ChineseCulturalandCreativeIndustriesandthestruggleforRightsinChineseOpera

HailiMaArticleInformation

Issue22:2018:SpecialIssueCulturalRightsandGlobalDevelopment,ed.JonathanVickery.Thisarticlewaspublishedon:6thJune2018.Keywords:Chineseopera;urbanization;artists;community;culturalindustries;ideology;legitimacyJournalISSN:1467-0437Abstract

Inthelastdecade,China'sgovernmenthasbeensupportiveofvariousculturaltrendsincreativecities,intangibleculturalheritage,andthearts.ThispaperexaminesthediscourseofChineseculturalandcreativeindustries(CCI),specificallyfromthepositionoftraditionalChineseopera.ByfocusingontheXi’anQinqiang(Qinopera)culturalindustriesreform,thisarticlearticulatestheintimaterelationshipbetweenCommunistParty’s(CCP)ideologicalevolutionandthestruggleofChineseopera’sdevelopment.AsChineseoperahasbeen,andstillis,apopularculturalformamongstpeasantsandworkers(thefoundingbaseoftheCCP),thestruggleoftheoperamarketreformsreflectstheCCPinternalturmoilingainingitsownpolitical(representative)legitimacy.Thepapersuggeststhatdespitefundamentalideologicalshifts,theCCPmaintainssolelegalrulingpoweroverculturebecauseofChina’suniqueregional-centralgovernmentstructureandthe‘socialmediator’rolesoccupiedbytheartists.Thecontinuednegotiationbetweencentral(ideology),regional(urbanization)andcommunity(artist)levelsformsthestructureofChina’slatestartmarketreformandallowsustounderstandthestruggleofculturewithinthenation.

AuthorHailiMaisSeniorLecturerinChineseandDeanoftheBeijingNormal-CardifChineseCollegeintheSchoolofModernLanguages,CardiffUniversity:MaH6@cardiff.ac.uk

Copyright:JournalofLaw,SocialJustice&GlobalDevelopment,UniversityofWarwick,UKhttp://www2.warwick.ac.uk/research/priorities/internationaldevelopment/lgd/

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Introduction

Theconceptof"Rights"maybeuniversallyrecognised,anduniversalinitstheoreticalapplication,butisalwayssubjecttonational,regionalandculturalpoliticaleconomy.Indeedevenwhereacountryissignatorytointernationaltreatises(in1997ChinaratifiedTheInternationalCovenantonEconomic,SocialandCulturalRightsorICESCR),itdoesnotfollowthatthetermsofthetreatiseswillbeself-evidentinaregionalorlocalculturalcontext.ThecontextofthispaperisChina–asasocietywhoseconditionsofdevelopmentisitsrecentsocio-culturalhistory.Indeed,ChinahasrecentlybeensupportiveoftheUN'sMillenniumDevelopmentGoals(2000-2015),andthefollowingSustainableDevelopmentGoals(theSDG's,from2016),andalsovariousculturaltrendsincreativecities,intangibleculturalheritage,theartsandcreativeindustries.Nonetheless,theconceptof"culturalrights"inChinaisonlypartiallyintelligible(asistheconceptof"humanrights"ingeneral–notwithstandingitsnewNationalHumanRightsActionPlan2016-2020).

Inthisarticle,Idonotwanttoassesstherelationshipbetweenhumanrightsandculture,orattempttodiscernthenatureofculturalrightswithinChinesesocietyanditspoliticalregime.Iwishtopursueasubjectwherethestruggleforculturalrightscanbeidentifiedasimmanenttothesocio-historicaldevelopmentofChina'sculture–thatistosay,inaformwhoseconditionsaretheideologicalshiftsinChina'sstratifiedgovernance,enduringCommunistParty(theCCP),andthemanagementofeconomyanddemography.Theideologicalshiftsarevast,andhereIcanonlyrefertotheartsandcreativeindustries,butitispossibletoarticulatehowtheartsandcreativeindustrieshavebecomeasiteforastruggleoflegitimacy–forbothartistsandCommunistParty.Thisarticleattemptstountanglethisinterrelatedstruggle,andwithaviewtounderstandingtheconceptof"rights"inasensethatregisteredthecomplexityofapoliticaleconomyonlyobliquelyrelatedtoWesternnorms.A"right"inChinaisnotasimpleself-assertionorself-evidentinitsapplication;itisembeddedinacomplexstruggleforidentity,

legitimacyandauthority,andalwaysinvolvesculture.

ChineseOperaandChineseCulturalIndustries

On15thOctober2014,afterXiJinping’sinauguration,thePresidentgaveTalksonLiteratureandArtattheBeijingPeople’sCongress.IntheSpeech,Xiarticulatedthat"artsandartistsmustnotlosedirectioninthewaveofmarketeconomy,mustnotbetheslaveofcapital"andthat"thefutureofChineseculturalindustrieswastobeanchoredontraditionalartforms"(ChinaNews,2015).AfterhavingdeliveredtheBeijingSpeech,inDecember2014,Xi,alongwithallsixmembersoftheChinaCentralStandingCommitteeoftheCCP–themostpowerfuldecisionmakinggroupinChina–attendedaChineseOperaperformanceincelebrationoftheNewYear.Thisextremelyrareoccasionwasbroadcastnationallyandinternationally(XinhuaNet,2017).

Therearetwo'firsts'intheaboveevents:thiswasthefirsttimesinceMaoZedong’s1942Yan’an‘TalksonLiteratureandArt’thatanyleadingCCPchairmanhaddeliveredaspeechontheroleofartsandartists(usingthesametitle).Secondly,thisisthefirsttimesinceMao’serathatCCPleadingmembershavecollectivelyattendedaChineseoperaperformance,andwhichhasbeenrepeatedannuallytothisday.ThispaperexploresthesignificanceofChineseoperainrelationtotheCCPideologicalevolution,contextualisedinthebroaderandsignificantculturalindustriesreform.

Chinamarketreformwaslaunchedin1978inselectedruralareasunderthethemeofthe“responsibilitysystem”.Onceitprovedsuccessful,inthemid1980s,itwasexpandedtourbancities,acrossmaterialandartsectors.Underthisscheme,artinstitutionstakeresponsibilityfortheirowneconomicsurvival,andindividualartistsareencouragedtocreateandmakeprofitoutsidetheinstitutions.Marketreformmayhaveacceleratedsince1992(followingtheTiananmenSquareevent)butfortheartinstitutions,itwasnotuntiltheearly2000sthatartmarketreformwasintensifiedwithanewlyemergingdiscourseofCulturalandCreativeIndustries.In2004,the

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phrase‘CulturalandCreativeIndustries’firstarrivedinShanghaiwhentheShanghaiCreativeIndustriesDevelopmentForum2004,thefirstofitskindinChina,washeldinShanghai(Li2011:13).Thediscoursefollowscloselythe1998UKpolicyofrevivingthepost-industrialsocietythroughcultureandcreativity(DCMS,1998).Itwasnotuntil2009,however,thatChinesenationalpolicyadoptedthetermandformedavisiblepolicydiscourse.Betweenthepolicysynonymsofculturalindustries,culturaleconomy,creativeindustriesandcreativeeconomy,Chinapreferred"CulturalandCreativeIndustries"–hereafter,CCI(WhiteandXu,2012).Since2010,wehaveseenintensifiednationwideartmarketrestructuringunderthenewnameofCCIreform.China’snewpoliticalandeconomicambitionissettomaketheCCIitspillareconomyby2020(Zhang,2017,Ma,2015,WhiteandXu,2012,Su,2011,Zheng,2010,HartleyandMontgomery,2009,O’Connor,2009,Chang2009,Kong,2005,Keane,2004).

Inthemonograph,UrbanPoliticsandCulturalCapital,thecaseofChineseopera(Ma,2015),theauthordefinestheinterrelationbetweenthestruggleofChineseartmarketreform/CCIreforminthenewmillenniumandtheCCPs’struggleinretainingpolitical(representative)legitimacy.Thisis,astheauthorargues,becauseChineseoperahasbeen,andremains,thepopularartformamongstpeasantsandworkers.UnderMao,ChineseoperawasinstitutionalisedandChineseartistswereprovidedunprecedentedpoliticalcapital,andweremadetheneweliteclass.Thisactensuredthatthehistoricallyrepressedsocialclass,andtheirassociatedartforms,gaineddistinction,whichinturnprovidedtheCCPwithidentifiedrepresentationandlegitimacy.Inthepost-Maoera,operainstitutionsareplacedunderdualpressuresofgainingeconomicsuccesswhilstsupportingCCPideologicallegitimacy.ChineseoperacompaniesareforcedtoabandonthetraditionalChineseoperaaudienceofthepeasantsandworkers,whocannotprovidetherequiredeconomicsuccessandlegitimacy,whilststrugglingtoreachthenewmiddle-classaudienceandnurturetheirnewtastetowardstraditionalopera.Inthisprocess,Chineseoperastrugglestoarticulateitsvalueandrepresentation;such

strugglemirrorsdirectlytheCCPideologicalevolutioninarticulatingitsownrepresentationandlegitimacy(Ma,2015:2-10).

ThisarticleexpandstheaboveargumentinrelationtoChina’sartmarketreformswithinthelatestdiscourseofculturalandcreativeindustries.ContextualizedinthecasestudyofXi’anQinqiang(Qinopera)institutionreformintheearly21stcentury,thispaperarguesthatXiJinping’sinauguratedspeechonLiteratureandArt,togetherwiththeCCP’sleadingmemberscollectiveoperaviewing,highlighttheurgencyoftheCCP’sre-articulationofitsrepresentationandlegitimacy.ThispapersuggeststhatdespitefundamentalalterationsinCCPideologicalrepresentation,thereasonfortheCCPretaininglegitimacyliesintheuniqueregional-centralgovernmentstructureandthesocialmediatorroleoftheartists.Thecontinuednegotiationbetweencentral(ideology),regional(urbanization)andsocialcommunity(artists)levels,supportingeachotherfortheirownsurvivalandlegitimacy,formsthestructureofChina’slatestartmarketreform,inthenameof"culturalandcreativeindustries".

Thispaperconsistsoftwoparts.Partoneconveysthreekeyconceptsofculturalandcreativeindustries:culturalpolicy,urbandevelopmentandartists–contextualizedintermsofChina'spolitical,economicandsocialconditions.ParttwoexemplifiestheuniquenessofChineseculturalindustriesthroughacasestudyofXi’anQinqiangcompanyreform,whichtookplaceinthelate2000sandearly2010s.Forthecompletionofthispaper,aonemonthperiodoffieldresearchtookplaceinXi’an,withtheassistanceoftheXi’anArtsResearchInstitution.Aroundtwentyinterviewswereconducted,includingscholars,performers,directors,senioradministratorsandaudiencemembers.Thefieldresearchdataformstheempiricalbasisoftheargumentation.

Part1:DiscourseofChineseCulturalandCreativeIndustries

CCPIdeologyvs.CulturalPolicyIthasbeensuggestedthatChinadoesnothaveanationalculturepolicy.Instead,theCCPhasprovidedsystematicdirectionforpolitical,economicandculturalpolicymaking(Wang,2017;

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Su,2015;Ma,2015;Zhang,2010).Inthissection,wewillfocusontheevolutionofCCPideologyandhowitinfluencesChineseartmarketdevelopment.

FeiXiaotong,thefoundingfigureofChinesesociology,statesinhisbookFromtheSoil(1947/1992)thatthefoundationofChinesesocietyemergesfromtherural.InthecreationofModernChinaintheearlytwentiethcentury,whilsttheNationalistPartyreliedoneconomicallypowerfulmiddle-classentrepreneurstogainlegitimacy,theCommunistPartyturnedtotheruralpeasantsandworkingclassforsupport,(andwhichmadeupover90percentofthetotalpopulation).In1942,MaoZedongdeliveredhisfamous‘TalksonLiteratureandArt’fromthethenCCP’sheadquartersinYan’an.Inthistalk,Maoarticulatedthat"ourliteratureandartarefortheworkers,theclassthatleadstherevolution;andpeasants,themostnumerousandmoststeadfastofouralliesintherevolution"(1972:29).TheCCPgainedafoundinglegitimacyandthenrulingpowerthroughthesupportofthepeasantsandworkers–withthepromiseofrepresentingthehistoricallyrepressedunderclassandturningthemintothenewmastersofthenewregime,namelythePeople’sRepublicofChina(Su,2015;Chang,2009).

TheCCPfoundingideologyandmodesofpoliticalrepresentationbegantoevolveinthepost-Maoera.IfDengXiaoping’scallin1979toallow"asmallnumberofpeopletobecomerichfirst"wasacceptedbythemasspeopleastheshort-termsolutiontoeconomicdevelopment,JiangZemin’s2002statementof"TheThreeRepresents",welcomedcapitalistsintoCCPmembership,castdoubtonCCPrepresentationandlegitimacy(Jiang2002:177).Thisideologicalevolutioncontinued,andin2004,onlyayearafterHuJintao’ssuccession(2003to2012),thePresidentstressedhisfamousconceptofa"unifiedharmonioussociety",expressingtheneedforcontinuouseconomicgrowthinthenameof"generatingwelfareforall"(Zheng,2010:66,emphasismine).TheninMarch2007,PrimeMinisterWenJiabaomadeevenmoreexplicitreferencesregarding"theparty-staterepresentationofalldifferentviewpointsandsharingtheworldincommon"

(Zheng2010:266,emphasismine).SuchblurredideologicalrepresentationplacedCCPlegitimacyunderincreasingscrutiny(Lu,2015;Lu,YangandLi,2008;SatoandShi,2006;Chen,2001).

TheCCPstruggleofarticulationinthepracticeofpoliticalrepresentationisreflecteddirectlyinthestruggleofChineseoperareform.Inthepost-Maoera,Chineseoperainstitutions,whichwereestablishedinthe1950s,begantoseethewithdrawalofstatefunding,andwereforcedtojustifytheirlegitimacythroughthedualdemandsofeconomicprofit-makingandacontinuedroleinCCPlegitimacy-maintenance(Ma,2015).Thechallenge,however,wasthatthebaseoftheoperaaudienceremainstheruralpopulationandurbanworkingclass.Inthelastdecade,theworldhasseenChina’sfasteconomicrise,butalsowitnessedagulfofclassdivisionbetweenasmallnumberofeliteandthemassunderclass,madeuppredominantlyofpeasantsandworkers(Xu,2014;KeithandLash,2013;Wang,2006;Yao,2004).Inthepost-Maoera,thesepeopleconstitutedthelowesteconomic,socialandeducationalgroupandarestilloftenreferredtoas"thedisadvantagedgroup"(Goodman,2014;ChenandHamori,2014;Chung,2013).Theycannotprovideoperahouseswithrequiredfinancialreturns,hencecontributetotheoperacompany'sownlegitimacy-building,nordoestheopulentoperarepresentthevalueandidentityofthepeasantsandworkers.Increasingly,theoperahousesabandonedtheirtraditionalaudienceconstituency,nurturinginsteadyoungprofessionalsandthenewmiddleclasswhopossessedfinancialcapital.However,thesenewaudiencegroupspossessedtheleast"habitus"(inBourdieu'ssense)fortheappreciationoflocalopera,andalsopossessedtheleastdesireto"consume"culturalproductsthatareembeddedwithCCPideologicalvalues.Chineseopera’salienationfrombothcategoriesofaudience–thepeasantsandworkersandthenewmiddleclass–articulatestheCCP'sownstruggletospeakitsownlegitimacytosociety'snewconstituencies,whilecontinuingtorepresent“all”.

ThesignificanceofXiJinping’s2014BeijingTalk,addressingtraditionalartformsastheanchorofChinesefutureanditsculturalindustries,andthe

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followingeventwhereallthemembersoftheChinaCentralStandingCommitteejoinedanoperaaudience,wasnotmerelyculturaloraesthetic.Itwasapoliticallysymbolicact.Itwasare-articulationoftheCCP'sfoundingideology(fromMao’sera)involvinganunmistakablerepresentationoftheCCP’sfoundingconstituencies–peasantsandworkers.Moreover,wecanidentifytheideologicalstruggleoftheCCPanditsmodesofrepresentationataregionallevel,inthegrowingphenomenonofurbandevelopment.

UrbanDevelopmentWhenthePeople’sRepublicofChinawasestablishedin1949,theChineseurbanrateofgrowthwasfromabaselineof10.6%ofthetotalpopulation;by2011,theurbanpopulationis51.3%.ForthefirsttimeinChinesehistory,themajorityofthepopulationliveinurbancities(NationalBureauofStatistics,2007,2011);andinthepastthreedecades,China’surbanizationhasbeenfocusedoncreatingcitydistinctionandattractionsforbothtouristsandinvestors(FungandErni,2013;Chen,2009).Thecreationofsuccessfulcitiesisamajornationalpolicyobjective.ThedualpressureshoulderedbytheCCP–ideologicalandeconomic–isthereforefurtherrefractedatregionalandmunicipallevels.Therearetwodimensionsofgovernance,representationandlegitimacy-buildingforregionalandmunicipalgovernment–twodistinctiveareasofideologicalandeconomicpressure–central-regionalmanagement,andlocalpropertydevelopers(actingasprojectexecutioners).Wewillconsidertheseboth.

Central-regionalmanagementstructureIntherecentrapidandpolitically-engineeredprocessofmassurbanisationinChina,thecountryhasbeenfollowingauniquecentral-regionaldecentralizationmanagementstructure.Insteadofhavingregionalresourcesdecentralizedintothehandsofindividualentrepreneurs,theyareallplacedunderthemanagementofthemunicipalgovernment,withcertainindependentpolicy-makingresponsibilitiesandhigh-profitattainmentasanincentive.Ifthe‘managers’becomeoverlyunruly,forpoliticaland/oreconomicreasons,theycouldbedismissedandreplacedbymembersof

thecentralparty-statemanagement.Thisiswhatisoftenreferredtointhecontextofthepoliticallydirected,market-orientedstrategicframeworkofChina'seconomicreform(Shirk,2011;Naughton,1996).

InPracticalReason:Onthetheoryofaction(1998),Bourdieuremindsusthatinasocialistregime,thegovernmentmonopolizesthemarketandeffectivelyfunctionsasa"centralbank",wheretheparty-statehasthepowertoredistributeresourcesandcapitalstomakenewelitesasappropriate.InChina,thecentralgovernmentnotonlyactsasacentralbankbutalsoholdsdirectmanagerialpoweroverregionalgovernment.Evenifthisseemingline-managementiscomplex,itmakescentralgovernmentthefulcrumandmostpowerfulplayerinthegameofmarketdevelopment,andensuresthatregional(andmunicipal)governmentisobligatedtosupportCCPideologicaldevelopment,formaximizedresourceallocation,policydevelopment,andthereforethesuccessfulgrowthofitsmajorcitiesandthuseconomyasawhole.

PropertydevelopersasprojectexecutionersOnceinlinewiththeCCPideologicaldevelopment,theregionalgovernmentneedstofurtherdemonstrateitslegitimacythroughmarketeconomicsuccess.AsChina’surbandevelopmentconsumesover50percentofitsnaturalresourceproduction(ironore,steelandcoalandsoon),theconstructionindustryhasbecomeamajordriverofeconomicdevelopmentandguaranteedeconomicreturnsforanymunicipality(Anderlini,2011).Toensureaquickprofitreturn(andregisteredeconomicdevelopmentindications)aregionalgovernmentassignsmajorpublicworksprojectstopropertydevelopers.

Intheprocessofsuchprofit-ledeconomicreform,theprimarygroupsforwhichchangeisregisteredistheruralpeasantsandurbanworkers.Between1987and2001,over60millionruralresidentslostclaimstothelandonwhichtheyhadpreviouslyworked,generatinganunprecedentedwaveofrural-to-urbanmigration.Duetoauniquetwo-classhukousystem–whichwasintroducedin1958tomanagepopulationdistribution–ruralhukouholdersinurbancitieshavenoclaimto

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welfaresystemssuchashousing,schoolingorhospitalsandarealsoawardedlimitedlegalprotection.Andfromthemid1990s,urbanworkershaveexperiencedlargescaleredundancy,withwomenandthemiddleagedsufferingtheworst.Meanwhile,thegovernmentpropertyboomandinfrastructuraldevelopmenthadbeenfocusingon"gatedvalleys"(security-zonedresidentialluxuryhousing),internationallyfranchisedshoppingmalls,andgrandtheatres,facilitatedbyurbanplanningmethodsthathaveeffectivelydismemberedsocialcommunitieswithoutallowingforthedevelopmentofnewones(Harvey,2009;Cai,2000).Eventhoughregionalgovernmentsmaythushavefulfilled,intheshortterm,theirdualrequirementsinsupportingCCPideologicaldirectionaswellaseconomicdevelopment,aby-productisthelossoftrustandpoliticalclarityinthefunctionofgovernment.ThisextendstoalossofmoralityandfundamentalpoliticalbeliefintheprinciplesoftheState.ThenationalscandalofbabymilkcontaminationafterJuly2008–withanestimated300,000victimsandaninternationalscandalafterattractingtheWorldHealthOrganisation–wassymptomaticofalackofpoliticalfocusonthenon-economicnon-governmentalaspectsofsociallife.Fundamentalquestionsofvalue,belief,ideologicalrepresentationandlegitimacyarenowroutinelydirectednotonlyattheregionalgovernmentsbuttheCCP(Lu,2015;Shi,2015;Goodman,2014:44;Shen,2008).

Xi’sBeijingSpeech,assertingthat"artsandartistsmustnotlosedirectioninthewaveofmarketeconomy,mustnotbetheslaveofcapital",andtheCCPleadingofficialsviewingofChineseopera,canbesituatedwithinarearguedattempttoreaddresstheideologicalimpactofahugelyimbalancedsocialdevelopmentthroughrapidurbanisation.Moreover,thesignificantissueremainsintheformoftheconsequentexacerbationofclassdivisions,andhowtheCCParemanagingandarticulatingtheirownlegitimacy.Thisissuepertainsatcommunitylevel.

ChineseOperaArtistsandthePoliticalCapitalFollowingFlorida’sTheRiseoftheCreativeClass(2002),therehasbeenincreasingresearchonChineseartists,communitybuildingandcivil

societydevelopment(Kong,2014;FungandErni,2013;LisitzinandStovel,2002).Artistsasaprofessionalcategorycanbesub-dividedintotwobasicgroups:thetraditional"scholarartists",and"operaartists"orperformerswhoobtainedpoliticaldistinctionunderMao’sregime.Bothartists’groupsactasmediatorsofcentral-regionalgovernmentpolicy,activelyrevivingregionalartmarketsandlocalcommunities.However,pressuretopreservetheirownprofessionalidentityanddistinctionmeansthattheirroleasmediatorsiscollaborativeinnature;theydonotfunctionindependently,andnotinawayinwhichtheycouldchallengetheideologicaldevelopmentofregionalgovernmentmarket-orientation.Theirsupportofoperaartformsandassociatedlocalcommunitiesmaybevaluable,butislimited.

1)HistoricalEliteScholarArtistsFeiXiaotonginChina'sgentry:essaysonrural-urbanrelations(1980)assertedthatinatraditionalagrariansociety(suchasChina),althoughgovernmentrulemaybedictatorial,theforceofthatformofpowerdoesnotpenetratetocommunityleveltoanygreatextent.Instead,thebasicunitofsocietyisfamily,andatrulypervasivepowerisgeneratedthroughpatriarchalprivilege,orwhatistraditionallycalledpaternalism–thenotionalrulebyelders.Inparticular,andhistoricallyinChina,thesemaleeldersorrulerswerepredominantlylearnedConfuciusscholars(shidaifu).TheymaintainedapositionofrespectatthepinnacleofChinesesociety,secondonlytomembersoftheImperialfamily.Theyweretheleadingfiguresofthecommunityandtookonkeyroles,suchasinnegotiatingbetweentheimperialrule,localeconomymanagementandcommunitybuilding(Yao,2000,Murck,1980:1).

2)NewEliteOperaArtistsAttheoppositeendofthesocialstratumweretheChineseoperaperformers.IntraditionalChinesesociety,scholarswerecertainlyatthetopofsocialcareerscales,whilstoperasingers,togetherwithprostitutesandbeggarsformedthelowestcategory(GoldmanandLeo,2002;Schwartz,1996:38).KrausinThePartyandtheArtyinChina(2004)pointedoutthatunderthePeople’sRepublicofChina,performersgainedasignificantprofessionalartisticstatus.Whilethisistrue,but

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withtheStatedistributionofpoliticalcapitalandrecognition,principallythroughinstitutionsandtitles,thefundamentalchangeisartistswereco-optedintotheState.Thoughstatepatronage,operasingersbecamepartofanelitesocialclass.Thischangewasunprecedentedandalteredtheartists’historicalrelationshipwiththeState(Ma,2015:43).

EvasdottirinObedientAutonomy(2004),arguesthattheChinesescholarexistswithinaconstantdilemma,andsostrugglingtoretainasenseofintellectualintegrity–betweensimultaneouslyfulfillingtheirobligationstogovernmentandtothemasspopulation.Eventhoughscholarsaretheleadinghistoricalfiguresinanylocalcommunity,theirsenseofself-preservationmadethemreluctanttochallengethelimitsontheirpoliticalinfluence.Beforebecomingtheeliteclassthemselves,operaperformersactedfortheaudiencesoftheirownclass,oftenmockedtheState,challengedandquestionedinjusticeonbehalfoftheiraudience,whichwere,ofcourse,thelowerclasses(Wu,2006).Uponreceivingnoblestatus,operaperformerswereconsciousofthattheirnewfounddistinctionandprofessionallegitimacywasonlyobtainedthroughauniquehistoricalopportunity.Andaswiththescholars,operaperformersfacedthesamedilemmaofintegrity:theirobligationtothemassesandtoservingthestateonwhosepatronagetheyhadreceived.Theirhistoricallyliberalspirit,seizingthefreedomtochallengeandmockauthority,withincreasinglyimposedStatecensorship,waslost.

Inthe21stCentury,bothscholarartistsandoperaartists,remainactivemediatorsbetweencommunity,regionalandcentralgovernments.Theylobbyonbehalfofthecommunityforresources,andtheyroutinelyreportondilemmasemerginginculturalandartmarketreforms.However,aseliteandrecognisedservantsoftheState,thepoliticalcomplexionoftheirlobbyingissuchthatitisentirelycompatiblewiththepoliticalprotocolsofpartyandState,andnothreattotheState'slegitimacy.Andgivenhowlittlethecommunitystructure(andpositionofscholars)andsocialclass-basisofoperaaudienceshavechanged,theartists'roleinmediatingbetweentheStateandthepeopleremainsa

significantone,ifcurrentlynoncontentious.GiventhefundamentalideologicalshiftsandchangesingovernanceIoutlinedabove,andthecontinuedneedfortheCCPtomaintainaroleasuncontestedsocio-politicalauthority,thecriticaljunctureofstrengththatallowsthisapparentcontradictiontobemaintainedisthejuncturebetweenChina’suniqueregional-centralgovernmentstructureandthesocialmediationrolesoftheartists.Thisjunctureisa‘trialectical’anddynamiccooperation–betweencentralgovernment(thesourceofnationalideology),regionalgovernment(managingurbanisationandeconomicgrowth)andlocalcommunity(wheretheartistsmediawiththemassesthroughtimesofprofoundchange).Eachofthesepoliticalspheresco-operateandsupporteachotherfortheirownsurvivalandlegitimacy.Tounderstandinmoredetailhowthisworks,weneedtoconsiderthestructureofChina’slatestdiscourseofartandmarketreforms–theXi’anQinqiang(Qinopera)culturalindustriesreform.

Part2:CaseStudyQinqiangCulturalIndustriesReform

Fewnon-ChinesereaderswillbefamiliarwithQinqiangorQinopera,butwillnodoubthaveheardoftheTerracottaArmyandtheGreatWallofChina.Qinisthenamefortheregionintoday’sShan’xiprovince;Qiangmeansmusicalsound.QinqiangistransliteratedasthemusicalsoundofQin.Qinqiangfirstemergedaroundmid-QinState(770BC–221BC)andwasevolvedintoapopularregionalsongacrosscentralChina,includingShan’xi,ShanxiandGansu(Ruan,2006).In221BC,Yinzheng,theruleroftheQinregionunifiedChinaandcrownedhimselfasthefirstEmperorofChina,withitscapitalsetupattoday’sXi’an.ThisverywordQinqiangisassociatedwiththehistoricalChineseempire(ZhaoandLan,2014:11).DevelopedinthecentralagriculturallandscapeoftheYellowEarth,Qinqiangisassociatedwiththesoundofruralpeasantsandtheirwayoflife.QiRushan,Chinesemodernculturalcritic,claimsthat:‘inordertounderstandChina,onemustknowQinqiang’(quotedinZhen,2013).

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In1912,amidstChina’smodernization,aShan’xischolarnamedLiTongxuanestablishedthefirstmodernQinqiangcompanyinXi’an,namingitYiSuSociety.TheverynamesymbolizedChinesescholars’ambitionsindevelopingamodernChina:toevolve(Yi)(peasantaudience)traditionalwayofthinking(Su)throughrevolutionisingopera(productionandartists).In1951,twoyearsaftertheestablishmentofthePeople’sRepublicofChina,Xi’anmunicipalgovernmentre-establishedtheYiSuSocietyasthefirstStateQinqiangHouse(Zhen,2013,Wang,2011:33).YiSuSocietyruralperformersobtainedurbanstatusandunprecedentedpoliticalrecognitionandbenefittedfromStatepatronage.Inthepost-Maomarketera,operainstitutionsacrossChinaexperiencedmarketreforms,where,earningtheirownrevenues,theirvisibleeconomicgainbecameapoliticalindicatoroftheirartisticlegitimacy(throughpopularitywiththemasses),onconditiontheyalsoservedtopromoteCCPlegitimacy.TheCCP’sverylatestreformshavechangedthefateofQinqiangirreversibly.

Fromtheearly2000s,theCCPhadbeenengagedinextensivestrategiceconomicdevelopment,thegreatNewSilkRoadproject.WhenUSSecretaryofStateHillaryClintonproposeda‘NewSilkRoad’todescribeaU.S.Policyin2011–animaginednorth-southaxisdesignedtomakewar-tornAfghanistanaregionalhub–theCCPreportedlyhad"sleeplessnights"(Fallon,2015:141).In2013,XiJinpingfirstannouncedaneast-northwestaxisforChina–a‘OneRoadandOneBelt’plan,emphasizingbothlandandmaritimeSilkroads,withtheirstartingpointsinChina.Inthisnewrevisionoftheconcept,Xi’anappearedonthelatestgeographicalmappingasthebeginningofthelandSilkroute.Consequently,onthe27thMay2015,thefirstOneBeltOneRoadChinaNationalForumwasheldinXi’an.Inthisforum,Statestrategicinfrastructureplansandinvestmentdetailswereannounced,withXi’anbeingthecentreofthisnewdistinction(XinhuaNet,2016).

Xi’anisacitywithlayersofsymbolicmeaningandhistoricaldistinction.SincethearchaeologicaldiscoveryoftheTerracottaArmyinthe1970s,Xi’ancity’sdistinctionhasbeenfocusedontheQindynasty(221BC-220AD)andQinqiangasboth

thepreferredcommunityentertainmentanddistinctiveregionalculturalcapital.However,tosupporttheCCP’snewideologicalorientation,andtosecuremaximumcentraleconomicinvestment,Xi’ancityshifteditslong-establishedQinassociationtotheTangdynasty(644AD-988AD).ItwasduringtheTangperiodthatMonkXuanzongbroughtbacktheSanskritfromIndiathroughtheSilkrouteundertheroyalTangmission.Thispartofhistoryiswelldocumented,andprovidedXi’anandChinanationallythelegitimateclaimtoestablishthestartingpointofanynewland-basedSilkroute(ZhaoandLan,2014;Zhen,2013;Chen,2011;He,2010).

Fromtheearly2000s,theXi’anmunicipalgovernmenthadbeguncontractingtheQuJiangNewDistrictPropertyDeveloper(QJhereafter)forstrategiccityregeneration.OneofthemainQJdevelopmentshasbeenthebuildingoftheGrandTangThemePark,andsince2013,inlinewithXiJinping’s‘OneRoadandOneBelt’plan,furtherinvestmenthasbeenputintotheGrandTangThemePark,withmarketingmaterialfocusedontheGrandGoosePagoda–whereitisclaimedtheSanskritbroughtbackfromIndiawasstored,highlightingMonkXuanzong’ssuccessfulcompletionoftheSilkroutemission.IntherebrandingofXi’anculturefromtheQinDynastytotheTangDynasty,itistobenotedthatasthereisnospecificoperaassociatedwithTang,butnowanewculturalindustryaroundTangdance,manifestinashowproducedspecificallyforvisitors.Fromtheearly2010s,incollaborationwithXi’anDanceCompany,Xi’anmunicipalgovernmentandQJco-producedtheGrandTangPerformance,andnearlyeveryvisitortoXi’anwillbeadvisedattouristinformationdesksandallhotelstotaketheDumplingBanquetwiththeGrandTangPerformance.Tangcultureswiftlydevelopedintoanewchainofculturalindustryventures,rangingfromthemeparks,grandperformancesandbanquets.Tangculturebecamethelatest"invented"Xi’anculturalidentityanddistinction,supportingtheCCP’sstrategicplanof‘OneRoadandOneBelt’,andsecuringcentralinvestmentforsketchingsuchagrandblueprint.

Intheprocessofcityrebranding,fundingoriginallyallocatedtoQinqiangwasreduced

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substantially.Fromthemid2000s,withinapolicyannouncedasthe"culturalindustriesreform",Xi’anmunicipalgovernmenttransferredmanagementpowerofallQinqiangcompaniesfromthemunicipalculturaldepartmenttoQJ.Themostcontroversialmovecameonthe10thJune2009,whenQJorderedallQinqiangHousesinXi’antochangefromnon-profittoprofit-makingorganizations.ThreelargestQinqiangCompanieswererequestedtomergeintotheYiSuSociety,withallperformersaged45andabovebeingmaderedundant.Allthesechangeswerecompletedwithin90days.ThisprocesswasproudlyreferencedbyQJastohaveresolvedissueswith"onesingleswingofamachete"(yidaoqie)(privatecommunication,29thJanuary2015).TherapiddictatewasfurtherpraisedbyXi’angovernmentas"themodelexampleofXi’anculturalindustriesreformsuccess"(He2010:259-263).

Inresponsetotheculturalindustriesreform,someartiststookactionstolobbyagainstthedestructionofcommunity,tryingtopreserveQinqiang.TheexamplesgiveninthispaperarescholarartistZhongMingshanandoperaartistDir.Liu.1.ScholarArtistandtheQinqiangMuseumZhongMingshandescribeshimselfasanarchaeologist,historiananddevotedQinqianglover.Toothers,Zhongisanationallyrenownedscholar-artist,famousforhiscalligraphyandpainting.Hisworkhasbeenadmiredbymanystateleaders,withpatronsincludingformerpresidentJiangZemin.SuchconnectionsprovideZhongthebestopportunitiesforlobbyingforQinqiang.SinceQinqiangculturalindustriesreform,ZhonghasbeenpetitioningdirectlytohispatronJiangZeminfor"thecriminalact"thatQJhavecausedtotheindigenouscultureandcommunitylifeofthelocale(privatecommunication,20thJanuary2015).Zhong’scomplainingdidnotstoptheCCPorchestratedXi’ancityrebranding,northemunicipalgovernmentcontractedpropertydevelopersfastprofitreturn.WhatZhongdidobtainfromthecentralgovernmentisaQinqiangmuseumspace.

In2013,thefirstQinqiangmuseumopenedinXi’anJiaotongUniversity,locatedinthesuburbsofXi’an.Itisagrandandspaciousthree-floorbuildingwiththebasementlevelcontainstheperformingspaceofatraditionaltheatrewitharoundfiftyseats.ThegroundfloordisplaysavarietyofculturalitemsrangingfromthefirstoriginalhandwrittenQinqiangscriptstoancientmusicalinstruments,costumesandotherrelatedpieces.Thespiralstairsinthemiddleoftheexhibitionroomleadstothesecondfloor,whichhasfurthercollectionsfromtheoldestQinqiangscriptstoasetofQinqiangleatherpuppetsusedinZhangYimou’sinternationallypopularfilmToLive(1994).ThespaceisusedforUniversityStudentsQualityTrainingBase(suzhijiaoyujidi)–acompulsorytrainingprogrammeinvolvingtraditionalartforms,imposedonallChineseuniversitystudentssincethe1989Tiananmenevent.However,duringtheentiremonthofmyresearch,thegrandspacewaspermanentlyempty.WhenIaskedZhongifacitycentrespacehadbeenexploredtoattractmorevisitors,Zhangdisplayedsomeagitation:

Don’taskmewhyIhavethemuseuminauniversityinsteadofthecitycentre.OfcourseIknowthisplaceistootuckedawayandthecitycentrewasthefirstlocationIsoughtafter.ButnowadaysinChinaeverythinghasbeenpassedontothepropertydeveloper.Themunicipalculturalbureaudoesnotevenhaveasayinculturalspacemanagement.Thisspaceistheresultofmydirectcontactwith"highup".Ourowncultureisdestroyedundertheverynameofculturalindustries(wenhuachanye)!Iwillcontinuetolobbyuntilthewrongisputright!’(Privatecommunication,20thJanuary2015)

Untilthisday,ZhongarticulatestheneedforQinqiangperformingspaceinthecitycentre,andtheimportanceofeducatingtheyoungergenerationtolearnaboutQinqiang.Despitetheemptymuseum,Zhongispositivethatthecurrentmadnessof"culturalindustriesreform"istemporaryandlocalQinqiangasthecommunitypeople’swayoflifewillreturninthefuture.Untilthatdayarrives,Zhongwillcontinuetoworkinhis

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museumspace,onauniversitycampusthatistuckedawayfromcityvisitorsandthefastchangingurbanlandscape.

2.OperaArtistandQinqiangTroupeDirectorLiubecameamemberoftheYiSuSocietyinthe1950s.HewastrainedinQinqiangperformanceandlaterspecialisedinscriptwriting.WhenLiuretiredintheearly2000shewitnessedtheprocessofculturalindustriesreformwiththelargeredundancyofmiddleagedactorsandfeltastrongsenseofdutytobringtheseperformersbackontothestage:

Theyaretooyoungtoretirefromthestage.Itisextremelydifficulttotrainoperaperformers,asitisahighlysyntheticartformconsistingofdancing,performing,singingandacting,childrenneedtostarttheirtrainingfrom4or5yearsofageinordertoachievetherightpostureandaestheticbodymovements;justwhentheyareabletoperform,theyaremaderedundant!Theyhavebeenwelltrainedandtheycanofferthebestperformancetotheaudience(Privatecommunication,29thJanuary2015).

In2007,LiuestablishedtheXi’anQinqiangAssociation,withperformersconsistingentirelyofredundantstafffromallXi’anQinqiangcompanies.Noonetakesanyregularwage,paymentisonlyallocatedthroughperformance.Theassociationperformsbothtraditionalandnewproductions.Liuwritesscriptsandco-directsperformanceswithactors.Becauseofthis,everyonenowaddresseshimwiththerespectfultitleofDir.Liu.

ThemainchallengethatLiu’soperatroupefacesistheexpensiveurbantheatrerentalfee.AccordingtoDir.Liu,underQJ,Xi’ancity’ssmallandmediumscaledtheatreswereclearedforurbandevelopment.Toensurethetroupe’ssurvival,Dir.Liutakestheteamtotheruralcountryside,wheretheystillperformforcommunitygatheringsandarepaidcollectivelybyvillageorganizations:

Qinqianghasaverygoodaudiencebaseinbothurbancitiesandinthecountryside.However,itisincreasingly

difficulttoobtainaffordablespacetoperforminurbancitiesandtheboxofficestrugglestosellindividualtickets.Thesearenoissuesinthecountrysideastheperformanceispaidforbytheorganizationforeveryonetoenjoyinapublicspace–likehowoperahasbeenstagedforthousandsofyearsinChina.Themostprofitableandpopularperformancesourcewearemakingnowadaysisindeedthroughruraltours(Privatecommunication,29thJanuary2015).

However,inthepastsevenyears,Dir.Liuhaswitnessedentirevillagesdisappearwithinafortnight,forvariouspropertydevelopmentprojects.Thismeansthedisappearanceoftheruralaudiencealongwithperformingspace.Liu’stroupehadtotravelfurtherawaytoseekaudiences.Todothis,LiurequiredaPerformingVehicle–abigcontainertruckwhich,oncestationed,canbeopenedandusedasastage.Itisakeyinvestmentforaprivateperformingcompany,however,Dir.Liu’stroupestruggledtopurchaseone.Liuhadbeenwritingregularlytotheregionalgovernmentapplyingforoneanditwasnotuntiltheearly-2010s,duetotheincreasingreputationofLiu’sQinqiangAssociation,thatthecompanywaseventuallygrantedone.Theyarenowabletodrivefurtherintothecountrysideandchargearound10,000RMBperperformance,whichlastsbetween4to6hours.Withnorentalfeesandbillsmetbycollectivevillagesfunds,Liu’stroupeisnotonlycoveringitscosts,butisalsoabletopaytheactors.By2015,eightyearsafteritsinitialsetup,Liu’stroupehasbecomeself-sustainingandstartedtorecruityoungmembersforthedevelopmentoftheXi’anQinqiangAssociation.

Throughouttheinterviews,neitherofthetwoartistscriticisedtheCCPorgovernmentfortheimpactsofitsideologicalorientationonoperaanditsaudiences,noronregionalgovernmentmarketmanagementstyle,suchasthecontractingofpropertydeveloperstoexecuteculturalprojects.Instead,thecriticismisfocusedonQJanditswayofmanagingandexecutingartcompaniesandartmarkets.Bothareproudoftheirindividualachievementsinsecuringamuseumspaceand

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performingvehicle,andtheyarekeentocontinuecollaboratingwiththeregionalgovernmentandsupportingtheCCP.

Conclusion

ContextualizedinthecasestudyofXi’anQinqiangculturalindustriesreform,thisarticlearguedthatthestruggleofChineseoperahousereforminthenewmillenniumexemplifiestheevolutionoftheCCPingaininglegitimacy.Xi’s2014BeijingSpeechandtheviewingofChineseoperabyallsevenmembersoftheChinaCentralStandingCommitteeshouldnotbeviewedassimplyaculturalchoicebutacrucialstepinattemptingtore-addressCCP'sideologicalorientation.Whilstobtainingincreasedeconomicpower,theCCPalsofacesthechallengeofawideningclassdivision,ruralandurbanunevendevelopment,allofwhichquestionstheCCP’sfoundingvalues,politicalrepresentationandthuslegitimacy.Despitefundamentalideologicaldevelopments,theCCPmanagedtomaintainlegalpowerreliesonChina’suniqueregional-centralgovernmentstructureandthesocialmediatorrolesoccupiedbytheartists.Thecontinuednegotiationatcentral,regionalandcommunitylevels,supportingeachotherfortheirownsurvivalandlegitimacy,iscentraltotheconsolidationoftheCCPrulinglegitimacy.

However,thisarticlealsopointsoutthatwithoutquestioningtheCCPideologicalorientation,theregionalgovernment’sdualeconomicandideologicalpressuresandartist‘obedientautonomy’,theprovisionof‘tokengestures’,suchasamuseumspaceoutsidethecitycentreandatravelvehicle,providelittleimprovementtotheChineseoperamarketstruggleanditsassociatedaudiences’political,economicandsocialconditions.TraditionalChineseopera,togetherwithitsassociatedaudienceofpeasantsandworkerscontinuetostrugglefortherighttopracticetheirhistoricalculture,whichisboundupwiththeCCP’sinternalstruggleforre-gainingitsownlegitimacy.SuchstruggleshighlighttheintimaterelationshipbetweenChineseCommunistParty(CCP)ideologicalevolution,culturalrights,andthemarketreforms(inthenameoftheculturalindustries).

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