Chapter Two

Review of Literature

CHAPTER TWO

REVIEW OF LITERATURE*

The entire Gandhian philosophy is derived from the principle of spiritual unity.1

In the words of Gandhi, "I do not believe that spiritual law works on a field of its own.

On the contrary, it expresses itself only through the ordinary activities of life. It thus

affects the economic, the social and the political fields."2 The greatest truth being the

unity of all life, self-expression consists in striving after 'the welfare of all' which is the

essence of Sarvodaya ideology. This was his life mission. To achieve this, he

advocated pure means. The sum and substance of the teaching of Gandhi is to be

found in the two words: Spirituality (Siva) and Service (Seva).3 The same has been

practiced by the Sarvodayites in the movement. Sarvodaya, today, does not represent

a mere vision or an Utopian notion. We still have an opportunity to promote a Sarvodaya

society in which everyone can play a vital role. High synergy society is another name

for Gandhi's Sarvodaya society." Our society is now at the cross-roads and we will

have to choose between Sarvodaya-'Welfare of all' and Sarvanasha5—'extinction of

mankind.'

With the above remarks in view, the survey of published literature in this report

has been presented under the following broad headlines:

2.1 Sarvodaya Movement in India

2.2 Sarvodaya and Constructive Programmes

2.3 Sarvodaya and Community Development

2.4 Sarvodaya and Panchayati Raj

2.5 Sarvodaya—A guidepost to Rural Development

2.6 Related Studies on Sarvodaya

* Sources relevant to this chapter are given in a serialized form at the end of the chapter.

8

2.1 Sarvodaya Movement in India

The Sarvodaya Movement originated in India in the early 1920's6 and it was an

extension of the work which Gandhi had originally started in the name of constructive

programme.7 According to Ostergaard, the Sarvodaya Movement in India represents

an attempt to apply to the task of social reconstruction the ideas originally developed

by Mahatma Gandhi.8 Sarvodaya represents a higher moral idealism, a more dynamic

political ideology and a more radical culture. Sarvodaya Movement is a people's

movement to carry forward the ideas and programmes sponsored by Gandhi for the

welfare of all and the awakening of all.

The foundations of the Sarvodaya Movement have been firmly laid by Gandhi

based on the principles of truth, nonviolence and love all of which have eternal value.

Success of any movement depends on its leadership. Vinoba's charismatic leadership

constituted a potential strength for the movement.9 Jayaprakash Narayan undoubtedly

had his own personal charisma and it has been so shown on many occasions.

Particularly on the occasion of his grand declaration of Jeevandan,10 i.e., life gift,

meant the dedication of one's whole life and energy to the cause of the movement.

Sarvodayites being Jeevandani is engaged for the cause of the Sarvodaya Movement.

2.1.1 Sarvodaya and its Meaning

Gandhi borrowed the word "Sarvodaya" from a Jain text by Acharya

Samantabadra, who lived about two thousand years ago.'1 The name Sarvodaya,

which means upliftment or welfare and good of all or 'well being for all' was used by

Gandhi as the title of his translation in Gujarati of the book, "Unto this last" of the

Western Philosopher Ruskin. It also signifies the awakening or liberation of one and

all, without exception. "May all beings be well and happy," is the Buddhist wish, in

contrast to the Hegelian concept of the welfare of the majority.1'7 Later on, the term

was used as a common denotative for all ideas and actions which were inspired by

Gandhi and his successors Vinoba Bhave and Jayaprakash Narayan.

9

The book 'Unto this last' had a tremendous impact on him and three principles

chiefly attracted him:

(a) that the good of the individual is contained in the good of all;

(b) that a lawyer's work has the same value as the barber's work in as much

as all have the same right to earn their livelihood from their work;

(c) that the life of labour i.e., the life of a tiller and the handicraftsman is the

life worth living.13

The Marxists believe that the most important feature of Gandhism is its social

ideal—Sarvodaya and the method of achieving this ideal—Satyagraha or nonviolent

resistance. Sarvodaya is a petty bourgeois, peasant Utopia consisting of self-contained

peasant communities, non-accepting European machine civilization and market

economy which was harmful to the patriarchal village and doomed the peasant-

artisan community to destruction.1"

Marx spoke of the classless society which will emerge as the state withers away.

For Kant, it is the kingdom of ends where each person will be an end in himself and

no one will ever be used as a means. That would be the highest possible moral order.

Gandhi's ideal society is the Sarvodaya society. Sarvodaya means the welfare of all

as opposed to both the welfare of the few in oligarchy and the welfare of the greatest

number in the Millian sense. Jesus Christ wanted the kingdom of God to come upon

the earth when he taught his disciples to pray to God, your kingdom come. The

kingdom of God will be the final transformation of the human society into the perfect

society. Similarly, the global vision of Martin Luther King Jr., culminates in the ideal of

'Beloved Community.' The 'Beloved Community' as a technical term is originally found

in the writings of Josian Royce. The expression 'Beloved Community' was in use in

the Boston University School of Theology where king was a doctoral student.15

Sarvodaya is an ideal of life. It is ever ready and anxious to receive and absorb

everything that is good in other ideologies and 'isms.' Sarvodaya is a free ideology

10

embracing and comprehending the entire life. It is not simply born to combat or

compete with any particular ideology. It moves onward from day today. It welcomes

and assimilates all that is good. Hence Marxism also can find a place in its fold. So

there is no permanent conflict between the two ideologies—Marxism and Sarvodaya.16

Gandhi's concept of Sarvodaya emphasizes, the survival and development of

all. "It contains various concept like satya, ahimsa, decentralization, antyodaya, small

but face to face communities, dignity of labour, and bread labour, limitation of wants,

simple life in tune with nature etc.17

Thus society according to Gandhi, is an unfolding of man in terms of spirituality

or a perpetual creation of values, symbols and purposes and embodying them in

forms of social, institutions, relationships and harmonious adjustments and

settlements.18 Such a society would be organized and run on the basis of complete

nonviolence and the way to attain it is constructive programme. Realizing this, Gandhi

and his followers carried the work of rebuilding the nation through constructive activities.

Sarvodaya Movement could be considered as "an extension of the work that

Gandhi was himself doing in India a work which was interrupted by his assassination."19

It was Vinoba Bhave, a foremost disciple of Gandhi who took it up further and preached

his gospel of human brotherhood and universal benevolence and to create the ideal

social order which he had named Sarvodaya.20 The term 'Sarvodaya' is highly

suggestive and significant and it represents the spiritual and material welfare of all.21

It embraces the spiritual fraternity of the universe.

After independence, an ideology has been formed as Sarvodaya ideology which

ultimately rests on the foundation of Gandhi's philosophy of life and action. "Sarvodaya

is a new thought. It favours the indivisible unity of life. It refuses to divide life into

watertight compartments. It does not split life into opposite categories like individual

versus society, society versus state, national versus international, secular versus

religious, individual salvation versus social progress. These divisions are unreal and

11

mischievous. They have created the present chaos. There is one law and one way

which is universally valid. What is good for the individual is good for the society.

There is no conflict of interests."22

The goal of Sarvodaya to say in simple terms,, is to establish a peaceful society,

where there will be no exploitation of any kind, economic, social, political or cultural.

In such a society every individual, big or small, rich or poor, weak or strong will have

equal opportunities for all-round development. This is Sarvodaya which means welfare

of all. The first step in the path to Sarvodaya, is the welfare of the lowliest—'Antyodaya.'

The Sarvodaya concept has also specified that for achieving good ends we

should adopt only good means. Good means here represent the path of love, truth

and nonviolence. Gandhi was very particular about the means. He was of the view

that if we take care of the means the end will take care of itself.23 The Sarvodaya

workers and all those who have faith in the concept of Sarvodaya, should have clarity

about our goal and should ensure about the purity of means. One has to be vigilant

about the ends and means. "Over emphasis on ends will lead to attachment and

thence to himsa."

2.1.2 Origin and Growth of Sarvodaya Samaj

After Gandhi's death a first conference of constructive workers was held in

March 1948. It was decided to form a rather loosely structured fellowship of Lok

Sevaks (servants of the people) called "Sarvodaya Samaj," i.e., society for the welfare

of all. This samaj was expected to pursue the idea of uniting the various organizations

of constructive Gandhian work formed either during his lifetime or immediately after

his death. These efforts to channel the various societies with their sectarian potential

into a kind of encompassing structure which would give the Lok Sevaks at least a

minimum of infrastructural backing, succeeded to a certain extent. Four organizations

with specific target groups and fields of work joined hands in the "All India Association

for the Welfare of AH" (Akhil Bharat'Sarva Seva Sangh) established in 1949.24

\2

Sarvodaya Samaj is merely an advisory body of the Sarvodaya Movement. It is

not a political or religious organization. The aim of Sarvodaya Samaj was to strive

towards a society based on truth and nonviolence, in which there would be no distinction

due to caste or creed and no opportunity for exploitation of the individuals or groups.

The basic principle of this organization was its insistence on the purity of the means.25

2.1.3 Sarvodaya Conference as an Annual Event

At the conference of constructive workers held in 1948, it was decided that on

invitation of the samaj the Gandhians would meet once every year to exchange

experience and everyone would chalk out his future course of action in his own light.

Shri. Dhotreji was the first convener of the Sarvodaya Samaj.

The first Sarvodaya Sammelan—Conference was held at near Indore in 1949

and Sarva Seva Sangh a loose federation of the All-India Constructive Work

Organizations created by Gandhi came into being there with Vallabhswamy as its

convener.

After the second Sarvodaya Sammelan at Angul in Orissa, the third Sammelan

was to meet at Shivrampalli in Andhra Pradesh. Vinoba decided to reach the venue

by walking and on his way to the Sammelan on 18-4-1951, the Bhoodan movement

was born at Pocharnpalli in Telangana. Vinoba began his historic Bhoodan yatra

from Paunar in December 1951 and as he marched ahead the movement gained

momentum.

The fourth Sarvodaya Sammelan took place at Sevapuri in 1952 and the fifth at

Chandil in Bihar in 1953. By this time the Bhoodan movement had developed into

Gramdan (the first Gramdan of Mangrothe in the district of Hamirpur, U.P.),

Sampattidan—Donation of money, Kuptadan—Unknown gift, etc. The Bhoodan

committees which were attending to the work wanted a central body to coordinate the

work and it was decided at Chandil that the Sarva Seva Sangh should attend to this

work. Beginning with the merger of Charkha Sangh and Goseva Sangh—Cow

13

Protection Society with the Sarva Seva Sangh, gradually the body became the main

vehicle of Vinoba's movement, even though the Sarvodaya Samaj continued to

convene the Sarvodaya Sammelans and maintain a register of the sevaks of the

Samaj.

At the fifth Sarvodaya Sammelan at Gaya in 1954 with the vow of Jeevandan—

gift of life, Jayaprakash Narayan and many others dedicated themselves to the cause

of Sarvodaya, whose physical manifestation was Bhoodan Gramdan and allied

movements. From the sixth Sarvodaya Sammelan of Puri (1955) to Kanchipuram

(1956) and Kaladi (1957) it was story of success to success, even though in the

meanwhile the principles of Nidhi Mukti—free from money and Tantra Mukti—free

from rigid rules had begun to reign in the field of the Sarvodaya Movement.

From the Pandharpur Sammelan (1958) to Ajmer(1959), a new dimension of

Shanti Sena was added to the Bhoodan Movement. Next year (1960) the Sarvodaya

Sammelan was held at Sevagram and with a view to helping the Sarvodaya workers

to build up their latent power of leadership Vinoba continued his walking tour and was

not present in the conference. The thirteenth Sarvodaya Sammelan was held at

Unguturu in Andhra Pradesh in 1961 to be followed by the Veddchi Sammelan in

1962 under the shadow of armed clashes in the northern border.

Vinoba was, however, present to guide the fifteenth Sarvodaya Sammelan at

Raipura in 1964, where the slogan of Gramabhimukti Khadi—freedom through hand­

made cloth was raised as a component of a three-fold programme along with Gramdan

and Shanti Sena. But he was once again not present in the Sammelan held next

year (1966) at Hanumangunj in the district of Balia, U.P., where a call to intensify

Gramdan movement was given.

The Sarvodaya Sammelan of Rajgir in the Gandhi Centenary year (1969) was

a landmark in the movement with thousands of delegates and dignatories like the

Dalai Lama and the President of India as participants. It was there that Vinoba

14

announced his decision to return to Paunar after his prolonged Bhoodan Toofan Yatra

in Bihar with a view to practising Sukshma Karmayoga—devotion.

The Nasik Sarvodaya Sammelan (1971) was, however, held in a self-

introspecting mood in the light of the practical problems of Bihar dan, intensive work

in Saharsa and the vow of Tamil Nadu dan. From the Nakodar Sammelan (1972)

onwards, slowly but steadily, there appeared to be a division in the Sarvodaya workers

of radicals and moderates. Even though Gram Swaraj was the main topic in the

Sarvodaya Sammelan at Kurukshetra (1973) a sense of disillusionment and frustration

on account of the slow progress of work was evident in the speeches of the delegates.

In March 1975, the great divide among the Sarvodaya workers came on the

fore on the issue of Bihar movement to be followed by the forced inactivity of the bulk

of them on account of the emergency promulgated in June that year.

The Sarvodaya Sammelan of Kharagpur (1980) demonstrated the disarrayed

condition of the Sarvodaya Movement which was yet to recover from the trauma of

Emergency and the condition of suspended animation. The Sarvodaya Sammelan at

Shimoga (1981) appealed to the people to give up looking to the government and

parties for leadership and work for Lok Swaraj—People's Rule on their own organized

strength. By the time the Sevagram Sarvodaya Sammelan was held (1983), the

movement had once again began to reorganize itself. The Sarvodaya Sammelan of

Jayaprakashnagar (Ballia) saw the re-emergence of Shanti Sena and workers

rededicated themselves to the cause of Sarvodaya.26 The motto of the United Nations

is: Conference at all times and confidence at all times. In the case of Sarvodaya

Movement in India, it is the conference which gives hope for the future.

15

Table 2.1

The Chronicle of Sarvodaya Sammelans (Conference) held in India

S. No

1.

2.

3.

4.

5.

6.

7.

8.

9.

10.

11.

12.

13.

14.

15.

16.

17.

18.

19.

20.

21.

22.

23.

24.

25.

26.

27.

28.

29.

30.

31.

32.

33.

34.

35.

Venue

Rail (Madhya Pradesh)

Ankul (Orissa)

Sivarampalli (Andhra Pradesh)

Sevapuri (Uttar Pradesh)

Chandil (Bihar)

Bodh Gaya (Bihar)

Jaganathpuri (Orissa)

Kancheepuram (Tamil Nadu)

Kaladi (Kerala)

Pandarpur (Maharashtra)

Ajmir (Rajaslhan)

Sevagram (Maharashtia)

Unkaturu (AndhraPradesh)

Vedchi (Gujarat)

Raipur (Madhya Pradesh)

Balia (Uttar Pradesh)

Mount Abu (Rajasthan)

Rajgir (Bihar)

Nasik (Maharashtra)

Nagodhar (Punjab)

Kurukshetra (Haryana)

Kharagpur (West Bengal)

Shimoga (Karnataka)

Ujjain (Madhya Pradesh)

Sevagram (Maharashtra)

Jayaprakashnagar (Uttar Pradesh)

Mannargudi (Tamil Nadu)

Bombay (Maharashtra)

Pochampalli (Andhra Pradesh)

Melkote (Karnataka)

Purnea (Bihar)

Jaura (Madhya Pradesh)

Bhavanagar (Gujarat)

Jaisalmar (Rajasthan)

Sakegoan (Maharashtra)

Year & Month

1949-March

1950-April

1951-April

1952-April

1953-April

1954-April

1955-March

1956-May

1957-May

1958-May

1959-Februaiy

1960-March

1961-April

1962-November

1963-December

1966-April

1968-June

1969-October

1971-May

1972-May

1973-April

1980-June

1981-May

1982-May

1983-April

1985-June

1986-June

1987-December

1989-April

1990-April

1992-April

1993-April

1994-November

1996-April

1997-May

President

Babu Rajendra Prasad

Shri. Kaka Kalelkar

Shri. Kaka Kalelkar

Shri. Krishnadass Jaj

Shri. Direndra Majumdar

Smt. Ashadevi Ariyanayagam

Shri. Ravishankar Maharaj

Shri.Appa Saheb Patwardan

Shri.Dada Dharmadhikari

Smt. Rama Devi Choudri

Shri. Kelappan

Acharya Harihara Doss

Shri.Jayaprakash Narayan

Shri.E.W. Ariyanayagam

Shri.Appa Saheb Patwardan

Shri. S. Jagannathan

Shri. Sankarao Deo

Sister Nirmala Deshpande

Shri. Siddaraj Dhadda

Acharya Ramamurti

Shri. R.K. Patil

Manu Bai Pancholi

Shri. K. Arunachalam

Shri. Narayan Desai

Sister Vimala Thakar

Shri. R.R. Diwakar

Shri.Som Datt Vedalankar

Dr. Usha Mehta

Shri. Sunderlal Bahuguna

Dr. Bandi Gowda

Shri. Vichitra Narayan

Shri. Thakurdas Bang

Shri. Manubhai Pancholi

Shri. Govindram Deshpandey

Shri. Vasantrao Bonbatkar

Source: Sarvodaya Saniaj, Gopuri. Wardha, 1997.

16

2.1.4 Sarvodaya and its Strategy

By the end of 1973, rethinking of the Sarvodaya Movement's strategy embraced

seven main points:

(i) It was necessary to adopt on a much larger scale than hitherto, resistive

or 'negative' satyagraha of the kind used by Gandhi in the struggle to oust

the British Raj.

(ii) Rebellious students and idealistic youth, the group that had constituted

'the revolutionary vanguard' in other countries, had been identified as the

main source of recruits for enlarging the existing cadre of revolutionaries.

(iii) It was also necessary to enlist the active support of concerned but politically

uncommitted citizens, particularly middle class people and intellectuals.

(iv) In order to mobilize wider popular support than the programme of Gramdan

achieved, it was essential to take up, articulate, and seek to solve the

current problems affecting the masses, such as rising prices

unemployment, corruption, and evasion of the Government's land reforms.

(v) The movement, hitherto centred on the villages, should advance into the

towns and cities, developing programmes and organizational forms

appropriate to both rural and urban areas.

(vi) At the same time, the movement should take a more active interest in

what was happening in the arena of conventional power and party politics.

Without abandoning its non-partisan stance, it should apply more resolutely

Gandhi's Lok Sevak Sangh idea of guiding political power and moulding

the politics of country.

(vii) Finally, and related to the last two points, the movement should intervene

more actively in elections, albeit in a non-partisan way. Instead of restricting

itself to voters' education, it should proceed to promote "people's

candidates."

17

It would be incorrect to suggest that the Sarvodaya Movement as such had, by

the end of 1973, adopted a revised strategy incorporating these points. But many of

the activists, including most of the Sarva Seva Sangh's Executive, were thinking in

such terms and believed that, despite the failure of the movement to implement

Gramdan effectively on any significant scale, all was not lost. It is important to

emphasize how far Sarvodaya rethinking had gone by the end of 1973 before the

student-led agitation erupted in Gujarat in January 1974 and helped to spark off the

more significant agitation that followed in Bihar in March. Immediately prior to these

events, JP and his Sarvodaya colleagues had reached a point at which they were

beginning to apply the revised strategy. They were, therefore, intellectually and

psychologically prepared to welcome a popular agitation initiated by students as

confirming their own analysis and as providing an unparalleled opportunity where by

the nonviolent revolution could take a great leap forward. When the agitation came,

their task, as they saw it, was to transform an ephemeral rebellion into a mass

movement for the total revolution they had been seeking. What they did not foresee,

in December 1973, was where their revised strategy would eventually lead to a splitting

of their own movement and a head-on confrontation at the national level between the

Government and the opposition. By the end of December 1974, however, both of

these outcomes were looming large on the horizon.

Following the Sangh's meeting at Paunar and the issuance of his "Appeal to

Youth Power," JP spent the week before Christmas 1973 visiting East Thanjavur in

Tamil Nadu. He met some of the landless and the landlords in the area, as well as

political leaders, including the Chief Minister of the (DMK ruled) State, M. Karunanidhi,

who responded sympathetically to JP's suggestions for dealing with the problems of

the landless. But the main object of his visit was to express his solidarity with

Jagannathan and his colleagues who, in the previous few years, had been pursuing

what JP saw as "a judicious mixture" of nonviolent persuasion, direct action, and

constructive work. Then, in the first week of January 1974, at several meetings of

18

students in Bihar and Uttar Pradesh, JP began to develop the theme of his appeal to

the youth. He was thus in a frame of mind to respond quickly and positively to the first

widely published stirrings of the student agitation in Gujarat which began in the same

week and which were to continue to rock that State until mid-March.27

2.1.5 Achievements of Sarvodaya

What has Sarvodaya achieved during the last 70 years since its inception?

Four significant facts attract our attention immediately:

(i) Freedom from fear which helped us to put our head up and put forth our

case for freedom with courage, and win it with honour and dignity.

(ii) The awareness that injustice cannot be met with violence, but only with

all-embracing nonviolence, with malice to none.

(iii) The peaceful transfer of political power to Indian hands through nonviolent

struggle, which proved the efficacy of nonviolence in the political field.

(iv) The spontaneous response given by the people in all parts of the country

to the Bhoodan-Gramdan Movement in the fifties and early sixties, which

proved beyond doubt that the Indian people are still eager to contribute to

change.20

2.1.6 Sarvodaya Mission more relevant now

The real mission of the Sarvodaya Movement, to liberate this age of science

from materialism, to destroy violence from its roots and to establish new human values,

seems more relevant today than ever before. In 1909, the slogan of Sarvodaya was

first raised in Hind Swaraj, the materialistic, industrial society was proud of its

achievements. Today the dream of that society lies shattered. The first half of the

present century has been a witness to two world wars and later to the mad race for

nuclear armaments which could easily ring the death knell of the entire human race.

Mechanization, industrialization and unbridled consumerism have resulted in de-

19

humanization in every sphere of life. The human species is being pushed to the brink

of disaster in the name of the development and progress. The industrial civilization

has assumed savage proportions in the form of problems of pollution and ecologic at

imbalances.

The second-half of the present century is a time for intense introspection and

soul searching. Materialistic theories are now being dismissed as false and traditional.

New trends of thought are replacing old ones—human economics, human technology,

ecology and environmental protection, decentralization and not centralization, co­

operation rather than competition, participatory democracy, harmony not conflict with

nature, organic farming, not consumerism and creature comforts but a search for

realizing the potentials of human nature, viewing the world not as a machine but as a

fully conscious creation and so on—all these terms in vogue today vindicate the stand

taken by the Sarvodaya and Gandhian world views.29

2.1.7 The Challenge of Sarvodaya before Materialism

The materialistic, industrial culture had reached its peak by the end of the 19th

century. But Gandhi refused to acknowledge this and vowed to transform it totally.

He presented to the world a new philosophy. This marked the beginning of a new

movement, the Sarvodaya Movement. The main objectives of this were to free this

age of science from the chains of materialism and to create a new 'human' culture.

Gandhi drew attention to the fact that violence stems from wrong ideologies,

exploitative human relationship, wrong systems of education, thoroughly centralized

political and economic systems, materialistic world views and philosophies,

consumerism and econornism. Therefore, the best way to destroy the roots of violence

is to establish, a new integrated harmonious society based on nonviolence. He placed

before the people the ideal of a simple moral life and gave to labour a dignity hitherto

unknown.

20

It is unfortunate and surprising that few of Gandhi's political colleagues fully

comprehended the immense possibilities of transforming a whole age, that his mission

was fraught with. To them, the objective was a limited one driving out the British and

obtaining political independence. They were greatly influenced by western education

and world view and the materialistic industrial culture. Even people like Nehru regarded

in the 'Hind Swaraj' philosophy as fanciful and irrelevant, and when the reins of the

Government were put in his hands, independent India set off in the contrary direction

to Hind Swaraj i.e., industrialization and materialism.30

2.1.8 Future of Mankind and Sarvodaya

Our civilization is at the cross roads at present and the possibility of the

destruction of our civilization through the nuclear holocaust, chemical or biological

warfare, over-population, pollution, and other similar Frankensterns of greatest thinkers,

e.g., Bertrand Russell, have started wondering whether mankind has a future at all.

This mass has been created by selfish politics collaborating with science. The problem

and its probable solution have been beautifully expressed by Vinoba Bhave, a lover

of mathematics in the following equations:

Politics + Science = Annihilation

Spirituality + Science = Sarvodaya

Here spirituality must not be.confused with religion. While religion assumes

different forms in relation to place and time, spirituality is universal and eternal in the

same way that truth, love and compassion are universal. Arnold Toynbee, famous

British historian, said that if the centre of interest in the 20th century is technology, it

will be replaced by religion in the 21st century. Andra Malraux, the French author,

remarked that the 21st century would be a religious century or there would be no 21 st

century.31

The question that faces humanity today is how we may attain peace and freedom

for all. At one time it was hoped that universal peace would follow if the Russian style

21

socialism of Marx and Lenin was forced upon the world through bloody revolutions.

But this pious hope has been belied by the cold facts of history, e.g., the Chinese

attack on a fellow communist country Vietnam. On the other hand, the Gandhian,

approach to Socialism-Sarvodaya-does not believe that the end justifies the means.

So it lays great emphasis upon the purity of means and shuns the use of force. Thus

peace would be ensured if we were to follow the path of Sarvodaya.

Universal peace, freedom and happiness of mankind cannot be achieved by

following the path of self indulgence and aggressive industrialism with its greed for

the world's resources and markets. Peace cannot be established by the neocolonialism

of mammoth multinational companies backed by the armed forces. For universal

peace and happiness of mankind, we should turn to the Gandhian way of simplicity

and instead of giant multinationals, we should encourage economically self-sufficient

small community organizations, where individuals will live for all through service and

self-sacrifice.

The socialisms of Marx-Lenin and Mao as practiced in the communist countries

today, or the capitalism of industrially advanced countries, leads to hatred, war and

destruction. On the other hand, the Gandhian method of Sarvodaya would lead to

love, peace and the welfare of all mankind.32

2.2 Sarvodaya and Constructive Programmes

Sarvodaya, which embraces the eighteen-point, 'constructive programme' of

Mahatma Gandhi is both a concept and a plan of action. As a concept, it emphasizes

the inter-dependence of the individual and society in their multiple facets at one level;

and of heterogenous groups of religion, ethnicity, culture of class at another. There

is, in other words, no upliftment of anybody unless there is an upliftment of all members

of a nation-indeed of the entire humanity. As a programme of action, it emphasizes

the need for simultaneous activity on many fronts—economic, social, political, cultural

and even spiritual in the sense of adherence to truth, nonviolence and compassion.33

22

In short, Gandhian constructive programme is a significant contribution for the

promotion of the welfare of all.34

We are reaching towards the 21 st century. The closerwe get to the next century,

the greater becomes the need to understand what awaits us in the future and to

foresee it in order to be better prepared for the 21st century.35 It was the genius of

Mahatma Gandhi that made the constructive programme a major dimension of the

Indian freedom movement. Gandhi was able to generate country wide enthusiasm

and many educated leaders moved from towns to villages and started centres of rural

reconstruction.36 There are many institutions in the world that conduct forecasts of

the future. Gandhian institutions, in particular must be faced with addressing the

issues relating to the constructive programmes as designed by Gandhi in the fourth

decade of the 20th century. It will be almost 60 years by 2000 A.D. since the

constructive programme of Gandhi came into practice. The core of the programme is

the synthesis between the material and moral advancement of human society.37

Serious and sustained threats to the survival of the environment and the well-

being of human kind pose the greatest challenge to the 21 st century. There is perhaps

no other hope for the strife-torn world, not only in the 21st century but for all centuries

to come, but to accept the Gandhian paradigm for establishing a qualitatively better,

sustainable social order nationally and globally. Let us enter the dawn of the 21st

century realizing the need of constructive programmes and resolving to do what we

can to improve the quality of human life.38 What a different 21 st century it would be,

if the constructive programme could be applied universally. According to Gandhi, the

constructive programme is the truthful and nonviolent way of winning Purna Swaraj.

If the constructive programme could be successfully worked out the end of it would

be the wholesome independence we want.39 The Gandhian constructive programme

was a movement of the people, by the people, for the people.40 Sarvodaya Movement

headed by the Gandhi Peace Award winner A.T. Ariaratne in Sri Lanka is a living

example for constructive programme. There are some outstanding Gandhian

23

institutions in India to show the way for constructive work. Both Sarvodaya and

constructive programme are the two sides of the same coin and it may be called as a

'movement of twins.'

2.2.1 Origin of the Constructive Programme

The constructive programme was designed by Gandhi as the basis of the training

for the nonviolence of the brave. Advising Rajkot workers on constructive preparations

and how to produce an atmosphere of nonviolence of the brave, he emphasized

cultivating nonviolence in thought, word and deed, maximum of work with minimum of

speech, spinning as the centre of the programme, programme of literacy, prohibition

of drink and intoxicating drugs and gambling and medical relief by means of simple

rules of hygiene, sanitation and elementary preventive measures.''1 He advised contact

with every house in Rajkot, service to Muslims and Harijans had to be done with

greater ardour and selflessness. "That is the mass constructive programme I want

you to do, and that is the basis of the training for the nonviolence of the brave. It is

whole and indivisible and those who do not believe in it wholeheartedly must leave

me and work according to their own lights.'12 Gandhi regarded constructive work as

indispensable for training in the art and science of Satyagraha. But the inspiration for

such a programme, came to him by the stark poverty, abject misery and utter

despondency witnessed by him during his tour of the country after his return to India

from South Africa on 9th January 1915. In according with Gokhale's advice, Gandhi

toured all over India during 1915-1916 to get to know the social and political problems

of the country. Scenes witnessed at Haridwar as also elsewhere inspired him to

venture to solve some of the pressing needs and problems of Indian life and through

that of humanity at large. Yet another source of inspiration for Gandhi's constructive

programme was the work and contribution made by Indian savants, social

reformers,scholars and patriots from Raja Rammohan Roy to Dadabhai Naoroji,

Gokhale and Tilak. The constructive programme thus represents the first scientific

approach to problems at once so immense and diversified."3

24

2.2.2 The Content

Constructive programme is an integral part of nonviolence44 and it is essentially

village work. The eighteen items which Gandhi included in the programme were

indispensable for the emancipation of the nation through nonviolence.4'' Gandhi wrote

a small booklet titled "Constructive Programme: Its Meaning and Place" on the train

from Sevagram to Bardoli.40 He had listed the following original thirteen items in the

year 1941.47 (1) Communal Unity, (2) Removal of Untouchability, (3) Prohibition, (4)

Khadi, (5) Village Industries, (6) Village Sanitation, (7) Nai Talim or Basic Education,

(8) Adult Education, (9) Uplift of Women, (10) Education in Health and Hygiene, (11)

Provincial Languages, (12) National Language, (13) Promotion of Economic Equality.

In 1945, Gandhi added five more items: (1) Kisans, (2) Labour, (3) Adivasis, (4)

Lepers, (5) Students.

After Gandhi's death, the following items were added by his followers to

strengthen the movement: (1) Cow Protection, (2) Nature Cure, (3) Bhoodan, (4)

Gramdan, (5) Shanti Sena. Gandhi's abstract ideas immediately took concrete forms

in his 18-point constructive programme which was the blue-print for social resurgence,

the espousal of Sarvadharma Samabhava (equal respect for all religions), the craft

based, skill oriented, value creating Nai Talim (new education), the trusteeship concept,

decentralized planning, local self-government, village self-sufficiency all of which were

an all-embracing framework of the nonviolent revolution aimed at a new social order.48

(See Diagram 2.1)

25

Diagram 2.1

Sarvodaya Wheel and Construct ive Programme for a New Social Order

Social

Uplift of Women

Kisans

Labourers

Adivasis

Educational

Nai Talim or Basic Education

Adult Education

Provincial Language

National Language

Students

Economic

Khadi

Village Industries

Economic Equality

Cultural

Prohibition

New Items-Integrated

Integrated/Researcher

has 27 items (see next

page)

Political

Bhoodan

Gramdan

Shanti Sena

Spiritual

Communal Unity

Removal of Untouchability

Cow Protection

Health

Village Sanitation

Education in Health and Hygiene, Lepers, Nature Cure

26

2.2.3 New Items in the Future

The list is not final and new items can be added as and when necessary."9 The

items may require equal attention in our march towards the 21st century: (1) Population

Control, (2) Resource Exhaustion, (3) Pollution, (4) Afforestation, (5) Restoration of

Ecology, (6) Prevention of Profiteering, (7) Prevention of Hoarding, (8) Prevention of

black markets, (9) Prevention of Smuggling, (10) Prevention of Corruption, (11)

Electoral Reform,50 (12) Prevention of Aids, (13) Moral Spiritual Education, (14) Home

for the Homeless, (15) Prevention of Disability and Welfare of the Disabled, (16)

Removal of Hunger, (17) Service to Refugees, (18) Rehabilitation of Prisoners, (19)

Child and bonded labour, (20) Family Welfare, (21) Prevention of Female Infanticide,

(22) Care for the Aged, (23) Prevention of Beggary, (24) Protection for the victims of

inter-caste marriage, (25) Prevention of suicides, (26) Uplift of slum dwellers, (27)

Rain water harvesting.51 Sarvodaya Movement should keep on experimenting with

new items of constructive programme of a new generation.

2.2.4 Significance of the Programme

Of these Gandhi attached the greatest importance to the economic items and

particularly to Khadi. Gandhi considered economic problems in terms of the moral

well being of man. His economic outlook is determined by the ideals of non-possession,

non-stealing, bread-labour and swadeshi.52 India's future lies in the practice of

swadeshi. The future of India is intrinsically connected with the future of its villages.

There are ever increasing problems. With courage, conviction and abiding faith in

the teaching of Gandhi, we have to tackle the problems of poverty, ignorance,

malnutrition, insanitary conditions, population explosion and the caste system. In

every village, there should be a body of servants of the nation engaged in constructive

work to achieve social, moral, and economic freedom. It should be organized

democratically from the bottom upwards. Five adult constructive workers should form

a unit. Two contiguous panchayats should elect a leader. Fifty first-grade leaders

27

should elect a second grade leader and so on till they cover the entire country.53 In

this way, Sarvodaya can play a vital role in constructive work and service.

2.2.5 Constructive Work and Revolution

The fact has to be borne in mind that revolutions in history have not arisen out

ofthepoverty and misery of the masses. Ancient Greece and Rome, Blacks in modern

America, the French and the Russian revolutions are all eloquent testimony to the

fact that poverty and misery have not been the factors triggering a revolution. In

Asian countries it was the great personalities and not the general discontent of the

masses which played and decisive role. Revolutions are always unpredictable; and

factors of ideological preconditions and personality always had their role to play.

Reformers and revolutionaries are always expected to keep patience and so

did Gandhi. The period from 1923 to 1929 was such a period of patient work and

vigilance, the period of wilderness and silent and steady preparation for the future.

"One step is enough for me," said Gandhi, "if it is in the right direction." Constructive

workers on their own part never lagged behind. This was because side by side Gandhi's

revolutionary zeal was his tremendous capacity to organize which always stood him

in good stead. He organized every activity and institution under him and recruited

competent and able individuals to look after them.M No doubt, the constructive

programme would be the heart of Gandhian revolution and Sarvodaya Movement.

2.2.6 Constructive Programme as a Movement

Gandhi launched a movement of constructive for economic betterment and for

improving the tenor of social life for generation after generations. He also formed All

India Village Industries Association which was primarily an organization for the revival

of cottage industries and better of rural life,55 in the centuries to come. The movement

began with the emphasis of Khadi and it became the Charkha Movement. Till this

movement started, village reconstruction had not found its feet. For the first time the

charkha movement tied workers to village life and kept them there.56 The charkha will

28

continue to find its place in the centuries to come. India will not throw away the

charkha till the last man improves his life and the charkha will have to be respected by

the next generations.

The constructive programme is the long-term pre-requisite of a system of

nonviolent self-rule, without which political power or formal independence would prove

to be a sham. The constructive programme includes individual and collective efforts

on behalf of unity between diverse religious communities, the removal of social abuses

such as untouchability, programmes of rural education and reconstruction, the

decentralization of production and distributions, schemes for the improvement of health,

sanitation and diet, the promotion of local handicrafts, and in general, concreted work

by all to promote the common good (Sarvodaya).57 It may be underlined that where

there is Sarvodaya, there is constructive programme, and the constructive programme

is the heart of the Sarvodaya Movement.

2.3 Sarvodaya and Community Development

The activities of the Sarvodaya Samaj and the community development

programme of the Government of India were complementary to one another. The

State Governments had rendered considerable assistance to the movement. The

chief exponent of the Sarvodaya plan was frequently consulted by the Government

of India.58 Both Community Development and Sarvodaya may be described as 'a

two-in-one movement' for the welfare of all and its programme was a Gandhian concept

and evoked great enthusiasm in Bombay State. The main features were simplicity,

nonviolence, sanctity of labour and reconstruction of human values.59 It aimed at

raising the standard of living. Scientific development of agriculture, promotion of

cottage industries, spread of literacy, medical and health facilities and the development

of village panchayat.

2.3.1 Community Development Programme

The Community Development Programme was started on 2 October 1952, the

birth day of Mahatma Gandhi. The Community Development Programme was also

29

eulogized as the "Magna Carta of hope and happiness" for rural India. It was indeed

an "Epic in Action."

Rural Reconstruction and people's participation have been the twin objectives

of independent India to achieve rural upliftment.60 Community Development

Programme was started to realize these objectives. The basic principle of the

programme was first enunciated by the Planning Commission in the First Five Year

Plan. In the words of the Planning Commission, "Community Development is the

method and rural extension agency through which the Five Year Plan sought to initiate

a process of transformation of the social and economic life of the villages."

2.3.2 Chief Characteristics

The chief characteristics of the Community Development Programmes are:

i) It is a multipurpose integrated plan of rural reconstruction. It is concerned

with the social, economic, cultural and recreational aspects of rural life.

ii) It is organic in character, that is, the programme will strike roots in the

rural areas and plan with local support.

iii) It lays emphasis on the economic improvement of the villagers. The main

thrust is on increased agricultural production and development of allied

small scale industries and crafts.

iv) It is comprehensive in the sense that it provides the ideology and the

method to achieve economic development, social change and democratic

growth.6'

2.3.3 Community Development as Constructive Programme

The founder of Gandhigram G. Ramachandran proudly called the Community

Development Programme Pundit Jawaharlal Nehru's Constructive Programme. Both

T.S. Soundram and G. Ramachandran were among the very few Gandhians of those

30

days who welcomed the Community Development Programme. A Gandhian group

had developed orthodoxies of its own and they said "Don't touch this Community

Development Programme, it is anti-Gandhi." G. Ramachandran and his team said,

"No this is the readoption of Gandhian idea." At that time when Pundit Jawaharlal

Nehru was the Prime Minister of India, the Gandhian constructive programme was

conducted, paid for inch by inch, step by step by the money collected from the people

and it was very difficult to collect money, only Mahatma Gandhi could have done that,

but Pundit Nehru opened the treasury of Government and said "Take money for

constructive work." Nehru planned the Community Development Programme. A

team headed by G. Ramachandran was involved in the Community Development

Programme in Gandhigram. Both G. Ramachandran and his wife T.S. Soundram

used their intelligence, they used their perception and they said yes to an old

constructive programme readapted to new conditions, with immense resource placed

at their disposal by the Government of India with Pundit Nehru willing to help. They

accepted the offer. They created a great Community Development Movement around

Gandhigram.62

Pundit Nehru never missed an opportunity to stress that the Community

Development Programme is the most revolutionary programme in India. There is no

question that after the earlier great wave of constructive programme under Gandhi,

the Community Development Programme represents the second nation-wide

movement in reconstruction. If it is forging ahead of every other such programme

throughout Asia, it is undoubtedly because the Gandhian Movement had prepared

the country to understand, appreciate and respond to the impetus of such a movement.

India must stand past by the fundamentals of Gandhian Constructive Programme

without making it into an impervious orthodoxy. The core of the programme is the

synthesis between the material and moral advancement of human society. To this we

must cling with all the strength in us. And, at the same time, let us not close our

hearts to the need for modifications and changes in the programme as we go forward.

31

In short, constructive programme was a revolutionary programme which changed the

landscape of life.63

2.3.4 IMehruvian Model

The great gains of the Nehruvian model were obvious. It held the country together

during the aftermath of the partition, and created a sense of national unity strong

enough to give him the confidence to concede the linguistic reorganization of India. It

contained the virus of communalism and gave the country a strong secular orientation.

It laid the foundations of a vigorous liberal democracy, built up vital legal and political

institutions, gave federalism a good start and involved opposition parties in the conduct

of public affairs. Nehru built up the scientific, educational, administrative, industrial

and technological infrastructure necessary for India's autonomous economic

development and launched it on its way to becoming one of the major industrial powers.

By setting up an extensive public sector, he gave the state an economic base and a

powerful economic presence which ensured its autonomy and guarded it against

blackmail and manipulation by organized interests. And by reorganizing the vital role

of the private sector, he secured-its fullest co-operation and developed a healthy

model of mixed economy encouraging initiative and enterprise within a carefully

monitored framework. He saw to it that the consciousness of democratic rights

permeated all sections of society and gave them a sense of dignity, power and stake

in the new polity. By constantly accommodating new groups within the political process,

he encouraged the hope that the system was open, unbiased and, given time, capable

of serving the interests of those currently excluded.

Nehru's model, however, was one-sided, and that became a source of many of

its problems, since all political initiative and power were concentrated in the state, the

various sources of political power that Gandhi had opened up and the several channels

that he had dug for its smooth flow dried up. The state was the only conduct through

which various parts of society related to one another and was a party to all disputes

n

and conflicts. It therefore became the sole centre of all political ambitions and energies

and an arena of powerful ideological passions. Predictably the nascent Indian State,

still struggling to set up a robust institutional infrastructure, became overheaded and

congested. Though Nehru's personal charisma acted as a great shock-absorber and

deflected and diffused sources of tension, it was clear that troubles were being stored

up for the future.M

From the mid-fifties the Community Development Programme had been under

way. It was initiated on a small scale under the guidance of American foundations

and later extended with the help of funds from the American government. Though

the Nehru government had welcomed it, it did not assign much transformative

importance to it. As the reports by the Project Evaluation Organization, individual

investigators and finally by the Balwantray Mehta team pointed out, the programme

remained confined to a small area-covering barely a quarter of the rural population in

1956 and was bureaucratic and rigid. Instead of stimulating self-help, it had increased

dependence on the government. And far from helping the weaker sections of society,

it had been exploited by the dominant groups. The way to deal with all this, the critics

argued, was to integrate the Community Development Programme into a new system

of fully democratic local government. Nehru welcomed the idea.

Local bodies at the village, block and district levels were now given considerable

political power, including the power to control the regular and community development

officials. Thanks to the new mood of the time and replacement of an American inspired

programme by one with indigenous roots, not only the political but also the

administrative vocabulary changed. The new system was called panchayati raj a

strange but historically evocative term, one part of which pointed to traditional India

and the other to the modern. The block development officer was now called vikas

adhikari and such terms as panchayat samiti—block level and zilla parishad—district

development council came into vogue. Nehru liked and popularized the new vocabulary

and pressured state governments to introduce the new system of local government.

33

Between 1959 and 1962 the number of block development officers and village local

workers increased nearly three-fold. In their work and orientation they were like

Gandhi's samagra gramsevaks—integrated village workers, working closely with the

masses and both educating and in turn being educated by them."5

Nehru, who had begun to appreciate the importance of the Community

Development Programme and had created a full-fledged Ministry of Community

Development in 1956, now became an enthusiastic advocate of the panchayatiraj. It

was a truly 'revolutionary movement'; it 'strengthened India at its very roots,' 'vitalized'

democratic institutions at higher levels, prepared millions to 'shoulder public

responsibility' and encouraged local initiative and self-reliance. 1 have full confidence

in its success, because I have full confidence in the Indian people.' He went on, 'we

must give power to the people even though it leads to hell.' The village communities

which he had often ridiculed, were now seen as the basis of new India and a source

of its regeneration. They knew the local situation better than the 'experts in Delhi'

and were well-equipped to discipline the arrogant, inefficient and corrupt bureaucracy.66

2.3.5 People's Participation—The Crux of the Programme

While on the subject of organization, it is necessary to stress the importance of

ensuring, right from the start, the people's participation, not merely in the execution of

the community development project but in its planning. This in fact is the very essence

of the programme.

The Community Development Programme aimed at the establishment of a

suitable organ to ensure the participation of villagers at the planning stage. It contained

provisions for the setting up of a Project Advisory Committee. It was intended that the

Project Advisory Committee should be as representative as possible of all the non-

official elements within the project area.

In securing the participation of the villagers in the execution of the programme,

the community project organization availed itself of the services of all non-official

local voluntary organizations.67

34

2.4 Sarvodaya and Panchayati Raj

Panchayati raj provides an opportunity to experience that power really is in the

hands of the people. The power of freedom must be felt and experienced from within.

How is this to be brought about? Are our village folk to manage the affairs of New

Delhi? No, our village folk will manage the affairs of their own villages, and thus they

will gain experience of public administration.

The kingdoms of today are not "king" doms but "people" doms, commonwealths

of the common man. In former times men became kings by keeping the people

down, but that way of asserting kingly power will not do now. In our days the power to

rule means the power to serve. Think of the "rights" of the mother in the home—first,

to feed the baby when it is hungry; secondly, to lull it to sleep before she lies down

herself; thirdly, to watch all night if the baby is ill; fourthly, when food is short to feed

her child and if need be go hungry herself. Our government today is said to be a

maternal government and every village should be able to show it examples on which

it may model itself.60

The meaning of swaraj for the nation as a whole is that no other country should

exercise power within our borders. But when swaraj becomes a reality in each individual

village, we call it gramraj. When all the people of a village have reached maturity of

judgement, and there is never any need to coerce anyone, that is Ramraj. When

village disputes are referred to a city court and settled by city people, the proper

name for it is slavery or servitude or dependence. When village disputes are settled

in the village itself, that deserves to be called independence or swaraj; and when

there are no disputes in the village at all we should call it Ramraj. We must first build

up gramraj and afterwards aim at Ramraj.™

Gandhi had a very clear proposition that people in the villages and cities have

the capacity to solve their own problems without much complications from the

Government by its actions. But the constitutional pundits belied the hope of Mahatma

35

Gandhi by neglecting the structural arrangement of panchayati raj institutions in the

Constitution of India. Bapuji has raised this question even to Nehru when the latter

approached him for his approval to the new document of the Constitution of India.

Thanks to Bapuji, the constitutional pundits gave a berth to panchayati raj institutions

in the directive principles of the state policy in the Constitution of India. Almost one

month before the death of Gandhi, he wrote about the paramount importance of the

panchayats in the Harijan. He said, "the greater the power of the panchayats, the

better for the people."70

The 73rd Amendment has been rightly claimed that it is a revolutionary legislation

that takes power to the people. We have to see that the spirit of the said amendment

is not lost. It is the people who breath life into any act of the State. Therefore, it is

imperative to educate the people at large and village leaders in particular about the

implications and expectations of the Panchayati Raj Act. So that necessary foundation

for participatory democracy at the grass roots is well laid.71

The credit for reviving this grassroots democratic institution goes to Rajiv Gandhi

who introduced the 73rd Amendment to the Constitutions, which made panchayat

elections mandatory and in particular recognizing Gramsabha as a basic institution of

the new panchayati raj system. When panchayati raj was introduced in the country in

1959 the then Prime Minister Nehru said that it was the greatest revolution in the

country and the system worked well till 1964, but after the demise of Nehru, the

system nose-dived as it became more of political institution. The basic features of

the panchayati raj like was non-party system and consensus among the members of

Gram Sabha were relegated as politically motivated people took over the system.72

Taking all these into account panchayats can legitimately be viewed as promising

agencies for a constructive work programme leading to Sarvodaya. Since all state

legislations relating to panchayats have been, or will soon be, recast in accordance

with the 73rd Amendment, the development and social justice functions assigned to

them follow the Eleventh Schedule. This differs in some ways from, for instance,

36

Mahatma Gandhi's 18 point constructive programme. We turn now to an examination

of this problem and the possibility of bringing the two into close alignment.

There are 29 subject heads listed in the Eleventh Schedule covering the main

areas of:

(i) agriculture and allied activities

(ii) small scale industries, including khadi and village industries

(iii) rural housing, roads, bridges etc.

(iv) rural electrification and non-conventional energy sources

(v) primary and secondary education, technical and vocational training and

adult education

(vi) drinking water, health and sanitation, family welfare and primary health

centre

(vii) poverty alleviation and welfare of weaker sections

(viii) women and child development, and social welfare including welfare of

the handicapped

(ix) public distribution system, markets and fairs and cultural activities and

(x) maintenance of community assets, minor irrigation, watershed

development and water management

These functions are distributed among the three tiers of panchayats differently

by different states on the basis of size or category. Consequently the developmental

responsibilities entrusted to the lowest tier, viz., the village panchayat, will vary from

state to state to a certain extent. But by and large, it would not be unrealistic to

expect that to a substantial extent matters concerning agriculture and use of land

resources, minor irrigation and use of water resources, village industries, some part

of education and training and of health and welfare of weaker sections will be among

the principal responsibilities of village panchayats.

37

How does this compare with the Gandhian ideal of constructive programme?

Though couched in terms that emphasis the programme's concern with people and

not activities as such 13 of the 18 points have their counterpart in the village panchayats

areas of responsibility. They are:

1) Khadi, 2) Other village industries, 3) Village sanitation, 4) New or basic

education, 5) Adult education, 6) Women, 7) Education in health hygiene, 8) Economic

equality, 9) Kisans, 10) Labour, 11) Adivasis, 12) Lepers and 13) Students.

As will be appreciated, all these are concerned with effective and economic

utilization of the natural and human resources available to the village.73 However,

these areas of constructive work are associated in the Gandhian scheme with

technologies principally dependent on human labour, and with means that are

"virtuous." Even more importantly, they are not viewed as Government' responsibilities

but those of the individual or of voluntary agencies—the totality of the constructive

programme. Sarvodaya addresses issues of human character and values, of the

meaning of man and society in their ideal state. Panchayati raj is very much more at

the mundane level; it revolves around matters of material well-being and mobilization

of local resources. It also functions, as explained earlier, in an environment quite

different from what Gandhi or Vinoba visualized earlier. It is this instrument that we

have to start using as best we can, and improve upon it as the village communities

come into their own later.

2.5 Sarvodaya—A Guidepost to Rural Development

The nation-wide movement for rural development called Community

Development Programme was launched by the Government of India on 2 October

1952. This movement was spreading in the country about the same time as the

Bhoodan-Gramdan Movement in the 50s. They were actually simultaneous but

paralleled developments.74 Both Bhoodan and Gramdan are like two sides of the

same coin, constitute the bedrock of Sarvodaya. It is Sarvodaya both as a method

and process pave the way for development.

38

Mahatma Gandhi set up several All India Organizations to promote specific

programmes of rural development such as Khadi, Village Industries, New Education,

Cow Protection, Harijan Uplift, Tribal Welfare, Leprosy Work and Welfare of Women

and Children. Gandhi saw that these organizations were working in isolation without

a total perspective''' and it could come under the banner of Rural Development.

So he called for "Samagra Seva" (integrated service). This was the beginning

of the concept of integration in the history of rural development in India. Subsequently,

"Samagra Grama Seva" (integrated rural service) became a popular expression76

leading to the popularity of Integrated Rural Development.

When Gandhi was assassinated in January 1948, six months after the advent

of Independence, his friends and colleagues gathered in Sevagram (Village of service)

the place where Gandhi lived and worked during his last years. The meeting decided

to establish "Sarvodaya Samaj" a society according to Gandhi's ideal of Sarvodaya.77

Sarvodaya Samaj housed at Gopuri, Wardha periodically organizes conferences and

reviews Rural Development Programmes.

2.5.1 Bhoodan Movement

In 1951, Vinoba started a Bhoodan Movement (Land Gift). It began with a

voluntary gift of 100 acres of land by a landlord Shri. Ramachandra Reddy at

Pochampalli in Andhra Pradesh, in an area affected by Marxist violence. Vinoba

calculated; India had 10 million landless families and they required 50 million acres of

land which was one sixth of the country's cultivable land namely 300 million acres.

The assumption was that each landless family would need about 5 acres of land for

its support.

Vinoba Bhave walked on foot from state to state and asked every landlord for

one sixth of his land. Thousands of acres poured in as free gifts. The Bhoodan

movement attracted national and international attention. Socialist leaders like

Jayaprakash Narayan joined the movement. The Bhoodan led to Gramdan. Now the

39

village community could redistribute the land and start a new programme of cooperative

farming or group and individual farming. Also allied programmes like animal husbandry,

rural industry, village health and sanitation, village education etc. could be planned

by the village as a whole in a new social climate.

Thus Gramdan became the basis of Integrated Rural Development at Yelwal in

South India in 1957, a national meet took place in which the top political leaders

participated including the President of India and the Prime Minister and the Chairmen

of leading political parties. A joint declaration was issued supporting the Gramdan

approach to rural development. It was suggested that the government should co­

ordinate its development programme with the Gramdan movement70 leading to

Sarvodaya socio-economic order.

Over the last five decades, we have, no doubt, made a significant change in the

process of planning our rural development programmes. Earlier it was chalked out by

the Planning Commission and then at the State headquarters. But now we have

accepted the need for district level planning. However, district is also a very large

area for making any specific development plan by taking into consideration the available

resources and local needs. We need to go further down. Considering the variation in

the quality of our natural resources and opportunities at the village level and the

need for taking up block level or taluk level planning.79 JC Kumarappa, born in 1892,

an economist trained in London and New York, joined Gandhi in 1929. He also

emphasized the need for micro-level planning and productive schemes under the

Community Development Programme. His criticism of the Community Development

Programme were unforgiving. Most of its funds, he said, were taken up for unproductive

schemes like road building. Moreover, the "persons who have co-operated (with the

Government) belong to a small section of the public, though moneyed and influential."

But the Harijans "are notoriously neglected, the poor are still standing apart

suspiciously.'™ "Generally speaking," he summed up "the atmosphere around officials

and gram sevaks is not one of love for rural people and their life but one of their own

40

employment and advancement." The insensitivity of public officials was compounded

by their brief, handed down from above, which was completely at odds with the physical

realities of Indian agriculture. The variety of swadeshi which Kumarappa himself

promoted emphasized local rather than national self-reliance, working towards what

he called the "economy of performance" (roughly synonymous with what we, in the

late 20th century, less elegantly term "sustainable development"). As he once

remarked: "If we produce everything we want from within a limited area, we are in a

position to supervise the methods of production, while, if we draw our requirements

from the ends of the earth it becomes impossible for us to guarantee the conditions of

production in such places." Proof of his far-sightedness in matters ecological is

provided by the following remarks in his Madurai report:

On water conservation: "The irrigation tanks are as a rule silted up and eroded....

If these tanks are desilted four or five feet, much of the cry for water will cease and

the farmers can get two or three crops a year where even getting one is a gamble

today. Attention to these tanks will give us control over floods and reduce erosion. If

properly advised and guided the villagers will gladly extend their co-operation in such

schemes... This is a programme that will quickly raise the production of food several

fold and thereby better village conditions in a very short time."

On fertilizer over-use: "There are no facilities (in the agricultural demonstration

centres) for soil and water analysis. In the absence of these, no artificial or chemical

manures should be used. Now such fertilizers are being supplied at favourable rates.

They may prove ruinous in the end. At present the Government seems more anxious

to dispose of their fertilizers than to observe the ill effects of their use indiscriminately

on all kinds of fields in the course of years."

On forest protection: "Water supply depends on an efficient forest policy. The

Government is overanxious on the revenue production of forests rather than their

being a conserving ground for water. Every village should have its common lands

properly taken care of."

41

On the protection of artisans: "Welfare of villagers rests on the occupations

open to those who are not fully employed on the land. (Village) industries provide the

necessary complement to work on land. A few stray attempts are being made to help

with the ghani—oil grinder, khadi work, bee-keeping etc. But these are not considered

an essential feature of the development (work) and suffer from a lack of emphasis—

All village industries will have to be resuscitated to put life into rural parts."

For while the environmentalists of today are unaware of his name and work,

they are only taking up where he left off. High on their green agenda figure the things

Kumarappa talked of in his "Report on Rural Development Work in Madurai District"

of 1956 and in numerous other writings of the forties and fifties: soil fertility, water

conservation, forest protection, resource recycling,handicraft production—all this not

by government patronage but through the renewal and revitalization of decentralized

"community" systems for the management of water, pasture and forests.81

Early Attempts at Rural Development

2.5.2 Sriniketan Experiment

In India, the Sriniketan experiment in the beginning of this century was considered

to be the first attempt at rural development. The programme aimed at the socio­

economic as well as moral rehabilitation of the rural community.82 In 1908, Shri

Rabindra Nath Tagore, under his scheme of rural development work, started youth

organizations in the villages in the Kaligram Pargana of his Zamindari. He tried to

create a class of functionary workers who could learn to identify themselves with the

people. In 1921, he established a Rural Reconstruction Institute at Shantiniketan. A

group of eight villages was the centre of the programme. The activities of the institute

were development of agriculture, cooperatives, industries and education through village

organizations.83

42

2.5.3 Gurgaon Experiment

Rural uplift movement on a mass scale was first started by Mr.F.L. Brayne,

Deputy Commissioner in the Gurgaon district of Punjab, adjacent to Delhi. Under his

programme, a village guide was posted in each village who was to act as a channel

through which the advice of experts in various departments could be passed on to

the villagers. The programme of introducing improved seeds, implements, improved

method of cultivation etc., was started throughout the district. As these village guides

were not technical men, very little of permanent value was achieved. The work again

gathered momentum after 1933, when Mr. Brayne was appointed Commissioner of

Rural Reconstruction in Punjab. In 1935-36, the Government of India granted Rs.1

crore for distribution in various provinces for rural reconstruction work which acted as

a stimulus. After that the work in Punjab was transferred to the Cooperative Department

and better living societies were organized to take up this work in villages.

2.5.4 Marthandam

It was set up under the auspices of Y.M.C.A. (Young Men's Christian Association)

in Travancore. It was intended to symbolize the three-fold development of spirit,

mind and body and evolved a five-sided programme, representing a development,

not only spiritual, mental and physical, but also economic and social. The pioneer in

this work was Dr. Spencer Hatch, an American agricultural expert. The essential

technique of the centre was "Self-help with intimate expert counsel." From the

demonstration centre at Marthandam, about hundred villages were covered through

Y.M.C.A. centres in villages. The extension secretary supervised the work.

Marthandam was in a strategic position to serve the villages. It kept prize bulls

and goats, model bee-hives, demonstration plots for improving grain and vegetable

seeds, poultry runs with prize laying-hens, a weaving shed, etc. Inside the centre,

there was equipment like honey-extractors, health charts and the items needed for

other cottage vocations. At the centre, cottage vocations were taught and agricultural

Implements tested.

43

The emphasis throughout was one self-help and cooperation. The most

successful projects was the Egg-selling Club. By 1939, the egg-selling cooperatives

society became a self-governing body. Another cooperative society was the Honey

Club, where the villagers were taught the use of modern bee-hives and extracted

honey scientifically. The honey brought by the villagers was cured and marketed

cooperatively. There were Bull Clubs, Weavers' Clubs etc. The centre had extensive

social activities which could meet the mental, physical and spiritual needs of the

villagers. It arranged exhibitions, lectures and had a wide range of health programmes.

2.5.5 Etawah Pilot Project

The idea of starting this project was conceived and born in 1947. It was put into

action with headquarters at Mahewa village about 17 miles from Etawah (U.P.) in

September 1948. First, 64 villages, which were then increased to 97, were covered

under it. Lt. Col. Albert Mayer of USA, who came to India with the American forces in

1944 was the originator of the project.

The pilot programme included introduction of improved agricultural and animal

husbandry practices, public health education, literacy campaigns, improvement of

cottage industries, training in repairing and evolving simple agricultural implements.8''

"The most effective achievement was that the entire area was under improved

wheat crops. The area under vegetables was extended and diseases like Rinderpest

and Haemorrhagic Septicaemia controlled. The other programmes taken on were

the construction of roads, soak pits, adoption of improved agricultural practices etc.

All these resulted in improving the economic conditions of the villagers.

2.5.6 Adarsh Sewa Sangh, Pohri (Gwalior)

This plan of rural reconstruction was put into operation in 232 villages, falling in

the Jagirdari of Col. Shitole. It aimed at increasing the per capita income of villagers.

In each village, a Village Reconstruction Society was formed and the important items

44

of work were compost-making, deep-ploughing, improved breeding and management

of cattle, etc. The sangh published a monthly journal "Rural India" which was devoted

to planning and community projects.

2.5.7 IV.S. (Indian Village Service)

Its founders are Mr. Arther T. Mosher of New York and Shri. B.N. Gupta who

established it in 1945. The objectives of this organization were to assist village people

to realize the best in their own villages by developing individuals, volunteer leaders

and local agencies and enabling them to be effective in helping themselves and others.

The object was to assist the Government in developing villages.

For the realization of the above objectives, the organization adopted techniques

like personal contacts, informal group discussions, use of volunteer, demonstrations,

use and production of visual aids, exhibitions, tours and trips, dramas, books and

periodicals etc. It was financially supported by contributions and donations. The

organization had branches in Luck-now and Etawah (UP.) and was affiliated to the

Presbyterian Church in the USA. Residents of 15 villages were the beneficiaries of

this organization.

2.5.8 Bombay Experiment—Sarvodaya Programme

An intensive scheme for rural reconstruction was launched by the then Bombay

Government with a view to carrying out Mahatma Gandhi's programme of Sarvodaya.

This was the first rural reconstruction scheme sponsored by the Government in the

pre-independence era to develop the backward rural economy of the country.05

In 1942, Gandhi wrote in the Harijan: "My idea of village swaraj is that it is a

complete republic, independent of its neighbours for its own vital wants, and yet inter­

dependent for many others in which dependence is a necessity. Thus, every village's

first concern will be to grow its own food crops and cotton for its cloth. It should have

a reserve for its cattle, recreation and playground for adults and children, The village

45

will maintain a village theatre, a school and a public hall. It will have its own water

works, ensuring clean water supply. This can be done through controlled wells or

tanks.... As far as possible, every activity will be conducted on a co-operative basis....

The government of the village will be conducted by the panchayat.... Here, there is

perfect democracy based upon individual freedom."

The Bombay experiment was largely based on Gandhi's idea of Sarvodaya.

Gandhi was visibly moved by the ignorance, disease and poverty of the rural people

and dreamt of a village reconstruction that would fire the imagination of the village

people and lead them through self-help to insure ample food for all, adequate health

protection and medical services, free education, local self-government, and self-

employment through village industries.

The main purpose was to inculcate among the villagers the spirit of self-help

and mutual co-operation. The sanchalak—secretary was responsible for organizing

rural reconstruction.

2.5.9 Firka Development Scheme of Madras State

It was Government-sponsored and aimed at the attainment of the Gandhian

ideal of Gram swaraj by bringing about not only educational, economic, sanitary and

other improvements in villages, but also by making the people self-confident. The

scheme was launched in the last quarter of 1946 in 34 Firkas throughout the State;

and on April 1, 1950, it was extended to another 50 additional Firkas, at the rate of

two Firkas for each district. The selection of the Firkas was based on considerations

of the general backwardness of the area and the possibilities for initiating the production

of handloom cloth and other cottage industries.

The scheme, which aimed at attacking the rural problems as a whole, as well as

in parts, consisted of short-term plans for the development of rural communications,

water supply, formation of panchayats, organization of cooperatives and programmes

for sanitation, as also long-term plans to make the area self-sufficient through

46

agricultural, irrigational and livestock improvements, and the development of khadi

(hand-made cloth) and other cottage industries.

The Collector, who was primarily responsible for the successful working of the

scheme in the district, was assisted by a rural welfare officer of the rank of Nalb

Tahsildar—Deputy Tahsildar, who was put incharge of 2-3 selected Firkas. Each

Firka was divided into 5 to 10 groups of villages which were put in the charge of Gram

Sevaks—Village Workers who were of the rank of Revenue Inspectors.

Each Firka or groups of Firkas was provided with special staff like agricultural

field men, administrative officers, Public Works Department (PWD) supervisors and

minor irrigation overseers. To associate the people with the implementation of the

programme, Development Committees consisting of officials and non-officials, were

constituted in each Firka. At the State level, there was a State Rural Welfare Board

comprising the heads of the Departments and influential and constructive social

workers. It was this Board that drew up the comprehensive plan of Firka Development

in October, 1947.

In order to effectively stimulate healthy competition between the official and

non-official, the Government of Madras decided to entrust the development schemes

to non-official agencies engaged in doing constructive work. Five non-official agencies

were actually selected and paid grants for doing Firka development of:

1. Rural Reconstruction

2. Drinking water facilities

3. Sanitation

4. Agriculture

5. Khadi and other village industries

It was later realized that these efforts were restricted in scope and lacked

coordination. They proved in effective owing largely to lack of direction, support and

encouragement from the central authority.

47

2.5.10 Nilokheri Experiment

It was originally started to rehabilitate 7000 displaced persons from Pakistan

and later integrated with the 100 surrounding villages into what came to be a rural-

cum-urban township. It was built round the vocational training centre that was

transferred from Kurukshetra in July 1948, to the 1100 acres of swampy land on the

Delhi-Ambala Highway.

The central figure of this project was Shri. S.K. Dey, later Union Minister for

Community Development and Cooperatives upto 1965. The scheme called "Mazdoor

Manzil"—labour organisation aimed at self-sufficiency for the rural-cum-urban township

in all the essential requirements of life. The colony had school, an agricultural farm,

polytechnic training centre, dairy, poultry farm, piggery farm, horticulture garden,

printing press, garment factory, engineering workshop, soap factory etc.

2.5.11 Royal Commission on Agriculture

The Royal Commission on Agriculture observed in its report "the welfare and

prosperity of rural population will not come by technical advancement alone. If it is

not true that better living could be secured only be a combination of better farming

and better business, it is equally true, that the will to live better must furnish the

driving force, that is required at the heart of the problem and development of the

desire for a higher standard of living.

A vague aspiration now exists and always has existed, but it is rendered

ineffective by an inhibition which has to be taken up before large scale progress is

possible."06 The commission in 1926, had commended the system of village guides

devised by Mr. Brayne in his Gurgaon experiment.

2.5.12 Extension Service

The Fiscal Commission, set up by the Government of India had observed in

1949: "The greatest need at present in India is an extension service with the object of

48

bridging the gap between research and the practices of produces, similar to those

which have been found to valuable in U.K., USA etc." What we have in mind is an

extension officer with the necessary staff for a group of 40 or 50 villages working on

a demonstration farm. The officer will be the agent of the schemes of improvement

for the villages in the centre and the guide and friend of the farmers in the area and

in close contact with them.87

2.5.13 Rural Development

The primary aim of 'Development' in India is the removal of poverty and all the

socio-economic evils which are interlinked with it. Rural development is, therefore, a

conscious effort at raising the standard of living of the people living in 575,000 villages

in India.

The word development should not be understood in any narrow economic growth

terms, It conveys the movement of the whole system towards an even larger measure

of power for the people so that they may consciously participate in building their own

future, in achieving higher production, equitable distribution, maximum happiness for

themselves for producers as well as consumers. What is more important is the creation

of an aesthetically and ecologically sound environment. In this sense, rural

development has to be understood to cover broadly not only increased production

but the creation of a hygienic and sound environment and continued happiness of

people in rural areas.

Development policies which, in principle, ought to have been formulated with a

view to ensuring a more equitable distribution of income, have served mainly as

additional instruments for increasing the wealth and power of the existing elite groups.

Even more serious is the fact that the new elite (many of whom owe their power to

development programmes) has become adept in manipulating economic and political

institutions to serve their private ends. A strategy of rural development based on a

comprehensive survey of national resources, their exploitation, based on a

49

technological appropriateness to the local environment, mass mobilization through a

process of education and equitable sharing of available resources—can work, provided

that proper precautions are taken at the conceptual stage.80

While rural development has attracted the attention of planners all along, it is

only in recent decades that this has been given the attention it rightly deserved. As a

result "rural development suddenly moved into the centre of development dialogue

with prestigious agencies like the World Bank becoming champion of the cause."09

This is not without justification as is known, in developing countries, more than 70 per

cent of the population live in rural areas. This stands in sharp contrast with that of

developed countries where the proportion of rural population is only 30 or less.90 The

rural population, specially in developing countries is characterized by a set of problems

among which poverty and unemployment would stand out. What is more, many rural

(including tribal) areas direly require programmes to make up for the backlog and

become partners in the task of nation-building.

2.5.14 Programme for Rural Development

The Government, financial institutions and voluntary agencies, including

corporate bodies, have implemented various schemes for the development of rural

communities in India. The Central Government strives to achieve rural development

through the implementation of varied programmes designed to meet the specific

requirements of the target groups. During the span of three and a half decades of

planned development it has formulated more than forty programmes for this purpose.

On an average, it has introduced three programmes every two years. The Community

Development Programme was launched in 1952. The objective of this programme

was to bring about changes in the economic, social as well as cultural life of the

villagers. During the fourth, fifth and sixth plans, various new programmes were

implemented to provide employment opportunities to the rural poor and also to improve

their economic conditions.

Table 2.2

Rural Development Programmes in India

1. Bhoodan Movement 1951

2. Gramdan Movement 1952

3. Community Development Programme (CD) 1952

4. Applied Nutrition Programme 1958

5. Panchayati Raj 1959

6. Intensive Agricultural District Programme (IADP) 1960

7. Hill Area Development Programme (HADP) 1962

8. Tribal Area Development Programme (TADP) 1962

9. Intensive Agricultural Area Programme 1964

10. High Yielding Variety Programme (HYVP) 1965

11. Intensive Area Development Scheme (IAD) 1965

12. Small Farmer's Development Agency (SFDA) 1969

13. Agency for the Development of Marginal Farmers

and Agricultural Labourers (MFAL) 1969

14. Drought Prone Area Programme (DPAP) 1970

15. Rural Works Programme 1971

16. Crash Scheme for Rural Employment (CSRE) 1971

17. Pilot Intensive Rural Employment Projects (PIREP) 1972

18. Employment Guarantee Scheme (EGS) 1972

19. Minimum Needs Programme (MNP) 1974

20. Twenty-point Programme 1975

21. Habitat Movement 1976

22. Food for Work Programme (FFW) 1977

23. Antyodaya 1977

24. Desert Development Programme (DDP) 1977

25. Operation Barga 1978

26. Command Area Development Programme (CADP) 1978

27. Comprehensive Area Development Programme (CADP) 1978

28. District Industries Centres 1978

29. Integrated Rural Development Programme (IRDP) 1978

30. National Rural Employment Programme (NREP) 1980

31. Training of Rural Youth for Self-Employment (TRYSEM) 1980

32. Whole Village Development Programme

51

33. Special Programmes for Women and Children

34. Programmes for Depressed Areas

35. Tribal Development Agency

36. National Seeds Programme

37. Scheme for Development of Women and Childion in Rural Areas (DVVCRA)

38. Intensive Pulses Development Programme (IPDP)

39. Summer Moong Production Programme (SMPP)

40. Intensive Cotton Development Programme (ICDP)

41. Village Small Industries

42. Khadi and Village Industries Programme

43. Dairy Development Programme

44. Bio-Gas Programme (BGS) 1981

45. Self-Employment for Educational Unemployed Youth Programme 1983

46. Rural Landless Employment Guarantee Programme91 1983

47. Economic Rehabilitation of the Rural Poor (ERRP)

48. Planning for Development of Village Programme (PDVP)

49. Integrated Rural Energy Programme (IREP) 1981

50. Western Ghats Development Programme (WGDP)

51. National Wasteland Development Programme (NWDP)

52. Special Incentive Programme for the Industrially Backward Areas

53. Rural Labour Employment Guarantee Programme (RLEGP)

54. Accelerated Rural Water Supply Programme (ARWSP)

55. People's Action for Development (India) (PADI)

56. The Social Forestry Programme (SFP)

57. A Tree for Every Child Programme

58. Operation Flood I (OFI)

59. Operation Flood II (OFII)

60. Rural Growth Centres (RGC)

61. Renewable Source of Energy in Rural Areas (RSERA)

62. Social Inputs in Area Development (SIAD)

63. Special Foodgrains Production Programme (SFPP) 1986

64. Special Rice Production Programme (SRPP) 1986

65. Forest Farming for Rural Poor (FFRP) 1986

66. Indira Awaas Yojana (IAY) 1986

67. National Oilseeds Development Programme (NODP)

68. Jawahar Rozgar Yojana (JRY)92 1989

52

A strategy for integrated rural development was first outlined in 1976, which is

the policy framework for rural development. The strategy envisaged:

(a) Full Employment of Labour and Physical Resources

Land resources should be put to rational use, through reshaping soil conversion

and the like; water should be (surface and underground water) utilized scientifically;

the output of essential food crops and fibres should be increased through scientific

farming; the diet, health and educational attainments of the masses may be improved

by deploying a massive cadre of extension workers.

(b) Laying Down Minimum Standards of Productivity

Some minimum standards of efficiency have to be laid down, specially in relation

to those who own or use precious natural resources, particularly land and water.

(c) Setting up of Agro-Industrial Complexes

Those persons who are unemployed or under-employed should be given jobs

in making improvements of a capital nature in our land and water resources, in animal-

based industry and in non-agricultural pursuits. There has to be increased emphasis

on the process of agricultural raw materials, bye-products and waste materials,

(d) Minimum Standards of Performance by Public Agencies

Corresponding to this obligation, the public and private agencies, which are

expected to provide the essential facilities and services to the producers, should

function on the basis of guaranteed norms of efficiency and integrity. Without this

assurance, the producers will be in no position to discharge their responsibility for

ensuring minimum productivity levels.

(e) Thinking in terms of Scientific Approach and Temper

It would be essential not merely for improving their performance as economic

agents but also for changing their mental make-up. This, in turn, will have wider

53

ramification for a whole spectrum of everyday activity from sanitation and health to

nutrition and family planning. Such a process of mass awakening and education will

make them fight not only superstition and disease but special or economic oppression

from whatever source it may emanate/"

2.5.15 Agencies for Rural Development

There is no dearth of agencies that are engaged in rural development work.

At present, there are fifteen financial agencies, including three international agencies.

Commercial banks have mopped up over Rs.7,500 crores of rural deposits. Besides

financial agencies play a catalytic role in rural development. The corporate sector

and the voluntary agencies, too, have interested themselves in the task of rural

development. The mobilization of resources and their deployment in agricultural and

rural development is a continuous process.

Table 2.3

Agencies for Rural Development

1. Government of India

2. State Governments

3. National Co-operative Development Corporation (NCDC)

4. Primary Co-operatives

5. Primary Land Development Banks (PLDB)

6. Large-sized Multi-Purpose Societies (LAMPS)

7. Farmer's Service Societies (FSS)

8. Commercial Banks (Branches in Rural Areas)

9. Regional Rural Banks (RRB)

10. National Bank for Agriculture and Rural Development (NABARD)

11. Rural Electrification Corporation (REC)

12. Agricultural Finance Corporation (AFC)

13. Internal Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD)

54

14. Agricultural Finance Corporation

15. World Bank

16. Asian Development Bank (ADB)

17. Agro-Industries Corporation

18. National Land Resources Conservation and Development Commission

19. National Land Board

20. State Farms Corporation of India

21. Cotton Corporation of India (CCI)

22. National Dairy Development Board (NDDB)

Rural development is a part of the same process of economic development

and social change. They have to go on simultaneously.

2.5.16 Finance for Rural Development

Chart 2.2

55

Although various agencies are working in this direction, the rural development

programme is characterized by the absence of co-ordination and cohesion. Moreover,

until and unless the desire for development comes from the people themselves, it will

not gather the desired momentum.

The country is poised for growth and the rural environment is conducive for

concerted action in improving rural standards. Financial institutions, particularly banks,

have been helping in multi-dimensional ways, in achieving this objective. The need

of the hour is co-ordinated action on the part of the government, corporate bodies,

voluntary agencies and banks. It is also important to ensure that the efforts and

resources deployed by various agencies do not overlap. In fact, each agency should

supplement the efforts of others and treat the programme as a joint endeavour with

one single purpose. The principal objective of rural development is the development

of the rural people, particularly the rural poor. The three crucial inputs for rural

development are the motivation of the rural people, the relevant technology and

management, and implementation of the transfer of technology to rural poor.tl4

2.6 Related Studies on Sarvodaya

A brief attempt is made here on the significant studies on Sarvodaya.

Geoffrey Ostergaard (1971), University of Birmingham conducted a study of

the Indian Sarvodayites.95 He began with the hunch of preconception that accurate

knowledge of Sarvodayites and their social class or status would illuminate our

understanding of the movement. As the research progressed, he appreciated more

fully that he was studying a highly charismatic social movement and he began to

sense that answers to social- psychological questions might be more significant than

those to the simple social status question. He came to feel that any answer to why

some people responded more positively than others to the message of Sarvodaya

has to be couched more in social-psychological than in social structural terms. He

observed that the movement was male-dominated and the politicalization of the

movement was strong.

56

Hans Wismeijer (1984) made comparisons between the Sri Lanka and the

Indian Sarvodayites.96 Two important findings of the study may be noted briefly here.

The first is that the Sri Lankan movement, unlike its Indian counterpart, is predominantly

a movement of young people. The problem of attracting youth to the cause of

Sarvodaya, which has long perplexed the leaders of the Indian movement, is clearly

not a problem in Sri Lanka. The second finding is more problematical in its implications.

It concerns the movement's relations with the political parties, with the Government,

and with what, more generally, may be called, 'Conventional Politics.' When under

the pressure of events which led up to the Emergency in India in 1975, the Indian

Sarvodayites were compelled to clarify their position in relation to 'Conventional Politics,'

they found themselves deeply divided. The majority supported Jayaprakash Narayan's

'New line' which involved, in the end, endorsing a new Janata party; a minority was

equally committed in their support of Mrs. Indira Gandhi's regime; while others including

Vinoba, sought to maintain a 'non partisan' stance which, in the circumstances of the

time, was exceedingly ambiguous.

Pandey B.P. (1988) in his study "Gandhi Sarvodaya and organizations" made

an attempt to study four types of organizations namely industrial, bureaucratic, political

and social. The study was undertaken to analyze the nature and functioning of the

four organizations and to find out the fibres of Sarvodaya in the existing organizations.97

It was also attempted to find out the possibility of peaceful and nonviolent change in

the objectives and functioning of the four different organizations, so that they may be

in continuity with the Sarvodaya society. Besides the study of organizations, the

behaviour of the workers, supervisory and managerial staff, conflicting situations,

their achievement motivation, community consciousness and their capacity for

constructive work have been studied. By an analysis of the four organizations in

question, the researcher has concluded that all the organizations with more

modifications in their objectives, mode of functioning and structures, can get the nature

and framework of organizations shutting to Sarvodaya society, the social organization

57

i.e., Sarva Seva Sangh functioning with Gandhian values, the decisions are being

taken on consensus basis, but other conditions are not being fulfilled. In its functioning

it is not hydraulic type of organization and hence it lacks efficiency.

While analyzing the practice of Sarvodaya ideals the researcher found that

trust and nonviolence is favoured by most of the respondents. The other Gandhian

characteristics are also followed by the most of the respondents, meaning thereby,

the individuals functioning in all types of organizations follow Gandhian values and

Sarvodaya ideals in their attitudes and behaviour. However, the study had sufficient

data to prove that organizations may run with some Gandhian values and they can be

organized in such a way which will give us the nature and framework of organizations

in a Sarvodaya society.

Devadoss T.S. (1969) made an attempt to analyze the spiritual basis and the

political order of Sarvodaya and the problem of political sovereignty.98 It presents the

fundamental ideas of the socio-political philosophy of Mahatma Gandhi and of his

followers, especially Acharya Vinoba Bhave.

While analyzing the spiritual basis of Sarvodaya, the study has covered different

aspects of Gandhi's philosophy and their relevant areas of Hindu Thought under part

one. Philosophical interest in political analysis has often tended to focus on the

notion of "Sovereignty" which is regarded by all political scientist as the basis of modern

political science. Part two is concerned with the political order of Sarvodaya with

special reference to the problem of political sovereignty. This is discussed against

the background of ancient Hindu and western political thought. The researcher had

indicated how Sarvodaya shows the way out to the present day crisis and provides

the basis of the hope for mankind.

Detlef Kantowsky (1980) in his study brings out the basic differences in the

concept of Sarvodaya in India and Sri Lanka." Besides this, it highlights Sarvodaya

village activities in India and Sri Lanka. He has also taken a look at the scattered

58

attempts made by the Sarvodaya workers in India and Sri Lanka to realize a nonviolent

social order in an environment of violence. From his study, one can understand that

it is the shramdan which revolves around the movement in Sri Lanka whereas

constructive programme is the centre of activities in the Sarvodaya Movement in

India.

Denis Goulet (1981) has done a field research in Sri Lanka from June 8 to

August 17, 1980 under the auspices of Marga Institute, Colombo and his work is

brought out in the form of a book titled 'Sarvodaya at the Crossroads.'100 This study

was undertaken at a time when Sarvodaya in Sri Lanka completed 20 years of work

and was moving towards the challenging phase of its development. This study was

not intended as an evaluation of Sarvodaya but it raised crucial questions regarding

the future of the movement and the strategic choices which it faces today. In his

study, he observed that the movement continues to rely, as it was since its inception

in 1958, on vast quantities of unpaid donated labour. It was concluded that one major

lesson to be learnt from Sarvodaya experience is that development demands long

gestation periods. It takes many years for poor people to begin trusting outside change-

agents sufficiently to "Stake their all," as it were, in trying out experimental development

approaches. The real goal of Sarvodaya in Sri Lanka is to arouse "All people pertaining

to the development of the entire world."

Vishwanath Tandon (1966) in his study,101 provides the philosophical bases of

Sarvodaya, ethical principles, social and economic structure of Sarvodaya society,

political structure of Sarvodaya society and the realization of Sarvodaya through

constructive work as means. He concluded that the present social and political

philosophy of Sarvodaya is, by common consent, an extension and elucidation of

Gandhi's Sarvodaya Philosophy. It is still evolving and pruning its deficiencies as and

when as they are discovered. However, even as it is today, it represents a distinct

advance upon the existing social philosophies and systems. Lastly, it is the only

existing philosophy which hold a comprehensive view of the world transcending all

barriers that separate man from man.

59

End Notes

1. T.S. Devadoss, 1974. Sarvodaya and the Problem of Political Sovereignty,

University of Madras, Madras, P.27.

2. Young India, 3-9-1925, P.304.

3. T.S. Devadoss, 1974. Op.cit, P.27.

4. The Hindu, Dec.15, 1996, P.IV.

5. The Hindu, Dec.12, 1996, P.ll.

6. Hans Wismeijer, 1981. Diversity in Harmony: A Study of the Leaders of the

Sarvodaya Shramdana Movement in Sri Lanka, Department of Cultural

Anthropology, Utrecht, The Netherlands, P.32.

7. Jayaprakash Narayan, 1959. The Dual Revolution, Sarvodaya Prachuralaya,

Tanjore, P.4.

8. G.N. Ostergaard and M. Currel, 1971. The Gentle Anarchists: A Study of the

leaders of the Sarvodaya Movement for Nonviolent Revolution in India, Oxford,

P.81.

9. T.S. Devadoss, 1974. Op.cit, P.27.

10. Detlef Kantowsky, 1980. Sarvodaya-The Other Development, Vikas Publishing

House Pvt Ltd., New Delhi, P.20.

11. Augustine Thottakera, 1992. Gandhian Spirituality, Centre for Indian and Inter-

religious Studies, Italy, P. 11.

12. James H. Craig, 1984. Toward a Western Version of the Sarvodaya

Movement, Synergy Power Institute, Barkeley, USA, P.1.

13. Detlef Kantowsky, 1980. Op.cit, P.4.

14. R.A. Ulyanovsky and others (Eds), 1983. Fighters for National Liberation,

Progress Publishers, Moscow, P.9.

15. Joseph Isidore Fernando, 1992. Dynamics of Liberation, Social Philosophy

of Martin Luther King Jr., Agape Publications, Madurai, PP.55-56.

60

16. VIGIL, Vol.XII, No.14, 15 July 1995, P.20.

17. P. Mahajan Mani and K.S. Bharathi, 1987. Foundations of Gandhian Thought,

Dattsons, Nagpur, P.68.

18. T.S. Devadoss, 1974. Op.cit, P.216.

19. Jayaprakash Narayan, 1959. Op.cit, P.9.

20. T.S. Devadoss, 1974. Op.cit, P.71.

21. Ibid, P.72.

22. Vinoba, 1957. Bhoodan Yojana, Navajivan Publishing House, Ahmedabad, PP. 18-30.

23. Joan V. Bondurant, 1958. Conquest of Violence: The Gandhian Philosophy

of Conflict, Princeton University Press, New Jersey, P.6-7.

24. Detlef Kantowsky, 1980. Op.cit, P. 15.

25. V. Selvaraj, 1986. 27th All India Sarvodaya Sammelan, Souvenir, Sarvodaya

Movement Publication, Mannargudi, PP.4-6.

26. Ibid, P.7.

27. Geoffrey Ostergaard, 1985. Nonviolent Revolution in India, Gandhi Peace

Foundation, New Delhi, PP.70-71.

28. N. Sivararnakrishnan, 1985. Rich Legacy for the Nation Builders, The Hindu,

Feb.3, P.I.

29. Kanti Shah, 1988. 'Bhoodan-Gramdan Movement,' Two evaluations,

Sansthakul, Vol.18, No.6, Sep., P. 13.

30. Ibid, P. 15.

31. M. Aram, 1989. Future of Mankind, Shanti Ashram, Coimbatore, P.2.

32. Kanti Shah, 1988. Op.cit, P.15.

33. H.S. Doreswamy, 1995. Constructive Worker's Conference, Kadhi and Village

Industries Commission, Bangalore, P.33.

61

34. T.S. Devadoss, 1974. Op.cit, P.461.

35. Mikhail Gorbachev, 1992. Civilization in the 21st Century, The Hindu, April 28, P.8.

36. M. Aram, 1984. Gandhian Perspective on Integrated Rural Development,

Gandhigram Rural Institute, Gandhigram, P.3.

37. G. Ramachandran, 1983. Rural Realities, Gandhigram Rural Institute, Gandhigram, P.23.

38. T.K.N. Unnithan, 1996. Mahatma Gandhi's Nonviolence and 21st Century,

Annamalai University, PP.22-23.

39. Paul Chowdhry, 1985. Profile of Social Welfare and Development in India, M.N. Publishers and Distributors, New Delhi, P.7.

40. K.C.R. Raja, 1964. Gandhigram Thoughts and Talks of Dr.G. Ramachandran,

Gandhigram Publication, Gandhigram, P.299.

41. Harijan, June 1939.

42. Ibid, P.29.

43. Rama Bhushan, 1985. 'Philosophy and Content of Constructive Work in India,'

Gandhi Marg (Vol.78, No.6, Sep.), P.349.

44. Gopinath Dhawan, 1990. The Political Philosophy of Mahatma Gandhi,

Gandhi Peace Foundation, Mew Delhi, P.246.

45. Ibid, P.195.

46. The Hindu, 1996. Young World, Nov.30, PH.

47. Gopinath Dhawan, 1990. Op.cit, P. 195-96.

48. The Hindu, Tuesday, Open Page, Dec.17 1996, P.27.

49. M.L. Gujral, 1986. Thus spake Bapu or Dialogues between Gandhi's Spirit

and the Scribe, Gandhi Peace Foundation, New Delhi, P.83.

50. Ibid, P.85.

62

51. S. Narayanasamy, 1997. 'Relevance of Constructive Programme,' Social

Welfare (Vol,44, No.4, July), PP.12-14.

52. M.K. Gandhi, 1991. Constructive Programme: Its Meaning and Place,

Navajivan Publishing House, Ahmedabad, PP.12&22.

53. Gopinath Dhawan, 1990. Op.cit, P. 177.

54. Rama Bhusan, 1985. Op.cit, P.352.

55. Paul Chowdhry, 1985. Op.cit, P.7.

56. K.C.R. Raja, 1964. Op.cit, P.299.

57. K. Balasubramanian, 1996. Directory of Gandhian Constructive Workers,

Gandhi Peace Foundation, New Delhi, P. 188.

58. V. Venkata Rao, 1988. 'Sarvodaya,' Journal of Gandhian Thought, Bhagalpur

University (Vol.6, Nos.1-2, Oct.), P.4.

59. K.N. Ramanujam, 1995. The Philosophy of Rural Development, Kurukshetra

(Vol.XIII, No.4, April), P.3.

60. O.P. Dahamaand O.P. Bhatnagar, 1990. Education and Communication for

Development, Oxford & IBH Publishing Co. Pvt. Ltd., New Delhi, P.48.

61. Ibid, P.52.

62. G. Ramachandran, 1983. Op. cit., PP.18-19.

63. Ibid, P.20-23.

64. Uppendra Baxi & Bhikhu Parekh, 1995. Crisis and Change in Contemporary

India, Sage Publications, New Delhi, P.44.

65. Ibid, P.47.

66. S. Gopal, 1984. Jawaharlal Nehru: A Biography, Oxford University Press,

Vol.Ill, P.242.

67. Vasant Desai, 1988. Rural Development, Vol.V, Himalaya Publishing House,

Bombay, P.53.

68. Vinoba, 1977. Democratic Values, Sarva Seva Sangh, Varanasi, P.70.

63

69. Ibid, P.71.

70. Harijan, 21-12-1947.

71. Letter from Shri. K.M. Natarajan, Tamil Nadu Sarvodaya Mandal, Madurai, dated 2-6-93.

72. Indian Express, March 14, 1993, P.7.

73. K.S. Krishnaswamy, 1995. 'Panchayati raj1 and 'Sarvodaya,' Souvenir, KVIC, Bangalore, P.39.

74. M. Aram, 1989. The Future of Mankind, Shanti Ashram, Coimbatore, P.54.

75. M. Aram, 1983. Gandhian Perspective on Integrated Rural Development,

Gandhigram Rural Institute, Gandhigram, P.4.

76. Ibid, P.2.

77. Ibid, P.5.

78. M.Aram, 1989. Op.cit, P.53.

79. N. Arvind, Mafatlal, 1996. 'Gandhian Blue print,' Indian Express, Jan.28, P.8.

80. Ramachandra Guha, 1996. The Green Gandhian,' The Hindu Magazine (Weekly Edition-2, June 9), P.I.

81. Ibid, P.VII.

82. Vasant Desai, 1988. Rural Development Vol.ll, Himalaya Publishing House,

Bombay, P.32.

83. K. Venkata Reddy, 1988. Rural Development in India, Himalaya Publishing

House, Bombay, P.60.

84. O.P. Dahama and O.P. Bhatnagar, 1990. Education and Communication for

Development, Oxford & IBH Publishing Co. Pvt. Ltd., New Delhi, P.41.

85. Vasant Desai, 1988. Op.cit, Vol.ll, P.38.

86. K. Munirathana Naidu (Ed.), 1992. Rural Development and Planning

Perspectives, Reliance Publishing House, New Delhi, PP.69-74.

64

87. Subha Singh Yadav and Ramkumar, 1993. Extension Service in Rural India, Seva Mandir, Jaipur, PP.36-38.

88. Vasant Desai, 1988. Op.cit, Vol.II, P.42.

89. C.T. Kurian, 1981. Dynamics of Rural Transformation: A Study of Tamil

Nadu 1950-75, Orient Longman, Madras.

90. J. Conde, et.al, 1979. The Integrated Approach to Rural Development, Health

and Population, Development Centre of the Organization for Economic

Cooperation and Development, Paris.

91. S.K. Rau, 1979. Strategies of Rural Development in S.K. Ran (Ed.), Rural

Development in India: Some Facets, NIRD, Hyderabad, PP.27-30.

92. Vasant Desai, 1991, Fundamentals of Rural Development, Himalaya Publishing

House, Bombay, PP. 18-30.

93. S.K. Rau, 1979. Op.cit, PP.42-43.

94. Vasant Desai, 1988. Op.cit, Vol.1, PP.14-15.

95. Geoffrey Ostergaard, Nonviolent Revolution in India, JP Arnrit Kosh/Sevagram,

Gandhi Peace Foundation, New Delhi, PP.409.

96. Hans Wismeijer, 1981. Op.cit., PP.335.

97. B.P. Pandey, 1988. Gandhi Sarvodaya and Organizations, Chugh

Publications, Allahabad, PP.177.

98. T.S. Devadoss, 1974. Op.cit., PP.651.

99. Detlef Kantowsky, 1980. Op.cit., PP.228.

100. Denis Goulet, 1981. Survival with Integrity Sarvodaya at the Crossroads,

Marga Institute, Colombo, PP.105.

101. ViswanathTandon, 1966. The Social and Political Philosophy of Sarvodaya

after Gandhi, Sarva Seva Sangh Prakashan, Varanasi, PP.252.