growing up in second-generation homes were frequently isolated from the outside

world due either to the ‘siege mentality’ of parents, the need for children to help out in the

business, geographical isolation, or a combination of these factors. Circumstances were

especially difficult for members of second-generation families in which one parent was

severely debilitated or had passed away however, especially when this involved the father.12

For while migrant mothers who found themselves in this situation frequently returned with

their children to China where they could rely on the support of the husband’s family, others

preferred to stay in Australia despite the prospect of having to raise their children single-

handedly. Faced with having to find ways to support the family on their own, migrant mothers

in this situation often took over the family business despite facing severe difficulties due to

being both female and Chinese (Ip, 1990) and the inability to speak English. Geoffrey and

Judy grew up in difficult circumstances following the death of their father when they were still

children. Geoffrey describes the circumstances under which his own mother sought to make

a living to support the family…

I believe with the shop … it was one way of making a living. [Mum]

is not the type of person to take charity, she liked to stand on her

own and earn her own money. So… the business was probably the

only thing she could do because of language problems…13

11 Interview with author in Townsville, 5 August 2000. 12 Here I am not referring to the ‘split families’ referred to earlier, rather I am referring to families in which one parent had actually passed away. This did not pose the same kinds of problems for men, who having lost their wives appear to have remarried soon after. It was far more difficult for Chinese widows to remarry however. Women were also more likely to lose their husbands due to the significant age gap between older husbands and their younger wives. 13 Interview with author in Townsville, 2 August 2000.

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Nevertheless as Geoffrey and his older sister Judy grew up they experienced a great sense

of responsibility to assist their mother, who relied heavily on their help not only in the shop

but also doing the accounting and negotiating with lawyers and bankers on their mother’s

behalf (Giese, 1997). While being part of a single parent home often forced children to deal

with the outside world on their parent’s behalf, children were also burdened with

responsibilities that tied them to the family in their adult lives which impacted significantly on

their own life path. Dick, for instance, recalls his own sense of responsibility to support the

family after his father died…

As kids we worked in the business. When we could go to school

we used to serve behind the counter when we were 5 or 6. And my

father died when I was quite young. I was about … 10 or 11 and I

used to you know work in the business … until late at night. And

then we sold that business but mum went into another business

and I came home from school in my lunch hours and worked in the

business. Even though I did an apprenticeship as a fitter and turner

I used to come home most lunch hours and work in the business

she had… I think it was typical of most Chinese in those days.14

Factors such as these ultimately reflected on how second-generation Chinese Australians

saw themselves. For staying close to the family, helping out in the family business, and

providing on-going financial and practical support to one’s parents were frequently perceived

as uniquely Chinese values. To the extent that the second-generation fulfilled these

responsibilities therefore, they were seen (and often saw themselves) as ‘Chinese’.

Gender Differentiation

The boundaries circumscribing the lives of female members in second-generation families

illustrated the transplantation of the gendered hierarchy that existed within the traditional

family structure in China to Chinese families living in Australia. This meant that migrant

parents generally perceived the place of daughters to be in the home where they were

14 Interview with author in Townsville, 31 July 2000.

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expected to carry out domestic chores or care for younger siblings. Within the context of

helping out in the family business daughters were usually relegated to working out the back

where they could be supervised and protected from the outside world. Needless to say, given

male privilege and the subservient position of daughters within this hierarchy, female family

members were particularly disadvantaged in terms of gaining access into the mainstream (Ip,

1996; Parker, 1995; Song, 1999). This was particularly true for young Chinese girls who grew

up prior to World War II. Nelly for instance describes how once she had reached puberty she

had little freedom outside the sphere of the home …

And by the time I was thirteen, mum said ‘That’s enough – she’s

not going out anywhere. She’s got to stay home and work in the

shop…. sweeping, cleaning, make [sic] tea for the men.’15

Nelly also describes how she had had to leave school after third grade after the death of her

father as her uncle wanted her to help out in the family business. Her brother however was

allowed to continue school as ‘[b]oys are [sic] very precious in those days’.16 Boys thus

experienced privileged treatment and were generally encouraged to gain education whereas

girls were generally considered not worth the ‘investment’ as one day they would inevitably

marry out of the family (Baker, 1979). For girls such as Nelly, this frequently meant foregoing

education in order to fulfil one’s duty to the family.

Prior to World War II there were even cases where, despite being born in Australia, second-

generation women had been so insulated from the outside world that they had even never

learnt to speak English. Having grown up in such distinctly ‘Chinese’ environments with little

contact with the outside world, such women had little knowledge of Anglo-Australian practices

and belief systems and eventually either returned to China or married into the Chinese

community within Australia. The 'Chineseness' of these women appears to have remained for

the most part intact. In effect they became the bearers of Chinese tradition to the next

generation and often came to represent dominant matriarchal figures within the extended

family. This aspect will be revisited in the discussion on third-generation families below.

15 Nelly Fong. Interview with Diana Giese in Darwin, 28 December 1996. Post-War Chinese Australians, National Library of Australia. TRC 3543. Website: www.nla.gov.au. 16 Ibid.

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During this period prior to the War, the boundaries of gender that existed for Chinese women

were doubly drawn therefore – both inside and outside of the home. A gradual shifting of

gendered boundaries took place in the post-War era however as women in the outside world

sought access into mainstream occupations. Nonetheless, within the context of the family the

boundaries of gender continued to be a salient factor for second-generation Chinese women

– and continue to be so even today (Moss, 1986; Shun Wah, 1999). This was the case even

for second-generation women in families that recognised the importance of assimilation into

mainstream Australian life, as female family members continued to hold a subordinate

position within the family and had a specific role to perform.

The majority of second-generation Chinese women sought to fulfil their responsibilities to the

family and often sacrificed personal interests for the collective welfare of the family. This was

frequently due to a sense of filial duty as well as the obvious financial needs of the family in its

struggle to survive. Older daughters in particular often felt a strong sense of moral

responsibility to assist and care for parents (Song, 1999). Female respondents were

generally more sheltered than their male counterparts therefore and were often

disadvantaged in acquiring the necessary skills to deal with the outside world. Consequently

in the creation and maintenance of gendered boundaries within the home, the second-

generation family also acted as ‘gatekeepers’ often limiting the opportunities available to

female family members in gaining access into the mainstream.

However, as the next section on the influences of birth order shows, some second-generation

Chinese women did resist traditional expectations encountered within the family while

younger siblings in particular often found it easier to negotiate family commitments and gain

independence outside the home. Interestingly, the fulfilment of one’s role within the family

and the concomitant fulfilment of one’s filial duty, were often connected with the degree to

which one was seen to be ‘Chinese’. Those who fulfilled such obligations often saw

themselves (and were seen by others) as being ‘true’ to their 'Chineseness'. In contrast to

this however the individualistic nature of pursuing one’s own life path – which often involved

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moving away or distancing oneself from the family - was often equated with becoming more

‘Australian’ (Song, 1997). The way in which second-generation Chinese women responded

to gendered boundaries within the home and the way in which they chose to negotiate those

boundaries therefore frequently came to reflect their identities as ‘Chinese’, ‘Australian’ or

various hybrid combinations of the two. This will be discussed in more detail in the section

below.

The Influence of Birth Order

As mentioned briefly above, the rigidity or permeability of family boundaries was not only

influenced by gender but also by birth order. This is amply illustrated in Miri Song’s (Song,

1997, 1999) work on Chinese family businesses in Britain although it is equally reflected

within second-generation Chinese families in Australia. Song’s work shows that older siblings

experienced both greater expectations on the part of parents and a greater sense of moral

responsibility to fulfil their filial duty to the family, for instance by caring for parents and

younger siblings and continuing to help out in the family business. Younger siblings however

were frequently able to negotiate their position in the family in such a way as to procure both

their independence outside the home and the freedom to choose their own life path.

Perhaps one of the reasons for this within second-generation Chinese Australian families is

the significant age gap that often existed between older and younger siblings. In large

families for instance there could be as much as a generation between the youngest and the

oldest. Social and economic factors influencing the nature of family boundaries may well

have changed between the births of older and younger siblings therefore, resulting in greater

opportunities for younger siblings in terms of gaining access into the mainstream.

In some families there were also marked differences between siblings born in China who had

(along with their mothers) subsequently joined their fathers in Australia and younger siblings

who had later been born in Australia. Older siblings often identified more strongly as being

‘Chinese’ therefore, could often speak Chinese more fluently, and were more keenly aware of

their responsibilities to the family. Younger siblings on the other hand generally had more

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opportunities to interact with the outside world, such as greater access to education and a

greater degree of freedom outside the family. Furthermore, as in Annette’s family, older

siblings were often able to help younger siblings in this regard…

The younger ones had a lot more opportunity. By this time the

older ones were working and with the English brought into the

household we were able to help the younger ones because

when we were growing up no-one was able to help us with

homework or the language or anything at all with the outside

world.17

Lilyan’s story illustrates how older and younger siblings were treated quite differently in her

family. In fact, Lilyan, who came from an extensive, well-established family in Darwin,

believes she received special favour due to being the youngest. For instance whereas her

sisters had to stay at home and do all the cooking and domestic work, Lilyan was free to do

much as she pleased and was even able to work outside the family. When asked about this

Lilyan replied…

In Darwin… I did typing and office work and that. I never used to

work in the home…. Those girls, they never used to go out to work,

see…. They weren’t allowed to go out to work for somebody else

and do the books and all that. [Interviewer: So why do you think

your parents were more lenient towards you?] … I was the

favourite in the family. I was the youngest girl and my mother

spoiled me. Even my sister said I was spoiled, you know, not

asked to cook or do anything in the house…18

Thus more opportunities were available to younger siblings for social interaction with the

outside world - and perhaps even immersion in mainstream culture - due to family boundaries

being more permeable for younger members of the family. Older siblings on the other hand

17 Interview with author in Townsville, 3 August 2000. 18 Lilyan Chan. Interview with Diana Giese in Canberra, 19 March 1998. Post-War Chinese Australians, National Library of Australia. TRC 3684. Website: www.nla.gov.au.

16

often remained isolated from the outside world and close to the ‘hub’ of Chinese family life,

therefore retaining more of their ‘Chineseness’.

At times however even some older siblings resisted the expectation to fulfil family obligations.

Traditionally the eldest son(s) were expected to fulfil their filial duty to parents by continuing to

work in the family business and supporting parents and younger siblings. In some cases the

eldest son(s) were able to negotiate their independence and were actually permitted to work

outside the family business. Perhaps parental approval was given if the opportunity to work

outside the family was seen in terms of upward social mobility and a way of bringing honour

and status to the family. There are also cases however, where older siblings insisted on

following their own life path and refused to work in the family business despite strong parental

disapproval due to being seen as ‘reneging’ on one’s duty to the family. At times this also

involved strong objection from siblings who would inevitably be expected to take up this

responsibility – frequently the older girls. ‘Reneging’ on one’s familial duty was also

frequently equated with a rejection of 'Chineseness' as choosing one’s own life path was seen

as individualistic and a sign of becoming too ‘Australian’ (Song, 1997, 1999). In second-

generation families where this did occur therefore it inevitably caused tension.

When George’s older brother left home to join the Australian Defence Forces during World

War II, George recalls how he was obliged resign from his apprenticeship as a boilermaker in

order to take on the responsibility of running the family business. Only sixteen years old at

the time, George describes this experience as somewhat traumatic. However following the

War George decided to pursue a career within the Anglican Church leaving his two sisters to

operate the business. George describes his call to the Church and the impact this had on the

rest of the family…

[Dad] wasn’t well that year, and if there was [sic] sort of tensions in

this whole call, and going away for training, and setting a direction

for life – it was very traumatic because it meant my brother didn’t

come back to Cairns after the War, and made his life with his new

bride down in Sydney. So I was left up here with two sisters who

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ran the business…. And I had to say to my sisters, ‘Well, look, I’m

going’ – and they didn’t really say no, but nor were they very

encouraging. I suppose it was very frightening for them to have to

keep the store going…19

Within second-generation Chinese Australian families, birth order clearly had significant

impact on the identities and identifications of the second-generation, which emerged largely in

response to the rigidity or permeability of family boundaries individual family members

experienced within the home. Thus it was possible for members of the same family to see

themselves (and be seen by others) differently in terms of the varying extents to which they

were ‘Chinese’ and/or ‘Australian’.

It is interesting to note however that due to a range of these factors, older siblings often

identify as being more ‘Chinese’ whereas younger siblings tend to see themselves as being

more ‘Australian’. This is primarily related to the fact that older siblings have generally

retained a sense of responsibility to the family and often speak Chinese and understand

Chinese customs and practices to a greater degree than younger siblings. Younger siblings

who have lived independent from the family on the other hand, have often lost the ability to

speak Chinese, and may not understand the significance of Chinese customs and practices.

The role of the family as ‘gatekeepers’ in the construction of identity amongst the second-

generation is also clear in relation to the influence of birth order therefore. For the

opportunities or limitations experienced by younger and older siblings differed in terms of

gaining access into the mainstream depending on their responsibilities within the family.

Ultimately this also influenced the way younger and older siblings came to see themselves.

Marriage and Intermarriage

Within second-generation families the traditional rights of parents regarding marriage that

existed in China were still generally endorsed. In the early decades of the twentieth century

this included the practice of arranged marriages. Although this gradually changed so that

19 George Tung Yep. Interview with D. Giese in Cairns, 19 April 1995. Post-War Chinese Australians, National Library of Australia. TRC 3245. Website: www.nla.gov.au.

18

children were able to choose their own partner, migrant parents were adamant that marriages

take place solely within the Chinese community. Emphasis was placed on maintaining the

purity of the family lineage and the Chinese ‘race’ and intermarriage drew strong disapproval

(Baker, 1979). In the area of marriage therefore, the family also acted as ‘gatekeepers’ in the

creation (and policing) of rigid boundaries intended to preserve the 'Chineseness' of the

family. Since, during the years of the White Australia policy, the mainstream Australian

community was also against mixed marriages, little intermarriage between Chinese and non-

Chinese actually took place. Nevertheless some second-generation Chinese Australians

insisted on marrying outside the Chinese community despite encountering strong

disapproval.20

Lucy, daughter of a large cane-farming family in North Queensland, suggests that the reason

she did not want to marry Chinese was that her father was extremely strict in his efforts to

retain ‘Chineseness’ within the family, whereas she herself identified as being more

Australian. When she insisted on marrying an Anglo-Australian however, her father disowned

her and refused to speak to her or his grandchildren until the day he died.21

Dolly’s parents were also adamant that she marry Chinese. Although Dolly was generally

discouraged from having boyfriends at all, Dolly says that non-Chinese boyfriends were a

complete ‘no-no’. However Dolly says her ‘way of being’ was ‘Westernised’ and that she

‘would have to find someone who was Asian who was also Westernised in way of being’ in

order to be happy.22 Having found this rather difficult to achieve Dolly ended up marrying a

Hungarian migrant despite her parents’ disapproval.

It is clear in the area of marriage and intermarriage that migrant parents as gatekeepers

sought to discourage/prohibit out-marriage in order to preserve the purity of the family

lineage and retain 'Chineseness' within the next generation. The response of the second-

generation in regards to acceptance of, or resistance to, these limitations clearly reflected

20 It appears that within second-generation Chinese Australian families, girls were more likely to marry out than boys. More research needs to be done to identify reasons for this however. 21 Interview with author in Gordonvale, 11 August 2000. 22 Interview with author in Townsville, 5 August 2000.

19

the individual identities and identifications of the second-generation in terms of the varying

extents to which they saw themselves as ‘Chinese’ and/or ‘Australian’.

Third-Generation Families

As this has paper shown the construction of identity amongst second-generation Chinese

Australians was largely influenced by the opportunities provided and limitations imposed

within the context of the ‘gate-keeping’ family – as well as individuals’ responses to these. In

this section we will see how the construction of identity amongst the third-generation was also

impacted by these factors. However we will also trace a trajectory of change as third-

generation families reinterpreted 'Chineseness' and the boundaries consequently began to

shift. For as the second-generation matured and established their own families, the family

boundaries created around the third-generation home generally reflected how second-

generation parents themselves identified and the importance they placed either on retaining

Chinese traditions and practices or alternatively on assimilating into the mainstream. How

second-generation parents saw themselves and their place in wider Australian society had a

profound impact on the next generation therefore, in terms of cultural transmission and the

construction of partial and multiple identities.

Despite external pressures to assimilate into wider Australian society a number of second-

generation parents continued to retain Chinese customs and values within the home, albeit to

varying degrees. While the boundaries between the third-generation home and the outside

world became more blurred as mainstream influences gradually infiltrated the home (Thomas,

1999), many second-generation parents nonetheless sought to imbue a distinct sense of

pride in being 'Chinese' to the third-generation.

As Diana Giese (Giese, 1995, 1997) shows in her work on Chinese Australians in the Top

End, this was the case for several prominent families in Darwin, such as the Yuens and the

Chins. A number of factors contributed to the ability of such families to retain a strong sense

of ‘Chineseness’ in spite of generational distance from China. Firstly, the fact that Darwin

was both remote from mainstream Australia and a polyethnic community (Ganter, 1999)

20

meant that the pressure to shed Old World traits in order to assimilate into mainstream

society was not as intense as in predominantly white areas.23 Being part of a large close-knit

extended family, which worked together and often lived and socialised together also

contributed to the ability of the family to retain a traditional family structure similar to that

which existed in the ancestral village in China. Within this structure the hierarchies of

generation-age-gender continued to have meaning and family members were expected to

fulfill a specific role within the extended family (Baker, 1979; Glenn & Yap, 1994).

Within this tightly knit structure large extended families were often self-sufficient and did not

rely entirely on dealings with the outside world in order to survive. They also tended to be

quite wealthy, and prior to World War II, made frequent visits to China in order to visit

relatives, to attend Chinese schools, or to find marriage partners for family members. Large

extended families were able to withstand the influences of mainstream culture to a greater

extent therefore, than small isolated families living in areas where the population was

predominantly white.24

Third-generation families that retained a strong ‘Chinese’ outlook were also frequently

influenced by dominant patriarchal and matriarchal figures such as grandfathers and

grandmothers. Having migrated from China and continuing to regard China as ‘home’,

grandfathers and grandmothers often insisted on the retention of Chinese traditions, norms

and values within the extended family. The role of grandmothers was particularly significant

due to the time spent caring for grandchildren. Unable to speak English they spoke to

grandchildren in Chinese, recounted stories of China, cooked Chinese food and medicinal

herbs, and encouraged them to observe special religious days and festivals.25 Grandmothers

23 In areas outside of Darwin, such as Pine Creek, where the population was predominantly white ‘Chineseness’ continued to be represent a liability however. See interview with Joyce Chin. Interview with Diana Giese, TS 670, Northern Territory Archives Service (NTAS). 24 While I cannot explore the impact of urban/regional factors here, given the limitations of this paper, my research shows that the size of the Chinese population in a given area had significant impact on the extent to which Chinese Australians were forced to assimilate into Australian life. Thus Chinese living in Sydney, Melbourne and Darwin had quite a different experience to those living in areas where there were few Chinese (See May, 1984; Wilton, 1996; Fitzgerald, 1997; Giese, 1997) 25 In many cases grandfathers were shadowy figures who were often away from the home due to working long hours, and who often failed to communicate with both their own children

21

were often influential in the values passed down to the third-generation. Daryl, who belongs

to a large clan in Darwin, also reflects on his observations of the influence of matriarchal

figures within large extended families…

I’ve seen it in a lot of Chinese families where the matriarch is really

the one - the driving force behind the culture, the family unit and

everything. My wife’s family is the same. You know her

grandmother she lived until she was 97 I think it was. That whole

time she was the focus. Everybody just came around to their place

because she lived with them and she was the ‘empress' of the

family or the family unit…. And I think in a lot of Chinese families

the matriarch is the one who holds it all together…26

While large extended families, such as those described above, often resisted mainstream

influences and retained much of their 'Chineseness', the ability of third-generation families to

do this differed from family to family. In reality most Chinese families were forced to

accommodate to Australian society to some degree or another, due to the fact that they

depended on the acceptance and tolerance of the wider Australian community for social and

economic survival (Wilton, 1996). The pressure to become as ‘Australian’ (read: white) as

possible was therefore intense and it was extremely difficult for families to retain much of their

‘Chineseness’ – especially in public.

Personal encounters during multiple crossings between Chinese and mainstream domains

also contributed to the perception that ‘being Chinese’ was a handicap. Within the third-

generation home therefore, parents often sought to facilitate the assimilation process for

family members by submerging 'Chineseness' and becoming as ‘Australian’ (read: white) as

possible (King Koi, 1995). This often involved a rejection of the traditions and practices the

second-generation had been raised to follow - although some families continued these behind

closed doors (Wilton, 1996). In an effort to hide ‘difference’ and blend into wider Australian

and their grandchildren. It was also often the case that due to the age gap between Chinese husbands and wives, grandmothers lived a lot longer than grandfathers and thus continued to have extensive influence over the family. 26 Interview with author in Darwin, 28 August 2000.

22

society a number of third-generation families converted to Christianity, gave their children

English names, encouraged children to speak English rather than Chinese, and adopted

mainstream Australian practices, norms and values within the home. Some families even

went so far as to anglicise their surnames (ibid.). In such families, the boundaries between

the home and the outside world gradually blurred as they deliberately submerged

‘Chineseness’ to make themselves acceptable to the outside world.

Herbert describes his own experience growing up in a family where assimilation was

emphasised. He traced this back to the influence of his paternal grandfather who was

adamant that the family should integrate into wider Australian society. As seen in the

previous discussion of second-generation families, for migrant Chinese to have this attitude

was quite unusual. This narrative also demonstrates the influence of the extended family on

the retention (or loss) of 'Chineseness'…

[My grandfather] insisted that [the children] speak English even in

the house because he wanted them to learn English…. We were

virtually encouraged to integrate which was easy for us because

our parents were already Australians [second-generation] you

see.27

In cases where the third-generation children had been encouraged by parents to assimilate

into the Australian way of life whereas grandparents remained very traditional,

intergenerational relationships could be difficult however due to the cultural chasm that

frequently existed between generations. Joyce describes her own experience growing up in a

third-generation family where she was encouraged to become as ‘Australian’ (read: white) as

possible…

Because we were virtually the only [Chinese] in the town, and

because my parents were in business, we weren’t encouraged to

retain any of our culture. For example, we didn’t use chopsticks at

all. We ate partly Chinese food, but a lot of other Western foods.

27 Interview with author in Cairns, 7 August 2000.

23

We did not speak the language, unfortunately. My parents

considered it was rather bad manners to speak a foreign language

in front of people who couldn’t understand what you were saying.

And they had to be careful, for the goodwill of the business, that

they couldn’t be accused of talking about their customers behind

their backs, or in front of them in a foreign language. And we didn’t

observe a lot of the Chinese festivities, or anything like that. We

were very much encouraged to try and be - well, like the white

people…28

However when Joyce went to live with her grandmother for a year, she describes the

experience as somewhat of a culture shock…

And here was I who couldn’t speak very much Chinese living with

somebody who couldn’t speak very much English… I guess with

Grandma it was just the minimum communication as was

necessary because it was a bit of a problem (laughs)…. [And] she

had her own worship table in the house…. that was completely

foreign to me as well.29

Joyce’s story illustrates the possible tensions between generations in terms of the retention

or loss of 'Chineseness'. For while the immediate family in which Joyce grew up would not

have survived unless they adapted to the Australian way of life, nevertheless Joyce felt

somewhat alienated from her grandmother due to the inability to communicate and a lack of

understanding regarding various Chinese customs and practices. The family continued to

operate as ‘gatekeepers’ therefore although the emphasis had changed between

generations. For whereas second-generation families largely sought to retain 'Chineseness'

within the home, the majority of third-generation families placed emphasis on becoming as

‘Australian’ as possible in order to gain access into the mainstream.

28 Joyce Cheong Chin. Interview with D. Giese in Darwin. TS 670, Northern Territory Archives Service. 29 Ibid.

24

Even families that made every effort to do this however maintained some aspects of

'Chineseness'. These were generally those aspects that could be hidden within the privacy of

the home and, being ‘invisible’ to the public eye, did not impinge on individual family members

gaining access into the mainstream. These included a continued enjoyment of Chinese food

and certain festivals such as Chinese New Year, the use of medicinal herbs and so on.

Values such as interdependence, the fulfilment of one’s duty to the family, and showing

respect for elders also continued to be emphasised. Alec, for instance describes the

importance of family obligations within the third-generation family in which he grew up. For

him this meant foregoing his aspirations to enter the field of law in order to help his father in

the family business…

I had set my sights at doing Law. Dad said it was a good career but

then said that Arthur [an older brother] was in very poor

health…which…left him very sick and often…unable to work. Dad

then said I could go straight into the business as a full partner,

starting on adult wages. I really had no choice, not because of the

partnership which would have come anyhow, but because Dad

was really asking me to fulfil my family obligation. Family ties are

very strong in Chinese families, and ours was no exception…30

Generally third-generation families also continued to stipulate that family members marry into

the Chinese community, although as in the case of the second-generation there were cases

where children married against their parents’ wishes. Ernie recounts the story of one of his

own sisters, who eloped with a white Australian man in order to marry against their father’s

wishes. When the family discovered the sister missing in the middle of the night Ernie’s father

rang the police, who found the couple in Alice Springs and locked the fellow in jail. Ernie

describes his father’s reaction saying…

… As Chinese, you’ve got to remember that … my father was a

man of really high principles in regards to [racial differences] …

and my sister… was ostracised from the family since that day. I

30 Alec Fong Lim. TS 211, Northern Territory Archives Service.

25

don’t think my father ever spoke to her until he died but he loved

the grandchildren.31

Third-generation families continued to act as gatekeepers therefore as they sought to

maintain certain aspects of 'Chineseness' whilst also seeking to facilitate the process of

border crossing into the mainstream. Accordingly particular aspects of 'Chineseness' were

retained, submerged or discarded depending on their relevance and meaning, and whether

they were seen as assisting or inhibiting the ability of family members to deal successfully

with the outside world.

Conclusion

As has been shown in this discussion on the role of the family as ‘gatekeepers’ in the

construction of identity amongst second- and third-generation Chinese Australians, the

meanings attached to being ‘Chinese’ gradually shifted over time as each generation

reinterpreted and (re)invented 'Chineseness' in ways that resonated for them. These shifts in

meaning reflected the blurring of boundaries between the Chinese home and the outside

world, as second- and third- generation Chinese Australians often lost the ability to speak

fluent Chinese and became unclear of the meanings of various customs and practices. The

importance of family values, food, and the performance of Chinese festivals and rituals

signified the essence of ‘Chineseness’ for many second- and third- generation Chinese

Australians however - particularly as these were located within the context of the family. The

family therefore, has had (and continues to have) immense influence on the way in which

Chinese Australians have come to see themselves. Daryl, a fourth-generation Chinese

Australian, recognises this himself and says this…

I think the Chinese have always maintained their family values. I

think that beyond language and religion, the family unit, the family

ideals, the family infrastructure has always been strong in many

Chinese families...32

31 Interview with author in Cairns, 5 September 2000. 32 Interview with author in Darwin, 28 August 2000.

26

For the majority of Chinese Australians therefore the family - through the gatekeeping efforts

of parents and grandparents (and other members of the extended family) serves as a

constant reminder of their Chinese heritage. In the context of the family individual Chinese

Australians find relevance and meaning to ‘being Chinese’ therefore whilst in a different

context they may well identify differently. To the extent that the family does this however, it

continues to impose ‘Chineseness’ upon individual Chinese Australians (albeit to varying

degrees) thereby wielding significant influence on the degree to which family members are

able to fashion individual identities as ‘Chinese’ and/or ‘Australian’ that resonate personally

for them.

27

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