Children in political violence

Sm. Sri. Med. Vol. 28, No. 7, pp. 659467. 1989 Printed in Great Britain. All rights reserved

CHILDREN

0277.9536:89 $3.00 + 0.00 Copyright C 1989 Pergamon Press plc

IN POLITICAL VIOLENCE

KERRY GIBSON

Political Violence and Health Resources Project, African Studies Institute, University of the Witwatersrand, P.O. WITS 2050, South Africa

Abstract-There is an urgent need to conduct research into the effects of political conflict on children growing up in South Africa. This paper discusses some international literature which may be relevant to researchers in this area. The first section briefly assesses the usefulness of the background literature on children in war and disaster situations. The second section outlines some of the clinical effects of political conflict on children. The third illustrates some of the ways in which intrapersonal. inter-personal and contextual factors play a role in the stress process. The fourth section incorporates previous discussion into a model for understanding the effects of political conflict on children and offers a brief critique of some of the existing research. The final section explores the implications of the international literature for the South African researcher and examines the usefulness of conducting this kind of research.

Key words+hildren, stress, political violence, South Africa

INTRODUCIION

The on-going political crisis in South Africa has created a sense of urgency around the need to conduct research into the psychological effects of escalating oppression and what has come to be called ‘unrest’.* Particular concern has been directed towards the possible effects of this environment on children? growing up in the black townships. This is evident in the fears voiced by township mothers for their children [l], in the media (21 and by clinicians in their work with childhood victims of events ranging from detention to the witnessing of violent action (31. Several South African researchers have already re- sponded to the challenge posed by this issue [4-61, but there is clearly a need for sustained exploration into the possible effects of high levels of political violence on children in this country.

This paper is an attempt to facilitate further research in this area by highlighting some of the issues through discussion of relevant international literature. This is drawn primarily from research which has been conducted in countries experiencing similarly high levels of political violence, but is expanded through research in the genera1 fields of child psychology and stress. The discussion is divided into five sections. The first briefly assesses the usefulness of the background literature; the second sketches a clinical picture of children’s reactions to political violence; the third

*The term ‘unrest’ is widely used, particularly in the South African media. This paper follows this popular usage while acknowledging the ideological connotations of ‘unrest’ which suggest that high levels of political violence represent a deviation from the normal ‘restfulness’ of South African society.

tit can be argued that the term ‘youth’ rather than ‘children’ more accurately reflects the significant role played by this group in the struggle against apartheid. However, as this paper acknowledges the effects of political violence on very young children, as well as the more politically active youth of this country, it may be simpler to follow the legal usage of the term ‘children’ to refer to any person under the age of I8 years.

outlines some of the factors that may influence this reaction and the fourth suggests a mode1 highlighting areas which may assist in the understanding of this phenomenon. The fifth section explores the implications of the international literature for the South African researcher and then briefly outlines some of the debates concerning the usefulness of conducting research into the effects of political violence on children.

USING THE BACKGROUND LITERATURE

The precursors to modern research into the effects of political violence on children can be found in a number of diverse but related fields ranging from the effects of conventional war conditions and natural disasters, to other natural and human-induced forms of victimisation. This is supplemented by the vast body of research into the effects of familial stressors such as divorce or bereavement on children [7]. These areas all contain common elements including high level stressors and resultant trauma. Research in military psychiatry paved the way for the recognition of a stress disorder as a ‘normal’ reaction to the witnessing or involvement in violent activity [8]. This recognition was expanded and developed in relation to children through research into the effects of war- associated conditions, such as air raids and evacu- ation during the late 1930s and the 1940s. The results of this early research were contradictory. Some researchers suggested that the deleterious psychological effects of war on children were fewer than might be expected and in general could be traced to either a separation from the parents or to anxiety transmitted from the parents [9-121. Others, however, suggested that there was a marked increase in psychological disturbance in children exposed to air raid conditions, with symptoms ranging from activity inhibition to terror states [13, 141. Clover [I 51 offers some insights into the inconsistency of results on this subject, noting a lack of systematic research and a tendency to rely on anecdotal accounts.

More recent findings have emerged within the area

660 KERRY GIBSON

of disaster research which offers a prototype for eliciting acute stress reactions in both adults and children. Most disaster studies have focused on adults. There are. however, several that have dealt specifically with childrens’ reactions to trauma such as tornados [ 161, landslides [ 171, earthquakes [ 181 and a school bus accident [19]. Although reports of the childrens’ responses to these various disaster experiences differ from study to study. the general findings would seem to suggest that behavioural disturbances appear to be less intense that might have been anticipated. Most children show some fear and anxiety but this subsides fairly rapidly. Regressive behaviour marked by clinging to parents and height- ened dependency on adults may appear and a mild sleep disturbance may persist for several months [20]. The research into other areas of the field which has come to be known as victimology (including a range of stressors from illness to crime and accidents) is perhaps less useful in providing an indication of the epidemiology of childrens’ reactions to political violence and more useful in expanding the clinical picture of this reaction. As Janoff-Bulman and Frieze [21] note. although this research is diverse there seems to be common emotional reactions including shock, confusion, helplessness. anxiety. fear. depression and symptoms of post-traumatic stress disorder [22].

Although this background literature highlights the importance of research into the effects of events. such as those contained within violent political conflict, and provides some indications of their possible effects on children. it cannot account for the factors which make political violence a uniquely stressful experience. In order to highlight some of these, it is necessary to draw on the literature which constitutes the core of an exploration into the effects of political violence itself.

This research has emerged from conditions as varied as those in Israel. Northern Ireland and South American states. In each case the factors which define the stressful situation are determined by a complex matrix of each country’s social, political and economic history. For the purposes of this paper however it may be useful to extract some of the more important variables from their context to construct a theoretical understanding of the features which serve to differ- entiate the stressors of political conflict from those stressors that have been examined in the survey of the background literature.

Palestinian children in the occupied territories face similar circumstances to those faced by the black child in South Africa, including indiscriminate detentions, violent suppression of any form of protest and curtailed freedom of movement [23]. There appears however to be little readily available psychological literature on this subject. The available Israeli literature deals rather with the implications of more conventional warfare conditions for the Jewish child. This provides a less direct comparison to the South African situation. although there do appear to be some features in common with those of violent political conflict in this country.

Breznitz [24] notes the chronicity of a chain of hostilities which he likens to a continuous 30-year war. He notes that so-called ‘terrorist’ activity inside the country has resulted in the continuous need to be

on guard against the possibility of attack. This feature of chronicity is acknowledged in Straker’s [S. pp. 48-491 article in which she notes that the term post-traumatic stress disorder is a misnomer for the South African child victims of political violence. who should rather be seen to be suffering from a continuous traumatic stress syndrome. In justifying her use of the term she describes the example of an adolescent boy who had, over a 6-week period. been exposed to a series of stressful events including the murder of a community leader, the petrol bombing of his own home, exile from his community. a police raid during his period of exile and a subsequent arrest and assault. She notes also that his ordeal is not yet over as he remains in exile and on the run from the genera1 level of violence in his community.

Fraser [25] writing on the on-going ‘troubles’ of Northern Ireland emphasises the differences between this situation and that of conventional warfare. He notes the personal involvement of civilians. where children are not simply exposed to these dangers. but are also frequently combatants in the violent activity and politics that surround them. As Chikane [26] notes, this feature is also evident in South Africa, where children spend their time thinking and plan- ning to outwit the security forces with both offensive and defensive action. Fraser [25. pp. 7781 also notes the immediate context of a divided community where the enemy and enemy territory are poorly defined in violent political conflict. This is perhaps best illustrated in South Africa where schools, neighbourhood streets and even homes have frequently become battlegrounds [25, pp. 342-3441. Fraser and other Northern Ireland researchers introduce a further distinguishing feature of political violence, noting that it occurs in a context marked by social and political oppression, including obvious factors such as political detentions and less obvious factors such as social prejudice and social and economic deprivation (25, pp. 26-42; 27,281. The research from the South American states experiencing political violence and widespread oppression elaborates on some of these features, noting particularly the political detention of thousands [29], the fear induced by a military dictatorship and the consequent curbs on people’s ability to discuss or protest the harsh conditions of their lives [30]. In South Africa the political system of apartheid produces continuous social, political and economic deprivation while the ‘state of emergency’ in force since June 1985, has allowed for widespread political detentions [31].

The features illustrated here suggest that neither research on children faced with conventional warfare, natural disaster or other stressors can accurately emulate the findings in conditions of political conflict which are characterised by chronic strife, high personal involvement, poor definition of the threat and political, social and economic oppression.

CHILDRENS’ REACTIONS TO EVENTS OF POLITICAL VIOLENCE-THE CLINICAL PlCTtiRE

Research into the consequences of various kinds of stress suggests a broad distinction in the clinical effects between chronic and acute reactions. An acute reaction represents a normal shock reaction which

Children in political violence 661

follows exposure to a highly stressful event. It gener- ally lasts only for a few days and is marked by features of severe anxiety. Chronic reactions, on the other hand, are those which endure beyond this brief time span and include a persistence of often debilitating symptoms [32]. This chronic reaction in adults is marked by features of the post-traumatic stress disorder [22, pp. 238-2391, but in children takes a more diversified form including age-appropriate symptoms of stress [33].

As Fraser [25, p. 841 notes of children growing up in the ‘troubles’: “Scarcely any child living in riot conditions has escaped having at least some symptoms of acute anxiety”. This assertion on the broad ranging epidemiology of acute reactions to severe stress is consistent with the claims of others in the field such as Hocking [34] who reports that subjection to prolonged, extreme stress will result in some signs of stress in virtually every person exposed to it. Chronic reactions, Fraser suggests, are less common in response to political violence and vary symptom- atically from child to child. This distinction between chronic and acute reactions to stress leads logically to a recognition of the need for a phasic description of childrens’ reactions. Fraser [25, pp. 109-l 131 outlines three typical phases based on previous research and his own observations of children in Northern Ireland.

The phase of impact

This constitutes the immediate reaction to the stress. Reactions noted in this phase include immo- bilising inertia in the majority; symptoms of acute anxiety including weeping and shaking in about a quarter of the population and calm purposeful action in the remainder. Fraser notes that in children this reaction has been reported to take the form of intense nervous energy manifesting in shouting, singing, dancing about or giggling. He suggests that this reaction has been misunderstood by researchers as the children enjoying themselves and that it should rather be recognised as a denial reaction to extreme anxiety. Childrens’ needs in this phase are for accurate factual information which serves the purpose of reassurance, physical closeness to loved ones and a strong sense of group identity. Severe reactions in this phase, he notes. are not however an indication for more lasting pathology.

The recoil phase

This phase follows the immediate crisis. During this time there is a need for children to ventilate their feelings about their frightening experience. This can be done either verbally or through play and represents an attempt to master the experience. The nego- tiation of this phase is dependent on the supportive reaction of adults and the childrens’ ability to express their feelings about the experience.

The post -traumatic phase

The symptomatic reactions in this phase corre- spond to those classified as chronic reactions. In this phase symptoms continue well after the initial crisis and may even worsen. This lasting reaction occurs particularly when the recoil phase has not been adequately negotiated. Reactions in this phase vary considerably depending on factors such as the age of

the child. Fraser however notes the commonality of all symptoms in conveying distress and serving a defensive function by altering the child’s contact with reality.

Although it is difficult to assess what number of children develop symptoms in the post-traumatic phase it would appear both from Fraser’s and other research, to be less than might have been anticipated. This does not however negate the possibility of more long-term personality difficulties resulting from adjustment to abnormal conditions. Fields’ [35] findings suggesting that children growing up in violent soci- eties suffer a form of moral and social retardation lend weight to this hypothesis. However, as Heskin’s [36] work on the Northern Ireland situation suggests, it is possible that these characteristics may be attrib- uted rather to the on-going problem of poor social circumstances rather than to political violence per se.

FACTORS AFFECTING THE STRESS PROCESS

While it is useful to have a broad overview of the clinical picture of childrens’ responses to the stressful events of political violence, it is also important to acknowledge the variation in both the stress process and its consequences. This is dependent on a number of factors including the nature of the traumatic event or events to which the child is exposed, individual coping skills and the child’s environment.

The events of political conflict

Although I have briefly acknowledged that violent political conflict takes on different forms in different countries, up until this point I have essentially dealt with the topic as if it were a single entity. Violent political conflict is however made up of a number of different kinds of events. While it is true to say that children growing up in this context are seldom exposed to a single discreet event, it is also important to acknowledge that the kinds of events to which they are exposed may have specific consequences for them. Common sense tells us, for example, that a child who is assaulted may have a different reaction to a child who is exposed to a less direct ‘event’ such as the detention of a community leader. A brief review of the literature pertaining to some of the less direct forms of political violence highlights the need to attend not only to the genera1 context, but also to the specific events of political violence.

The effects of the detention of family members on children is one such area. Drawing from the genera1 body of literature on child psychology and separation experiences [37,38], and the research which has been done on the effects of civil imprisonment (391, it appears that children, particularly young children, are prone to experience a fairly severe reaction to an event which interferes with their primary attach- ments. When a family member is detained children experience not only the trauma of losing a loved one and fear for their well-being, but they also experience the disorganisation in family functioning which occurs during their absence, possible financial difficulties during this time and the chaotic period of reintegration of the ex-detainee into the family [39, p. 373; 401. Childrens’ reactions to the political detention of a family member have been noted in

662 KERRY GIBSON:

South American research to include regresstve behaviour. sleep disturbance and loss of weight and appe- tite [29, pp. 229-2311. It is important to note of this research however that the findings are limited insofar as they deal primarily with younger children and tend to focus exclusively on short and middle-term effects.

Direct exposure to physical violence (even without assault or injury) is suggested by Ayalon’s [41] work on the child victims of terrorist attacks in Israel to be a further major trauma. As she notes: “A child who witnesses violence may suffer a systematic shock that transcends subjective experience” (p. 319). This results in both short term stress responses and problems in reintegration with features such as survival guilt, decreased capacity for enjoyment and trust in others. There is less clear evidence as to the adverse effects of exposure to less direct forms of violence. Events such as sporadic violence in the form of shelling in the Israeli context or chronic street rioting in Northern Ireland appear to have fewer detrimental effects. Children do appear to experience anxiety, but appear less likely than one might expect to suffer from any overt psychological disorder as a result [25, p. 99; 42- 441. This research further suggests that where disorder does occur among children in these situations it tends to he related to communicated anxiety from parents and a diffusion of anxiety in the community [20, p. 1581.

Researchers in Northern Ireland have expressed particular concern as to the effects of participation in violence on children. Early researchers, including Lyons (451 and Fraser [25, pp. 163-1801, predicted an inevitable moral breakdown in response to this phenomenon. This is well illustrated in Lawson’s [46] reference to the youth of Northern Ireland as a ‘lost generation’. This approach supports Kelman’s [47] theory of the dehumanising properties of violence for both the aggressors and victims. Later Northern Ireland research [28. pp. 388-392; 481 however argues that these concerns were based on assertion rather than well-founded knowledge. Heskin [49] notes, for instance. that the increase in anti-social behaviour in Northern Ireland statistically appears to be more closely related to deteriorating social conditions rather than to participation of the youth in political violence. McWhirter [28. pp. 388-3921 argues in favour of the resilience of childrens’ conceptions of society. the strength of religious values and strong family ties preventing the feared outbreak of anti- social behaviour among the young. These findings raise the hypothesis that children are able to maintain a distinction between violence for a just cause and violence which is perceived as unjust. Thus. it is possible that the essential moral difference between right and wrong is maintained and violence per se is not regarded as acceptable. nor is it generalised to all situations.

The research findings discussed in this section represent only a small proportion of the existing research which may be used to enhance our knowledge of specific events within violent political conflict, prior to conducting research in these areas.

Not only should research acknowledge the variations in the events of violent political conflict, but

also the variations in the coping ability of individuals exposed to it. While, as Breznitz [50] notes. personality variables become less salient as the degree of stress increases. it may still be assumed that these play some role in determining how individuals react. which events are perceived by them as being the most stressful and perhaps also whether their difficulties extend into the post-traumatic phase. The body of research on childhood reactions to stress suggests a number of factors which may be linked to vulnerability and coping.

Research has indicated that some temperamental factors are associated with childrens’ ability to cope well with stress, including good social skills. inter- personal sensitivity. likeability and a high internal locus of control [5lJ. The literature also suggests a gender difference in vulnerability to stress with boys being more susceptible than girls [52]. Zuckerman- Bareli [53] mentions a further factor in the form of good problem solving skills (associated with higher levels of education) as a criterion for childrens’ coping with Israeli border attacks.

Perhaps the most important intra-personal variable however. affecting childrens’ coping. is their developmental age. The literature on stress and within child psychology suggests that this plays an important role in determining both their vulnerability to particular stressors and the form of their reactions. Drawing from clinical observations. made on the developmental needs and tasks of children in particular age groups [54-571, it is possible to hypothesise particular developmental vulnerabilities in relation to the stress of political conflict.

The primary developmental orientation of the pre- school child (&5 years) is towards the family. Their capacity for emotional and physical independence is limited and consequently their anxieties might pre- dictably be seen to relate to their subjective experience of the adults around them. Thus, children in this phase might be expected to reach most strongly to a stress which results in any alteration in the stability or functioning of the family. In political conflict the kind of event to which pre-school children may he most vulnerable include the detention of a parent or emotional distress communicated through family members. In their research on childrens’ reactions to war, Freud and Burlingham [58] note childrens’ limited capacity for understanding threats in abstract terms. However, in spite of this built-in developmental protection children may pick up feelings of distress from their parents or family members and translate these into debilitating fantasies about their own destruction. These fantasies can take on terri- fying proportions insofar as they are not mediated by logical thought and most frequently cannot be expressed or dealt with through language. Childrens’ reactions to stress in this phase include regressive behaviour with clinging, bed-wetting and fears of the dark [33, p. 1621 or disruptive behaviour [59].

Children in the middle phase of childhood (6-11 years) have an improved capacity for understanding the threats to both themselves and others. At the same time, however, they are unable to make sense of, or rationalise these threats at an abstract level. They vacillate between the home and the outside world as their source of reference. but have not


gained the independence to act appropriately on their environment in order to lessen their fears. They are aware of the wide range of threats within political conflict but are unable to alleviate their fears through action. Their fears are no longer as egocentric as those of the pre-primary school child and are thus no longer circumscribed by the immediate environment. Thus they may experience strong anxieties related to the realistic threats of loss of prized possessions, the absence of friends and possible dangers confronting family members [33, p. 1621. All of these factors suggest the particular vulnerability of this age group to more serious disorder as is noted in a United States government manual on the mental health needs of children in major disasters [33, p. 1621 and by Fraser [25, p. 1141 in Northern Ireland. Withdrawal and isolation are common reactions among children in this age group [33, p. 1621.

Adolescents (12-l 8 years) experience increasing needs for independence from their families and seek to rediscover an identity through reference to a peer group. They are fully capable of understanding the implications of an abstract threat and are able to incorporate this into a conceptual understanding. With their increasing awareness of identity, adolescents fear threats to their bodily intactness and to their physical and emotional well-being as is noted by Ayalon [41. p. 3151. The new significance of peer groups in situations of political conflict may partially explain the frequent involvement of adolescents in political activities in these conditions. Their relative independence of action may lead them into situations for which they are emotionally unprepared, for example court-cases or detention. This involvement, on the other hand, also appears to represent a way of imbuing threatening circumstances with meaning which in itself may serve as a protective factor against the effects of stress. Reactions in adolescence tend to take the form of depression with isolation or withdrawal [33, p. 1621 and anti-social behaviour (601.

Inter -personal factors

The most immediate inter-personal factor affecting childrens’ reactions to political conflict is the family. A number of researchers in the field of child psychology recognise the importance of a harmonious and supportive family environment as an aid to coping with stress [61]. A review of protective factors in children under stress isolates variables in the family which mediate the stress process [Sl, pp. 74-751. Children who cope better with stress appear to have come from families where parental roles are clearly defined, where parents display concern for their childrens’ education and where they accord their children greater self-direction in everyday tasks. Other studies note the importance of the material home environment, identifying low socio-economic status and crowded living conditions as vulnerability factors for children under stress [51, p. 74; 621. The role of the family appears to be one of the few factors consistently acknowledged in existing research into the effects of war and political conflict, right from the early research of Freud and Burlingham [58, pp. 20-211 up to the more recent studies of children living under stress in Israel [63].

The wider concept of social support has come to be

r&?ognised as a further important variable in the stress process under almost all conditions [64]. Caplan [65] notes that social support systems act as a buffer to help individuals cope with stress by enhancing their trust in the continuation of emotional ties and by facilitating mastery of the environment. With regard to political conflict in Northern Ireland. Ayalon [41. p. 3091 describes the possibility of enhancement of existing social support systems in the presence of danger. She notes that support has a positive influence on individuals’ perceptions of their likelihood of surviving terrorist attack. Ziv and Israeli [63, p. 2901 similarly related the relative lack of stress on bombarded kibbutzim to the high degree of social support in those communities. A particular source of social support for children, noted in the literature, is the school, which is able to provide children with accurate information, support and the calming influence of on-going routine [44, p. 156; 661. The literature appears relatively consistent with regard to the beneficial effects of social support networks on childrens’ ability to cope with stress. However, the likelihood of social support emerging spontaneously in situations of political conflict more typical than that of the Israeli situation is small. Fraser [25, pp. 12-181 refers to the divided community and suspiciousness which characterise the Northern Ireland conflict, while the literature from South America describes the ‘code of silence’ which prevents the development of adequate support networks [30, p. 21.

A MODEL FOR UNDERSTANDING THE EFFECTS OF POLITICAL CONFLICT ON CHILDREN

The construction of a model may be helpful in identifying some of the factors that need to be taken into account when researching the effects of political violence. A useful way of conceptualising this model is along the lines of a dynamic-interactionist approach to stress. In terms of this approach the effects of stress are perceived as part of an on-going process of person- situation interaction over time [67]. This interaction might be understood to occur on a number of different levels incorporating the factors outlined in the previous discussion.

The first level of factors in this model is perhaps the most self-evident. It includes the immediate stressful events of political violence such as assault, witnessing violence or the detention of a family member. At the second level, it is important to note the role of intra-personal factors such as temperament, gender and development in determining childrens’ ability to cope with the stressful experience. Thirdly, there are the inter-personal and contextual variables such as family and social support. At the fourth level there are the wider contextual factors which assume particular significance in understanding the effects of violent political conflict where social, political and economic deprivation most frequently characterise the context. All of these factors, as Turton [68] notes, do not operate outside the stress process, but are an integral part of the process itself.

The four-level model outlined here provided the essential framework for discussion in the previous sections. It may however by useful, in conclusion, to

664 KERRY GElSON

acknowledge the ideological limitations of this approach in providing a theoretical understanding of the effects of political conflict. Young’s [69] critical discussion on the concept of stress highlights these limitations by noting the tendency of stress research to ignore the role played by social forces in the stress process. In doing so, he argues, it subtly serves to individualise and naturalise stress reactions which. in reality, are tied to the social and economic conditions of society. This leads away from questions regarding the efficacy of existing social arrangements.

Young’s critique suggests the need for a fifth level to be added to the model. This level would provide a theoretical link between material and ideological structures of the society and factors on the four previous levels. This is an aspect which has been neglected in much of the literature discussed in this paper with the most notable exception being that of McWhirter (28. pp. 367-3971 in Northern Ireland.

This five-tiered model highlights a number of areas for further research. Firstly, it may be useful for researchers in this area to provide some discussion of the determinants of political conflict itself, insofar as they reflect the underlying economic and social conditions of a society. Within this framework, it might then be possible to examine the overt political and social attitudes which maintain political conflict and perhaps also provide the stressful events with particular meaning for those exposed to them. For example. children may not simply perceive an event such as the detention of a family member as a meaningless separation but may incorporate this into a more general political understanding of the event. In making this suggestion, I do not however intend to negate the impact of a separation experience on a child but merely to suggest that this reaction may be complicated by a number of factors including the political beliefs of the child.

Secondly. it may be useful for researchers to examine the effects of political violence. not only in relation to the immediate stressful events or in terms of the on-going history of stressors arising out of economic and political hardships which are their inevitable precursors, but also to make the link between these and the broad social structure in which they originate. It may also be useful for the researcher to bear in mind the role of less obvious mani- festations of the social and economic structures of society in the form of the ideological socialisation of intra-personal vulnerability factors through social discrimination. These suggestions offer only some indicators for a recognition of the complexity of research in the area of the effects of political conflict on children.

RESEARCH IN THE SOUTH AFRICAN CONTEXT

The model of stress outlined in the previous section suggests the indivisibility of political violence from its social and political context. This obviously raises questions about the usefulness of information gath- ered in conditions which do not directly mimic those in South Africa. It may be argued, however, that there is some value in abstracting common features in the stress process for the purpose of study, provided that these are not mistaken for the stress process

itself. In the light of this argument the international research findings in the area of political violence may have some usefulness to the South African researcher insofar as they deal with common events and subjects in spite of their artificial abstraction from the stress process as a whole.

More importantly for the South African researcher than the actual findings of research in this area. may be the suggestions made for broad research areas such as those contained in the model discussed in the previous section. The application of this model to the South African context suggests the need for research which addresses issues related to political violence at all five levels. On the first, researchers need to acquire more information on the actual events children are exposed to in South Africa, ranging from detention and assault, being ‘on the run’, to their broad awareness of the possibility of violence occurring in the community. The particular form which all these events take require clarification. At the second level we require information on the coping resources of children, which cannot of course be understood without reference to the higher levels of the model. Factors such as prejudice, socialisation for oppression and poor education all play a part in what psychologists tend to describe as individual coping styles.

The third level requires the researcher to acknowledge the role of factors such as family and social support. Under present conditions in South Africa there are a number of lines along which divisions tend to occur in the black communities most affected by political violence, all of which impede the natural development of social support networks. Firstly, there is a split between black anti-apartheid groups and black right wing vigilantes who are more supportive of the status quo. Secondly there is a degree of inter- group fighting between rival anti-apartheid groups representing either non-racial or black consciousness ideologies [5, p. 481. Finally. there is what might be termed a generational split within families. This division originated in the 1976 uprising. spearheaded by the childrens’ dissatisfaction with Afrikaans as the medium of instruction in schools. The children re- ceived little support from their parents at this point and many lost confidence in the older generation who they perceived as having been silenced by the massive repression of the sixties [26, p. 3401. This generational split has been addressed to some extent by the formation of the United Democratic Front in the 1980s which united children and their parents. The division however still emerges in individual families where parents oppose their childrens’ involvement in political activity. All of these divisions heighten sus- picion within communities which prevent the sponta- neous emergence of social support networks. Under these conditions people are forced to rely on more formal support networks, which are in turn facing an on-going assault from the government as we see with the recent banning on the activities of the Detainees’ Parents’ Support Committee.

The fourth level of the model focusses attention on the broader South African context and acknowledges the implications of factors such as malnutrition, poor caregiving resulting from inadequate day care facilities and unrealistic demands made on black women


workers; over-crowding; inadequate school facilities and teaching and the disintegration of the family through the migrant labour system in the stress process [cf. 26, pp. 337-3401.

The fifth level of the model highlights the need to link all of these factors to their social and political determinants within the structure of apartheid. These structures might be seen as the source of the present civil ‘unrest’ [71] and the cause of the chronically stressful life styles of the black people of this country. At this level it may be useful to examine these relationships in general terms, as well as at the level of childrens’ political and inter-group attitudes, not only as a function of political violence, but also of a long history of political repression. Within this level it also may be useful to examine the extent to which active participation in ‘unrest’ may in fact represent both a practical and emotional relief from, rather than a cause of, stress.

CONCLUSION

Conducting research into the effects of violent political conflict in South Africa raises a number of issues not addressed by the international literature. These issues relate to the need for this research to be useful to the victims of political violence, either directly or ideologically useful in the broad struggle against apartheid. The notion of ‘relevant research’ has been the response to this perceived need. Rele- vance is often, however, interpreted very narrowly to mean the need for research in so-called ‘relevant’ fields, such as political violence without a careful examination of the ultimate value of this research. Although it is outside of the scope of this paper to provide a detailed discussion around the issue of relevance, it may be useful, in conclusion, to briefly outline some of the debates as they apply to research in the field of political violence. (For a more extensive examination of some of these debates see the article by Swartz and Levett in this issue.)

Firstly, the South African researcher needs to consider whether it is in fact useful to focus on political violence as a research area. It may be argued, on the one hand, that research findings can provide assistance to people, such as clinicians in their work with victims of political violence, and even perhaps assist those exposed more directly to these conditions such as parents or teachers. It can also be argued, that this research may further the aims of an ideological campaign against apartheid by highlighting the atrocities committed in its name. On the other hand, however, it is important to recognise that an exclusive focus on this area can have an effect other than that which has been intended. As I have noted previously in this paper, the understanding of political violence is indivisible from the context in which it occurs. Research in this area however tends most often to be reported, particularly in the media, in a manner which highlights the more dramatic aspects of the events of political violence and their repercus- sions at the expense of other contextual information. This almost unavoidable skewing of research data may provide the mistaken impression that events such as detention are themselves the central problem.

It needs to be recognised that these events are merely the outward manifestation of a political system which long pre-dates them. Further, it may also be argued that where research finds no clear adverse psychological effects to both political violence and its context, this cannot be taken to imply that these conditions are then defensible.

The second debate concerns the accessibility of research data on political violence to those who are most affected by it-including the subjects of research. Problems of accessibility occur on a number of different levels and relate essentially to a class difference between those who experience political violence and those who research it. Firstly. research is most often written in an academic style and in English. This tends to limit readership to other English speaking academics. Secondly, the framework in which the data is collected and interpreted, for example, a psychiatric framework, is not always accessible or even acceptable to those who are victims of political violence. This is particularly true of statistical research which, it can be argued, alienates victims of political violence from their own experience. Thirdly, research is most often published in academic journals which are not widely read outside of the confines of the university. This debate raises questions as to whether accessibility is essential in order for this research to be useful and, if so, how it can be made more accessible.

The final debate concerning the relevance of research into political violence concerns the value of research as opposed to action under what may be described as crisis conditions. Research seldom produces visible, short term effects on its subjects. As many of the subjects of this research are in a state of psychological and often practical crisis, the role of the researcher is seriously challenged. This is particularly true in cases where the researcher is a clinician who is able to provide some sort of psychological assistance, but is forced to balance the desire to do so with the needs of the research project. In practical terms this often results in an unhappy balance between psychological intervention and research which slows down the process of collecting data. On a broader level, this debate also raises questions about whether mental health professionals should maintain a scientific observer status or take up a more active role in protesting against violations of human rights.

These debates highlight the need for careful consid- eration of ethical as well as methodological and theoretical issues in conducting research into political violence. Clearly, there are many other other issues that might have been addressed in this paper, including access to subjects, protection of subjects and the effect of governmental controls on the researcher. These too require a great deal of thought in the initiation of a research project into the effects of political violence on children.

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Children in political violence