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Chapter_ three

Chronology, location and historicity of the sites of the Buddhist mural paintint:.s of

peninsular India and Sri Lanka

Origin of the Buddhist wall painting tradition:

It was mentioned at the beginning of the first chapter that art expressiOn IS

considered the essence of human life. 1 According to ancient Indian literature, divine origin

is envisaged for this art. Consequently, Visvakarma, the son of Prabhasa 2 is termed

Silpaprajapati, foremost among the artists and the master of a thousand arts.30f these

various artistic works, painting was one of the most important fields and the Citralakshana,

an ancient document, the chronology of which is uncertain4recounts a long legend ofthe

origin of the paintings ascribing it to Nagnaj it. 5 A different legend is told, however, in the

1 See also C. Sivaramamurti, The painter in ancient India, Abhinav Publications, New Delhi, 1978, p.l.

2 According to the Visnupurana Prabhasa is a son born to Dharmadeva of his wife Prabhata. He is considered to be one of the astavasas and his wife was the sister ofBrahaspati, a widely travelled virtuous woman of renowned chastity and great yogic attainments. See Vettam Mani, Puranic encyclopaedi!!, Motilal Benarsidass Publishers, Delhi, (reprinted) 1993, p.592. 3

Mahabharat!!, by Vyas!!, GitaPress edition, Gorakhpur, 1, 66,28-31,1,213, 15-18;Ramayan!!. ed. M.M.S. Kuppuswami Sastri, Madras, 1931, 4, 51, 1 0-12; Nyayakusumanjali by Udayana with the commentary of Ruchidatta and Vardhmanopadhaya, ed. MM Lakshmana Sastri, Banaras, 1912, p.l. 4 Nevertheless, some critics believed that Nagnajit must be much older than the 5th- 6th centuries AD. See Asoka Chattetjee Sastri, The Citralakshana: An old text of the Indian art, The Asiatic Society, Calcutta, 1987, p.viii. However, the text ofCitralakshanam credited to have been written by Nagnajit, one of the earliest expounders of the ancient Indian vastuvidya. But, it is not found in its original Sanskrit text or any Indian manuscript and only its Tibetan T anjur version of the medieval period is remains. See DN Shukla, Vastusastra Hindu canons of iconography and painting, Murishiram Manoharlal Publishers, New Delhi, 1993, VoL II, p.365; Asoka Chattetjee Sastri, The Citralakshana: An old text of the Indian art, The Asiatic Society, Calcutta, 1987, p.vii; An early document of Indian art: The Chitralakshana ofNagnajit, tr. BN Goswamy and AL Dahmen Dollapicela, Manohar Book Service, New Delhi, 197 6, Prefatory note, p.vii . .AJthough the Citralakshana ofNagnajit was not a Buddhist origin manuscript, later it came in to Buddhist hands in Tibet. Ibid, Introduction pp.l8-19. Hence, it is believed that this is the only Buddhist source, which contains the earliest and authentic text of Indian art. See. Asoka ChatteJjee Sastri, The Citralakshalla: An old text of the Indian art, The Asiatic Society, Calcutta, 1987, p.vii. 5 lbid, Introduction pp.1-60; Phananindra Nath Bose, "Citralaksan!!," Principles of Indian silpasastr!!, The Panjab Oriental (Sanskrit) Series, XI, Lahore, 1926, p.79.

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Visnudharmottarapurana of the seventh century AD. According to it, two mythical sages,

twin manifestations of Vishnu, whose names were Nara (man) and Narayana were the

pioneers of the field. 6Thus, the art of painting is attributed to Vishnu thereby clearly

indicating its divine origin.7Nevertheless, despite these literary references, which are often

contradictory to one another the absence of any actual creations of earliest art makes it

indeed impossible to say with absolute certainty what its fundamental character was.

Similarly difficult to identify is the source of inspiration i.e. whether it was religious and

hieratic or secular in its origin. 8 But, according to the description given in the

Visnudharmottarapurana, it is certain that as Sumern is the chief of the mountains; as

Garnda is the chief of those born out of eggs; as the king is the chief of men; even so in this

world is the practice of painting, the chief of all arts.9 Although this reflects Brahmanical

ideals, it clearly indicates that the painting tradition was foremost among other artistic

activities during the ancient period. Besides these, in early Sanskrit literature, there are

several references to the secular aspect of the art, 10with the further information that it was

in wall painting that the ancient artists largely excelled.

6 Ibid, p.80. For the summary of these two stories please refer to Heinrich Zimmer, The art of Indian Asia; Its

mythology and transformations, Bollingen Series XXXIX, Pantheon Books, Toronto, Canada, 1955, appendix-A, pp.383-385. 7 Mahabharata, by Vyasa, Gita Press edition, Gorakhpur 13, 135, 13 9; Visnudharmottara Mahapurana, ed. Madhusudan and Madhava Prasad Sharma, Venkatesvara Steam Press, Bombay, 1912, 3, 35, 2-5; See also Haridas Mitra, Contribution to a bib Iiography of Indian art and aesthetics, Visva Bharati, Calcutta, 1951,

f~~~bindo, The significance of Indian art, Sri Aurobindo Circle, Bombay, 194 7, p.80. 9 Visnudharmottara-purana, ed. Priya Bala Shah, Gaekewad Oriental Series, Baroda, 1961, ill, XLIII, p.39; C Sivaramamurt~ Chitrasutra of the Vishnudharmottara, Kanak publications, New Delhi, 1962, chap.l, pp.l-16. The Visnudharmottara distinguishes the kinds of painting appropriate to temples, palaces and private houses and applies the theory of rasa to painting. 10 Jyotsana Saxena, Early Indian paintings in Sanskrit literature, Bharatiya Kala Prakashan, Delhi, 1988; C. Sivaramam~ "Sanskrit sayings based on paintings," Journal of Indian Socien' of Oriental Art, Calcutta, 1934; Sanskrit literature and art mirrors of Indian culture, Delhi, 1955; "One hundred references to Indian painting," Artibus Asiae. Vol.l, (1930-32), pp.40-57; Krishna Chaitanya, "The history of Indian painting: Significance of literary references," Statesman. Oct. 20, 1960.

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As in the case of the views of the Brahmanical canon, it is noteworthy that the

Buddhist tradition also held the view that "there is nothing finer in the world than the art of

painting."11 This establishes the fact that Buddhism not only encouraged but was also

appreciative of the painting tradition to a large extant. Hence, it is generally believed that

with the advent of Buddhism, a new idea was introduced into painting and religious

subjects became the main theme of the artists of the time.12Nevertheless, comparatively

few references are available in Buddhist texts relating to this ancient Buddhist tradition of

painting. In this context, it is significant that the word "cittakamma" or pictorial art is

referred to in Buddhist literature only rarely. Interesting passages occur particularly in the

Samyutta Nikaya and the Attasalini, in this regard .13The answer to the question "How does

the mind (citta) produce its diverse effects" is provided with a play on the words citta,

(mind) and citta, (painting) both thought and art. The answer is "Just as the painter by his

imagination (cintetva) creates the appearance of many forms and colours in a picture

(citta)."

It is to be noted at this point that Coomaraswamy has pointed out that the early

translation of the text of Attasalini missed the point and confused the issue to a. large

extent. Thus, the use of the word "artistic" is indefinite and does not bring out the parallel

between the general consciousness and the special functioning of aesthetic

11 Attasalini, ed. E. Mu1ar, Pali Text Society, London, 1897, p.64; "Lokasmim hi chittakammato uttarim annam chittam nama natti" 12 Percy Brown, Indian paintinl!, YMCA Publishing House, 1927, p.20. 13 Attasalini, ed. E. Mu1er, Pali Text Society, London, 1897, p.64; English tr. Mrs. Rhys Davids, pp.85-86. The question is "Brethren, have you ever seen a masterpiece of painting?" The reply is "Yes lord." Then Buddha says that "Brethren that masterpiece of art is designed by the mind. Indeed, brethren, the mind is even more artistic than that masterpiece." Samyuttanikaya, ed. Leon Feer, tr. Mrs. Rhys Davids, Pali Text Society, London, Vol.Ill, p.151 of text and p.128 of English translation.

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institution.1'1Ience, he suggested that the translation of the answer to the question as

stated in the Attasalini should be corrected as follows: "By the process of depicting

(cittakarana), there is no kind of decorative art (cittakamma) in the world more various

and pictorial (cittatara) than painting (citta). And therein is there anything so multifarious

(aticitta) as the kind of painting called caran? A mental concept (cittasnna) rises

(uppajjati) in the (mind ofthe) painters (cittakaranam) of such a work that such and such

forms (rupani) should be made (katabbani) in such and such ways."15In accordance with

this mental concept (cittasanna), by drawing (lekha), colouring (ranjana), adding

highlights (ujjotana) and shading (vattana) etc duly performed, the finished painting

(cittakiriya) arises (uppajjanti). 16

As in the case of the passages of Attasalini quoted above, it is evident that almost

all the references in the Buddhist texts relating to paintings are in the sense of idiomatic

phrases rather than mentioning or appreciating actual existing painting traditions. Hence

although it is not necessary to focus attention on such references, it must be emphasised

here that in addition to the extant murals, this idiomatic usage also clearly indicates a

' highly utilised stage of paintings of the Buddhist tradition during such an early _period,

Thus, according to a legend, narrated in the Mulasarvastivadin Vinaya, Buddhist painting

tradition appears to have been in use during the time of the Buddha himself This le_gen.d

states that faced with the task of announcing to king Ajatasatru that the Buddha had passed

away and fearing a violent reaction, Mahakassapa thero came up with a novel. way of

gently breaking the news. He instructed the minister Varshakara to have a painted scroll

14 A.K. Coomaraswamy, "An early passage on Indian painting," Figures of speech or fismres of thought Munshiram ManoharlaL 1981, pp.208-209. 15 lbid, pp.208-212.

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prepared with depiction of the four great miracles of the Buddha's life i.e. the birth,

enlightenment, first sermon and the great decease. 17

Besides this, another statement in the Cullavagga of the Vinaya Pitaka is also

important. It states that the Buddhist monks who then lived in rock caves were permitted

to plaster the walls of their dwelling caves and to embellish them with paintings by the

Buddha~ 18It is obvious that in these instances, they were only permitted to execute the

paintings of flowers and creepers but were prohibited from drawing the figures of human

beings since they were not pleasure seeking persons. 1~evertheless, it is interesting to

16 For further details please refer to A.K. Coomaraswamy, "An early passage on Indian painting," Figures of speech or figures of thought Munshiram Manoharlal, 1981, pp.208-212. 17 Please refer to Gregory Schopen, "On avoiding ghosts and social censure: :t-.{onastic funeral in the Mulasarvastavadin Vinaya," Journal of Indian philosophy, Vol. XX, 1992, pp.l-39. In fact, though the chronology of this legend is uncertain (Vidya Dehejia, Discourse in early Buddhist art: Visual narratives of Indlli, Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers, New Delhi, 1997, p. 7.) it is evident that the representation of Buddha in the human form is not found on the pre-christian era monuments of ancient India, such as those at Bodh Gay a, San chi. Bharhut Amaravati and cave nos. 9 and 1 0 of Aj anta. Instead, we find the Bodhi tree, wheel, chatra, paduka etc on or behind the altar clearly designated in the inscriptions as 'Bhagavato' meaning Buddha and worshiped as such. Thus, it is obvious that in elaborate scenes from the life story of the Buddha too, he is represented only through symbols (Bhaskar Chattopadyaya, Coins and icons, Punthi Pustak, Calcutta, 1977, p.230) though later on, the figure of the Buddha takes its places upon their throne. AK Coomaraswamy, History of Indian and Indonesian art, New York, 1965, p.45. It is interesting that in this transition period particularly at Amatavati and other cognate sites in the Andhara region one fmds the Buddha represented in human form along with his representations in terms of well-known symbols. Amita Ray, Life and art of early Andhradesa, Agam Kala Prakashan, Delhi, 1983, p.131. In this context, it is generally believe that the origin of Buddha image was in the Bactro-Gandara and Matura regions during the Kush ana period and its earliest representation on the coins of Kanishka was also available during the second half of the first century AD. Bhaskar Chattopadyaya, Coins and icons, Punthi Pustak, Calcutta, 1977, p.230; The age of the Kushan as: A numismatic study, Punthi Pustak, Calcutta, 1987, pp.34-35; DR Bhandarkar, Lectures on ancient Indian numismatics, Eastern Book House, 1989 .;p.16; See also Susan L Huntington, The art of ancient India Buddhist Hindu Jain, Weatherhill, New York, 2n ed, 1993, pp.627, 630; Alfred Foucher, (tr. LA Thomas and FN Thomas), The beginnings of Buddhist art and other essays in Indian and Central Asian Archaeology, Humphrey Milford, London, 1917, pp.lll-13 9; AK Coomaraswamy, "Origin of the Buddha image," The art Bulletin, Vol.IX, No.4, 1927, pp.287-328; Y Krishan, The Buddha image: Its origin and development, Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers, New Delhi, 1996. But, the textual evidence as well as the existence of a Chinese Buddha image dated to 36 BC indicate that the representation of the Buddha in human form occurred well prior to the first century AD. Susan L Huntington, The art of ancient India Buddhist Hindu Jain, Weatherhill, New York, 1985, p.l13. Hence, the origin of the story mentioned in the Mulasarvastivadin Vinaya relating to a drawing of Buddha figure most probably belong to a later period, at least after the first century BC. 18 The Book ofDiscipline (Cullavagga), ed. LB. Horner, Luzac, London, 1952, Vol.V, p.212. 19 Ibid, p.212. Nevertheless, this indicates the paintings suited for the non-professional also. It has been used tht: term Paubhanachitta for such paintings. It signifies creations of aesthetic imagination.

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note that the rule has not strictly been followed by the later Buddhists as evidenced by the

murals of Ajanta and elsewhere of the two countries. Apart from these kinds of references

mentioned in the Buddhist canonical texts, the same texts also incorporate data relating to

some of the techniques of paintings of the early period, which have been discussed in the

fifth chapter in detail. 20

It is however, evident that these descriptions basically belong to the Buddhist

painting tradition of the early period oflndia. In fact, as Percy Brown has also pointed out,

since India was the birthplace of Buddhism it may be assumed that it was also the

birthplace of the Buddhist school of painting?1Due to non-availability of the relevant

evidence although it is difficult to speak with any precision as to the beginnings oflndian

painting, it is certain that at lea~t in the second· or first century BC Buddhist painting

tradition was a fairly developed art as represented by some of the murals of cave nos 9 and

10 at Ajanta.22Most probably, the 'knowledge' of Buddhist painting tradition of India

along with the Vinaya rules would have been introduced to Sri Lanka with the adoption and

spread of Buddhism though preeise irtfomiation is not available. 23 Nevertheless, it is

evident that the extant paintings of the island belong to a much later period. Hence, it is

necessary to focus attention, at least briefly, on available information on Buddhist mural

2° For instance, there are references available regarding the binding medium such as gum used for plasters of the walls given in the Vinaya Pitaka (The Vinaya Pitakam, ed. H Oldenberg, Williams and Norgate, 1880, Vol.II, pp. 4, 151; See also Rhys Davids and H. 01denberg, Sacred Books of the East, Oxford, London, 1885, Vol.XX, p.l70.) and the descriptions of some ingredients, which were used for the mi"ing of clay are mentioned in the Dharnmapadattakatha (Commentary on Dharnmapada) that was compiled in the fifth century AD. (Dharnmapadattakata, ed. HC Norman, Pali Tc;:xt Society, Oxford, 1912, p.219; E.W. Burlingame, Buddhist legends, Harvard University Press, 1921, Vol.II, pp.4, 9 and 25). 21 Percy Brown, Indian painting, YMCA Publishing House, 1927, p.28. 22 The chronology of murals of Ajanta has been discussed in detail in the later part of the chapter, under the subtitle of Ajanta caves. 23 Interestingly enough though there are not enough evidence some scholars have concluded, "It is no exaggeration to say that the history of painting in Sri Lanka is the story of the spread of Buddhism in the

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paintings in Sri Lankan literature to understand the actual period of commencement of the

Buddhist mural painting tradition of the island.

For this, a reference in the Mahavarnsa referring to an incident dated to king

Duttagamini's period somewhere in the second century BC is significant. It has been

mentioned that several important scenes ofBuddha's life were beautifully painted on the

inner walls of the relic chamber of the Mahatupa or the Ruvanvalisaya in Anuradhapura.

According to the description the paintings executed there included seven weeks spent by

the Buddha after his enlightenment, to his attainment of parinirvana; the Vessantara

Jataka; and the realm of the Tusita heaven etc.24ouring the sixth century AD, when the

author of the Mahavamsa thus described the relic chamber of the Mahatupaofthe second

century BC, he seems to have followed some of the ancient descriptions particularly

mentioned in the Porana Sihalattakatha Mahavamsa. 25 According to the accounts given in

the V amsattappakasini, the commentary of the Mahavarnsa. further details of the

paintings of the relic chamber of the Mahatupa can be obtained by readjng

Cetiyavamsattakatha?6which is rtow lost. Although the accuracy of the reference has rtot

yet been confirmed by archaeological evidence, it is noteworthy that the archaeologists

island." Please refer to Rowland Silva and others, Cultural treasures of Sri Lanka, Ministry of Cultural Affairs, 1973, (no page numbers) See. Painting section. 24

Mahavamsa, ed. W. Geiger, Pali Text Society, London, 1912, chap. 30; 78-89vv. The precise themes are the prayer ofBrahma to preach the Doctrine; setting in motion the wheel ofDhamma; admission ofY asa into the Buddhist order, pabbahjja of the Baddavaggiyas; subduing the Jatilas; the visit of king Bimbisara; entry into Rajagaha; accepting the Veluvana temple; the eighty disciples; Journey to Kapilavastu; miracle of the jewelled path; pabbajja ofNanda and Rahula; acceptance of Jetavana; miracle at the foot of the mango tree; the preaching in the heaven in the gods; miracle of the descend of the gods; assembly with the questioning of the Thera; Mahasamaya suttanta; subjugation of elephant Nalagiri; subduing ofY akkha Alavaka of robber Angulimala; ofNaga king Apalata; meeting with Rajagaha Brahmins; the giving up oflife; accepting of the dish of pork; two gold coloured garments; drinking of the pure water; parinibbana; lamentation of gods and men; the revering of the feet by the Thera; the burning of the body; quenching of the ftre; the funeral rites and the distribution of relics ofDrona and the Jataka stories. 25 EW Adikaram, Early history ofBuddhism in Ceylon, Gunasena, Colombo, Second impression, 1953, p .64. 26 Vamsattappakasini, ed. GP Malalasekara, Pali Text Society, London, Vol. II, 1935, p.548.

I

I

I I , I

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have found some remnants of paintings in the other relic chambers of Mahiyanganaya,

Mihintale and Dadigama stupas of the subsequent periods of the island, which will be

discussed later in detail. All these indications., however, reveal that the aim of some of the

Buddhist mural paintings during the ancient period was quite different to what it is today,

since after the closure of the relic chambers and the construction of the stu pas on it np one

was able to see those paintings.

Another important statement in relation to the Buddhist muml paintings of the

island appears in the Visuddhimagga said to have been compiled by Buddhaghosa thero

during the fifth century A.D. 27 According to the description given there, somewhere in the

second century BC, a certain monic. named Cittagutta lived in the cave named Kumndaka

that had been embellished by attractive paintings. The story says that the concentration on

meditation by the monk was so exemplary that he lived there for sixty years without

seeing the paintings of the canopy of the cave.2srnterestingly enough some scholars have

identified this particular Kumndaka cave with the present Kammbagala cave situated

close to Ambalantota in the southern province wh~re the painting remnants can still be

seen.29

The ancient Buddhist paintings of Sri Lanka have been referred to not only in these

indigenous litemry sources, but also in some of the foreign traveller's accounts for

instance in Fabien's record of his journey. In his record, there is an account of an

exposition of the Tooth relic at Abhayagiriya temple in Anuradhapura and on the same

27 EW Adikaram, Early history of Buddhism in Ceylon, Gunasena, Colombo, Second impression, 1953,

ff~~ddhimagga, ed. L. Gnanamoli, Lake House, Colombo, Vol.I, 1956, pp.38-39; See also Rhys Davids' edition, Oxford University Press, London, 1920. Vol.I, p.38.

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occasion a number of canvas paintings of the Jataka stories are said to have been displayed

on either side of the route leading to the temple. 30 As Fabien thero actually did come to Sri

Lanka and consequently gained first hand information, these facts appear comparatively

reliable. Hence, though the reference is not directly to the ancient Buddhist mural painting

tradition of the island, this allusion is important since it is obviously a description of an

itinerant painting tradition, which we do not have any surviving examples of

In addition to all these literary references are the Buddhist wall paintings now

present at the sites of Ajanta and Bagh in fudia and Hindagala, V essagiriya, Mihintale,

Gonagolla, Mahiyanganaya and Tivamka shrine etc in Sri Lanka. It is obvious that though

the history ofBuddhist mural painting tradition of both countries goes as far back as the

commencement of Buddhism somewhere in the sixth century BC, or the official

introduction of the Buddhism into Sri Lanka sometime in the 3rd century BC, the extant

Buddhist paintings of fudia and Sri Lanka date only to the second century BC onwards

which will be discussed later site by site in detail.

According to both these literary and extant murals, it is obvious that the Buddhist

temples and monasteries of ancient fudia and Sri Lanka, when they were inhabited must

have been extraordinarily beautiful by means of paintings, in addition to carvings and

sculptures etc. When considering the utility of these religious arts, it must not be forgotten

that these artistic creations were not placed upon monuments because they needed to be

there for the value of the monument. fu addition, it must not be supposed that the object of

these paintings was to provide entertainment for or to gratify the aesthetic needs of the

29 D.B. Dhanapala, Buddhist paintings from sh.Jines and temples in Ceylon, Collins, London, 1964, p.l 0; The story of Sinhalese painting, Saman Press, Maharagama, 1957, pp.2-3; LTP Manjusri, Design elemenls from Sri Lankan temple paintings, Colombo, 1977, p.20.

134

peoples, monks or the places where there were executed.31It must also not be confused

that if sometimes, specially relating to some ofthe Jataka stories, the subjects seem to be

out of keeping with the ascetic life of a monastery, it is only because the Bodhisattva

before attaining Buddhahood is said to have experienced life in every phase before he

obtained salvation, the perfect experience. As a result, though incidentally the paintings

depict an intimate revelation of Indian or Sri Lankan life of the period, it would be a

mistake to suppose that the painters intentionally recorded current events as

history.32Similarly, itmust also not be concluded that these were for reading by monks,

pilgrims or patrons as incorrectly suggested by some scholars33since it is evident that the

walls thus painted were the sort of picture books, which contain doctrinal and religious

teachings used for instructing the lay worshipers as well as the novices vf the Buddhist

order in the events of the Buddha's many existences.

It has been suggested by some scholars that at least Ajanta was an academic centre

and its monks or the students tried to concentrate on different doctrines ofBuddhism.34It is

certain that most of the scriptures had been written by this time (around fifth century AD)

and also the deep knowledge of monks about these scriptures is reflected in Ajanta

inscriptions. In fact, they bear perfect harmony with the Buddhist sacred texts and the

Buddhist philosophy, which, is beautifully interwoven in the eulogies composed in

30 S. Beal, Travels of Buddhist pilgrims, Trubner, London, 1869, p.l55; James Legge, Records of Buddhistic kingdoms. being an account ofF a-hsien 's, Oxford University Press, London, 1886, pp.l 05-107. 31 See KR Van Kooij and VanDer Vecre, Function and meaning in Buddhist !!I!, Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers, New Delhi, 1996. 32 EB Havell, The art heritage of India comprising Indian sculpture and painting and ideals of Indian art, DB Taraporevala sons, Bombay, 1964, p.69. 33 Vidya Dehejia, Discourse in early Buddhist art: Visual nam:tives oflndi!!, Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers, New Delhi, 1997, pp.34-35. 34 Shobhana Gokhale, "Ajanta: The centre of monastic education," The art of Ajanta: New perspectives, ed. Rat:m Parimoo and others. Books and Book. New Delhi, Vol.I. 1991. pp.l48-149.

135

classical Sanskrit. In addition, it is conspicuous that an analysis of the inscriptions at

Ajanta reveals that out of thirty-one donors mentioned, twenty are monks, an aspect which

will be discussed in the seventh chapter in detail. Thus, a comparatively large number of

monks among the donors and the different categories within these positively suggest that

Ajanta was not only a flourishing Buddhist establishment but also a centre of monastic

education.35This is further substantiated by the fact that at Ajanta, at least four ofthe caves

are preaching halls, the others all being larger living caves, so that in the end there was

accommodation for 600 or 700 monks as estimated by Basham?6Hence, most probably

these murals were also drawn for the fulfilment of the requirement of students at the centre,

in addition to the edification of its' lay worshipers.

Thus, when considering the purpo::;e of executing these Buddhist mural paintings of

both countries, it is clear that the objective was to earn merit and the main aim was to

visualise the ideals of the Buddhist creed and to illustrate by pictorial parables some of the

beautiful sentiments of the Buddhist religion. Since originally these were designed to

appeal to the higher feelings of the spectator, sustained by their supreme charm the

I

littleness of the viewer's own personality vanishes and he becomes exalted and

absorbed.37In other words, the paintings have been used for instilling faith and ardour; four

good deeds and conduct; and avoidance of misdeeds and wickedness in the minds ofboth

monastic and lay worshipers. In fact, painting was a lively medium through which such an

exemplary life could be taught to the sinner and the sacred knowledge revived in the

35 Ibid, p.l44. 36 AL Basham, A cultural histmy oflndi!h Clarendon Pre:ss, Oxford, 1975, p.200; See also SK Maity, "My pilgrimage to Ajanta," Journal of History, ed. SK Maity, Jadavpur University, Vol.lll, 1982, p.2. 37 Percy Brown, Indian painting, YMCA Publishing House, 1927, p.8.

136

memory of the saint. It was also primarily an attempt to present the spirit rather than the

form of religion a story rather than an idea. 38

Chronology and location of the Buddhist mural paintings:

No doubt chronology is of primary importance in any study of historical

manifestation. Although the ancient Buddhist mural paintings survive at several places in

India and Sri Lanka as discussed in the first chapter, the problem of dating these remains a

very difficult task, since there is not adequate evidence to establish their exact chronology.

Hence, it is significant that some scholars have attempted to give chronological data based

on stylistic considerations of the paintings at some of the sites ofboth countries. But, any

attempt at working out a chronology based on the stylistic form of the relevant paintings

would be questionable since one particular style of a period would be popular even in a

subsequent period. The paintings of Kalaniya and Gotami temples of Sri Lanka, which

belong to the first part of the twentieth century, can be cited as good examples in this

respect. Of these, in the new extension of the Kelaniya temple, So lias Mendis has drawn a

series of painting panels of Sri Lankan history drawing his inspiration primarily from

Ajanta, Sigiriya and Polonnaruva.39The same has been followed by the painter George

Keyt when he executed the paintings at Gotarni temple of Colombo.4<Jn addition, man~

modem Indian painters have also again romantically represented the glory of Ajanta cave

paintings, in its grandeur and its dynamic forms. Certainly, it is generally believed that

38 D.B. Dhanapala, The story of Sinhalese painting, Saman Press, Maharagama, 1957, p. 46; Buddhist paintings from shrines and temples in Ceylon. Collins, UNESCO, I 964, p.6. J9 D.B. Dhanapala, Buddhist paintings from shrines and temples in Ceylon, Collins, London, 1964, p.24.

40 In the Gotami temple at Borella one can see Buddhist paintings of buxom female figures reminiscent of Sigiriya, with an erotic flavour due to European influence. Nandadeva Wijesekara, "Buddhist paintings through the ages," Seiected writings, Tisara Press, Dehivala, 1983, p.283.

137

these cave paintings have crossed all barriers of time.41Hence, it would be erroneous to

conclude that these later paintings belong to the Ajanta, Sigiri or Polonnaruva periods

based on their stylistic features alone.

Accordingly, it is perhaps not feasible to include in this study paintings at sites like

Kudagala,42Kandalama43and Kotiyagala44of Sri Lanka where the chronology is uncertain

and the details of paintings cannot be obtained due to their deterioration. Similarly,

attention will not be focused in this study at the sites where Buddhist paintings were

available in ancient times but are now decayed as in the case of Bhaja45Kanheri, Karle,

Nasik, Junnar, Bedsa or Aurangabad46oflndia and Situlpavwa47ofSri Lanka. The relevant

details of the rest of the sites are presented below in the chronological order of the painting

of the two countries separately. The chronology of these murals is as follows:

41 Usha Prasad, Indian painting: A romance, A gam Kala Prakashan, Delhi, 1977, p.38. 42 Archaeological Swvey of Ceylon Annual Reports, 1968-69, pp.79-80; Paranavitana, Art of the ancient Sinhalese, Colombo, 1971, plate.l07. 43 Archaeological Sutvey of Ceylon Annual Report, 1953, p.25. 44 1bid, 1968-69, p.78. 45 The painting remnants of these caves have been discussed in the first chapter. 46 See Ramesh Shankar Gupta and BD Mahajan, Ajanta Ellora and Aurangabad caves, DB Taraporevaia sons, Bombay, 1%2. The caves of Aurangabad in three groups are in a range of hills, two miles north of the town of Aurangabad. In the fust group of the caves there are five excavations and they were numbered I -5. The second group, six furlongs to the east of the first, comprises four caves of nos. 6-9. A mile further east is the third group -a few plain unfinished cells, the religious affiliation of which is unknown. Unfortunately, no any historical descriptions are available relating to their patronage and chronology. However, it is believed that the caves of the first and the second groups, with the exception of the chaitya-griha cave no.4, are not separated from one another by any long intetval. In fact, these caves are famous for their superb sculptures and the big catved stone like danoo-sceile in cave no 7. The architectural and sculptural feature, combined with the introduction of female deities, suggest a date not much earlier than the sixth and not much later than the seventh century AD. Deb ala Mitra, Buddhist monuments, Sahitya Samsad, Calcutta, 1971, p.l78. But Codrington believes that these were excavated circa 500 AD. SeeK deB Codrington, "Ancient sites near Ellora Deccan," The Indian Antiquary, ed. Richard Carnac Temple and others, Vol.LIX, 1930, (reprinted Swati publication, Delli~ 1986), p.ll. In addition, for a collection of opinions of various scholars on the chronology and the other special characteristics of the site please refer to Dulari Qureshi, Art and vision of Aurangabad caves, Bharatiya Kala Prakashan, Delhi, 1998, introduction, pp.l-9; It is believe that the site belongs to the Tantric tradition and remains of paintings date probably from the end of the seventh century AD. See Carmel Berkson, The caves at Aurangabad: Early Buddhist Tantric art in lndil!, Mapin Publishing ltd, Ahmedabad, 1986; Philip S Rawson, Indian painting, Pierre Tisue, Editeur, Paris, 1961, p.51. 47

Archaeological Sntvey of Ceylon Annual Repor.s, 1934, p.20; 1964-65, p.l 06.

138

Site Chronology

~ Ajanta 2nd century BC and 5th- 7th centuries AD Bagh 6w- 7w centuries AD

~ Ell ora 6m- 7m centuries AD Karambagala 2na century BC? Sigiriya 6th - 7th centuries AD V essagiriya 6w- gw centuries AD?

~ Hindagala 7th century AD < Gonagolla gm century AD? ...:I

~ Pulligoda 7th- gth centuries AD Dam bulla gm century AD? Anuradhapura gm century AD? Mihintale g w century AD Mahiyanganaya 11th- 12th centuries AD Dadigama 12w century AD Tivamka image house 12th- 13th centuries AD Galviharaya 12w century AD Lamkatilake 12th century AD Potgulvehera 12 w centu!)' AD Maravidiya 12th century AD

Sites in India:

Ajanta caves:

The caves of Ajanta are located in the Western Ghats, in the Indhyadri or Ajanta

range ofhills, on the northern fringe of the Maharashtra state, in the district of Aurangabad.

The caves extend for a distance of about 600 yards from east to west round the concave

wall of amygdaloid trap, which hems in the stream on its north or left side. The caves,

thirty-one in all were excavated in this face of an almost perpendicular scarp of rock, about

250 feet high, sweeping round in a curve and forming the north or outer side of a wild and

lonely glen.48No doubt these caves of Ajanta occupy an important place in the art history of

India, since it is one of the extant sites of such grandeur which combines painting, sculpture

139

and architecture49and extends in time from the early Hinayana stage through the Mahayana

phase roughly from second century BC to at least sixth or seventh centuries AD.

Besides the inscriptions of the caves of Ajanta, the reference made by Chinese

pilgrim Yuan Chwang who stayed in India for fifteen years (621- 645 AD) in the first half

of the seventh century AD is the earliest reference to the caves. Although it is believed that

he did not visit the place,50he has given some interesting details of the site. As he has

described, "this monastery had been built by A-che-lo of west India ... The walls of this

temple had depicted on them the incident ofBuddha's career as Bodhisattva, including the

circumstances of his attaining bodhi and the omens attending his fmal passing away, all

great and small were here delineated. Outside the gate of the monastery on either side north

and south was a stone elephant."51It is interesting to note at this point that an inscription in

cave no 26 of Ajanta mentions that a monk Achala (A-che-lo of Yuan Chwang?) had a rock

cave made at Ajanta, perhaps cave no 26 itself. In addition, the elephants flanking the gates

seem to refer to rock-cut elephants, which might have flanked the entrance to cave no 26,

like that to cave no 16, where two elephants are still extant. sznis shows that even though

the prolific activity at the site had come to a close by the end of the sixth century AD as

48 James Burgess, Notes on the Buddha rock temples of Ajanta, their paintings and sculptures and on the paintings of the Bagh caves, Archaeological Survey of Western India, No.IX, Bombay, 1879, p.l. 49 See YR Gupta, "The peculiarities of the art at Ajanta.," Professor PK Gode commemoration volume, ed. 1-IL 1-Iariyappa and MM Patkar, Oriental Book Agency, Poona, 1960, pp.l51-154; Tara Chand, "Ajanta: A unique achievement of the human spirit," Studies in Indian culture: Dr. Ghulam Yazdani commemoration volume, Maulana Abdul kalam, Azad Oriental Research Institute, Hyderabad, 1966, pp.50-59. 50 James Fergusson and James Burgess, The cave temples of India, Oriental Books Corporation, Delhi, 1969, (First Published 1880), p.282; A Ghosh, "Introduction," Ajanta murals: An album of eighty-five reproductions in colour, ed. A Ghosh, Archaeological Survey of India, New Delhi, 1967, p.2. Nevertheless some scholars believe that Yuan Chwang visited Ajanta, which was then in the dominions of the great Chalulq'an king Pulakeshin II. See Ramesh Shankar Gupta and BD Mahajan, Ajanta Ellora and Aurangabad caves, DB Taraporevala sons, Bombay, 1962, p.43. 51 Thomas Watters, On Yuan Chwang's travels in lndi!!, ed. TW R11ys Davids and SW Bushell, London, 1905, Vol. II, pp 239-240; See also SamuclBcal., Buddhist records of the western world, Vol.ll, pp.257-258.

140

discussed below, the caves of Ajanta continued to be popular in the Buddhist world even

later on. This speculation is further confirmed by the fact that a fragmentary Rastrakuta

record of uncertain purpose, which belongs to eighth-ninth centuries AD, is inscribed on

the right wall of the landing to the left of the court of cave no 26. 53

However, after centuries of neglect, the caves of Ajanta were discovered in the first

part of the 19th century, the earliest recorded visitors being some officers of the Madras

Army who saw the paintings of these caves inl819. 540ne inscription inscribed in cave no

10, which mentions the same year, clearly proves this fact. The inscription which was

inscribed with a sharp object, appears on the axial face of the 13th pillar on the right hand

side of cave no 10, written across the chest of a standing Buddha figure, at a point seven

and half feet from the floor. This inscription reads John Smith 28th cavalry/ 28th April

1819.

It is evident that all the subsequent writers who have treated the subject of Ajanta

have adopted James Fergusson's numbering of the caves during the latter part of the

nineteenth century. 51:t must nevertheless be remembered that the caves are numbered not

chronologically but as a matter of convenience, starting with the one at the outermost

52 A Ghosh, "Introduction," Ajanta murals: An album of eighty-five reproductions in colour, ed. A Ghosh, Archaeological Sutvey of India, New Delhi, 1967, p.2. 53 B Ch. Chhabra, "The incised inscriptions," Ajanta: Monochrome reproductions of the Ajanta frescoes based on photography, ed, G Yazdani, Swati Publications, Delli~ Vol.IV, 1946, pp.ll3, 121-124; Debala Mitra, Ajanta, Archaeological SUIVey oflndia, 1996, p.8. 54 J Fergusson and J Burgess, The cave temples of India, Oriental Books Corporation, Delhi, (reprinted) 1969, (fust published 1880) pp.280-281; Walter Spink has also been explained to Ghosh that he has noticed the name of a British officer with a date 1819 engraved in cave no 10. As Ghosh described, evidently the officer was in the party of the frrst recorded visitors to the caves. The inscription appears above man-height, indicating that the floor of the cave had been covered with debris at the time ofhis discovery. A Ghosh, 'Introduction," Ajanta murals: An album of eighty-five reproductions in colour, ed. A Ghosh, i\rchaeological Survey of India, New Delhi, 1967, p.2; MK Dhavalikar, "New inscriptions from Ajanta," Ars Oricntalis, Vol. VII, 1968, pp.147-153; Ajanta: A cultural study, University ofPoona, 1973, p.1; See also. Guide to Ajanta fieSC~Xs, Archaeological Department, Hyderabad, 1949, p.l.

141

extremity from the entrance to the site at the east.56Certainly, there is no evidence to know

in what order the caves were excavated and how long it took to excavate them. It is

however evident that many of the caves of Ajanta were completed, but at least half were

still underway, when probably political factors 57 or some other unrecorded reasons brought

work at the site to a sudden halt. For instance, among the last group, at least three caves are

unfinished, nos.22, 23 and 24 and may consequently be later than cave no 1, which is

certainly the last completely finished temple at Ajanta. 58For this reason, some scholars

suggest that the artists of a given era, dependent in the main upon natural light, logically

might have moved, it would seem from cave to cave with the sun and back again the next

day. Accordingly, it is believed that this might in part account for the unfinished state of

some of the caves at Ajanta. 59

The caves of Ajanta, including the unfmished ones, are thirty-one in number of

which five caves (nos. 9, 10, 19, 26, and 29) are caitya-grhas and the rest viharas. Of these,

the earlier caves comprise of two caitya-grhas (cave nos 9 and 10) and four monasteries

(cave nos 8, 12, 13 and 15) dating from the second-first centuries BC.60The monasteries of

this initial stage are small and consist of an astylar closed hall flanked on three sides by

55 Please refer to John Griffiths, The paintings in the Buddhist cave temples of Ajanta Khandesh. India. (first

Eublished 1896), Claxton Publications, Delhi, Vol.I, (reprinted) 1983, p.7. . 6

Roy C Craven, A concise history of Indian l!tl, Themes and Hudson, London, 1976, p.l22; Deb ala Mitra, Ajanta, Archaeological Survey of India, 1996, p.l4; Devapriya Valisinha, Buddhist shrines in India, The Mahabodhi Society of Ceylon, Colombo, 1948, p.l94; J Fergusson, "On the identification of the portrait ofChosroes II among the paintings in the caves at Ajanta," Journal of the Roval Asiatic Societv GTeat Britain and Ireland, (New Series), VoLXI, p.l56; J Burgess, "The Ajanta caves," The Indian Antiquary, ed. J Burgess, Vol.III, October, 1874, p.270; Benoy K Behl, The Ajanta caves: Ancient paintings of Buddhist I!:tdia, Themes and Hudson, 1998, p.l4. 57 Walter Spink, Ajanta to Ellora, Marg Publication, Bombay, (n.d), p.8. 58 J Fergusson, "On the identification of the portrait of Chosroes II among the paintings in the caves at Ajanta," Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Great Britain and Ireland, (New Series), VoLXI, p.l59. 59 Sheila L Weiner, Ajanta: Its place in Buddhist art, University of California Press, London, 1977, p.2. 60 Deb ala Mitra, Buddhist monuments, Sahitya Samsad, Calcutta, 1971, p.l7 5.

142

narrow cells, the latter, with rock-cut beds, serving as dorrnitories. 61Besides, cave no.6 is a

double storeyed temple and is the only one of its kind at the site as the rest have only one

storey. It is however evident that the walls, ceilings and pillars of nearly all of these caves

of the two phases were once adorned with paintings. But, since their abandonment, the

caves have been tenanted only by bats, by the dangerous little poison-bees and insects that

nest there and by wandering mendicants with their smoky fires, all playing their part in the

work of destruction. In addition, owing to moisture, the depredation of birds and to the

vandalism62of the art collector, the murals near the floor and the ceiling have been totally

destroyed; those which survive are in the middle of the walls or on few of the

ceilings. 63Consequently, some of the caves of Ajanta do not contain paintings today

though all these were originally painted. For instance, cave nos. 6, 12, 15, 21 and 26 were

once painted all over, but nothing substantial has survived.

It is evident that even in the 1870s paintings to a greater or lesser extent remained in

sixteen caves, nos. 1, 2, 4, 6, 7, 9, 10, 11, 15, 16, 17, 19, 20, 21,22 and26 according to the

description given by James Burgess. Of these, the most important fragments were then to

be seen in nine caves, nos. 1, 2, 9, 10, 11, 16, 17, 19 and 21, those in cave 17 being the

most extensive.6"But, the remains are now found in thirteen caves only, the fragments that

are of special interest occurring in cave nos 1, 2, 9, 10, 16 and 17. The situation seems to

61 Ibid, p.175. 62 It is evident that since the rediscovery of the caves of Ajanta various visitors have scratched their names on the murals. Besides, it is interesting to note that in the second half of the 191h century the then curator at the site, Narayan Ekanath, cut a number of significant details out of the pictures and sold them to visitors. See 1 Burgees, Notes on the Buddha rock temples of Ajanta. their paintings and scl)Jptures, Archaeological Survey of Western India, Nc.IX, Bombay. 1879, p.57. 63 G Yazdani, Ajanta: Monochrome reproductions of the Ajanta frescoes based on photographY, (first ~ublished 1930) Swati Publications, Delhi, Part I, (reprinted) 1983, p.3.

James Burgess, Notes on the Buddha rock temples of Ajanta, their paintings and sculptures Archaeological Survey ofWestem India, No.IX, Bombay, 1879.

143

have been the same at the beginning of the twentieth century according to descriptions

given by Lady Herringham.65

For the chronology of these caves and their murals, an inscription, on the front to

the right of the great window in cave nol 0 may be considered, which records the gift of the

faryade by one Vasatiputa Katahadi.66The palaeography of the inscription indicates the

beginning of the second century BC as the date of the cave. 67In addition, two more

donative records one painted and the other engraved, of the same period, exist inside the

cave on the left wall. Of these, unfortunately only a few letters now remain of the painted

inscription. These, however, show that the painted record is also to be dated to an earlier

period, probably about the middle of the second century BC mainly based on its

palaeography. Ac~ordingly, the painting on which this inscription is found seems to be

coeval with the inscription and therefore it is reasonable to believe that these belonged to

the second century BC. 68It is generally accepted that the architectural evidence also

corroborates this.69

65 CJ Harringham, Burlington Magazine, Vol.XVTI, June 1910, pp.l36-138. 66 H Liiders, "A list ofBrahmi inscriptions: Appendix to Epigraphia Indica and record of the archaeological survey of India," Epigraphia Indica, Vol.X, 1912, p.138, no.l197. 67

Deb ala Mitra, Ajant!!, Archaeological Survey of India, 1996, p.43. Nevertheless, it is interesting, without using any reliable primary sources some scholars have believed that these marvellous temples and monru;teries date probably from a little before the reign of the great Buddhist emperor of Asoka (272-231 BC). See Mukul Chandra Dey, My pilgrimage to Ajanta and Bagh, Gian Publishing House, Delhi, (reprinted) 1986, p.49. 68 NP. Chakravarti, "A note on the painted inscriptions in caves VI-XVII," Ajanta: Monochrome reproductions of the Ajanta frescoes based on photography, ed. G Y asdani, Swati Publications, Delhi, Vol. III, 1942, p.88; History of the Deccan, ed. G Yazdani and others, Oxford University Press, Grate Britain, Vol.I, Part 8: Fine Arts, 1952, p.48; Debala Mitra, Ajant!!, Archaeological Survey of India, 1996, p.43. See al<;o the first chapter of this thesis. 69 MK Dhavalikar, "New inscriptions from Ajanta," Ars Orientalis, Vol. VII, 1968, pp.14 7-153.

144

Due to all these reasons many scholars have accepted this second century BC date

for the earliest paintings of Ajanta murals?13ut, it is noteworthy that one of the engraved

inscriptions of the second century BC, earlier completely covered by a thick coat of mud

plaster was revealed after the peeling off of the plaster. It shows that when the cave was

first finished it was devoid of paintings, since this inscription records only the gifts of the

wall. In addition, if it was then intended to be adorned with paintings there was no need to

smooth the wall surface too. Therefore, it appears that the cave that was finished in the

second century BC was embellished with paintings sometime in the later period instead of

painted shortly in the wake of its excavation at least in the first century BC71though some

70 G Yazdani., "The wall paintings of Ajanta," Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society, Vol.XXVII, 1941, p.8; Ajanta: Monochrome reproductions of the Ajanta frescoes based on photography, Swati Publications, Delhi, Part I (reprinted) 1983, p.3; Part ill (reprinted) 1983, pp.l, 31; Part IV (reprinted) 1983, p.2; Histozy of the D~ ed. G Yazdani and others, Oxford University Press, Grate Britain, Vol.l, Part 8: Fine Arts, 1952, pp.48-51 ; Deb ala Mitra, Buddhist monuments, Sahitya Samsad, Calcutta, 1971, p.17 5; MN Deshpande, "The caves: Their historical perspective," Ajanta murals: An album of eighty-five reproductions in colour, ed. A Ghosh, Archaeological Survey of India, New Delhi, 1967, p.l8; Douglas Barrett and Basil Gray, Treasures of Asia painting of India, D'Art Albert Skira, W odd Publishing co, Ohio, 1 %3, p .24; Shanti Swarup, The arts and crafts of India and Pakis~ Taraporevala and sons Bombay, I 957, p. I 7; C Sivaramamurthi, Indian painting. National Book Trust, New Delhi, 1970, p.24; Roy C Craven, A concise histozy of Indian art, Themes and Hudson, London, 1976, pp. 79, 122; PhilipS Rawson, Indian painting, Pierre Tisue, Editeur, Paris, I 961, p.2 I; Martin Hurlimann, India, Themes and Hudson, London, I 966, p.I32; Mulk Raj Anand and RP Bharadwaj, Ajanta, Marg Publications, Bombay, I 971, p.7; Vasudeva S Agravala, Indian art: A history of Indian art from the earliest times lip to the third century AD, Prithivi Prakashan, V aranasi, 1965, p.l97; MS Randhawa: and JK Galbraith, Indian painting: The seen e. themes and legends, Oxford and IBH Publishing co, Calcutta, 1968, p.4; Histozy of world art, ed. Everard M Upjohn and others, Oxford University Press, New York, 1949, p.421; H Goetz, "Paintings: Ajanta," Marg, ed. Mulk Raj Anand, VoUX, No.2, 1956, p.87;Francesco Abbate, tr. Rean.Richardson, Indian art and the art of.Ceylon, Central and Southeast Asia, Octopus Books, London, 1972, p.64; MN Deshpande, "Cave paintings in India," Wall paintings of India: A historical perspective, ed. OP Agrawala, INTACH Conservation Centre, Lucknow, 1989, p.l8; Ajith Mookeijee, The arts of India from prehistoric to modern times, Charles E Tuttle co, Vermont and Tok-yo, 1966, p.23; MK Dhavalikar, "New inscriptions from Ajanta," Ars Orientalis, Vol. VII, 1968, p .148; Marguerite Marie Deneck, Indian art, Hamlyan Publishing Group, Middlesex, 1967, p .24; Percy Brown, Indian painting, Heritage oflndia Series, YMCA Publishing House, 1927, p.35; K deB Codrington, "Ancient sites near Ellora Deccan," The Indian Antiquary, ed. Richard Carnac Temple and others, Vol.LIX, 1930, Swati Publication, Delhi, (reprinted) 1986, p.ll. Certainly, these are not only the earliest paintings of Ajanta but also the oldest smviving paintings of the Buddhist world. See Monika Zin, "Representations of architectural elements in the oldest murals of Aj anta," Explorations in art and archaeology of South Asia: Essays dedicated toNG Majumdar, ed. Deb ala Mitra, Diroctorate of archaeology and museums, Government of West Bengal, Calcutta, 1996, p.455. 71 MK Dhavalikar, "New inscriptions from Ajanta," Ars Orientalis, Vol VII, 1968, pp.l47-153. Many scholars have accepted this chronology. For instance, see. Shanti Swamp, 5000 years of arts and crafts in

145

others have concluded that the oldest caves of Ajanta were painted during the first century

AD72i.e. after two or three centuries of their initial excavations. However, it is significant

that substantial fmgments of the older paintings, superimposed at some places by later

ones, can also be seen on the right wall of cave no 10. It is believed that on the ground of

palaeogmphic evidence or technical developments of the murals these later ones may be

assigned to the 4th century AD.73

Most of the scholars believe that cave no ·9 was excavated a century later than the

digging out of cave no 10 at Ajanta i.e. in 181 century BC.74It is also suggested that the

earliest fragmentary paintings surviving in cave no 9 belong to the same century,75though

India and Pakistan: A survey of sculpture. architecture. painting, dance. music handicrafts and ritual decorations from the earliest times to the present day, DB Taraporevala sons, Bombay, 1968, p.l33; Indian art through the ages, Publication Division, Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, Government of India, 1951, pp.6-7. 72 Percy Brown, Indian painting, YMCA Publishing House, 1927, pp.30-31; K Bharatha Iyer, Indian art: A short introduction, Asia Publishing House, Bombay, 1958, p.66; VA Smith, A history of fine arts in India and Ceylon, DB Taraporevala and co, Bombay, (reprinted) 1969, p.86; Moni Bagchee, Ananda Coomaraswamy: A study, Bharata Manisha, Varanasi, 1977, p.26; A Ghosh, A comparative survey of Indian painting, (no fublication data), p.301.

3 Percy Brown, Indian painting, YMCA Publishing House, 1927, p.30; Mulk Raj Anand and RP Bharadwaj, Ajanta, Marg Publications, Bombay, 1971, p.11. See also Mulk Raj Anand, Album of Indian paintings, National Book Trust, New Delhi, 1973, p.14; Histozy ofthe Deccan, ed. G Yazdani and others, Oxford University Press, Grate Britain, Vol.I, Part 8: Fine Arts, 1952, p.51. 74 MN Deshpan:de, "The caves: Their historical perSpective," Ajailta murals: An album of eighty-five reproductions in colour, ed. A Ghosh, Aithaeological SurVey of India, New Delhi, 1967, p.l9~ Vasudeva S Agravala, Gupta art (A stozy of Indian art in the Gupta period 300-600 AD), Prithvi Prakashan, Varanasi, 1977, p.92; The heritage of Indian art. Publication Division, Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, Government of India, 1964, p.31; Vidya Dehejia, Discourse in early Buddhist art: Visual narratives of India, Munshirani ManoharlalPublishets, New Delhi, 1997, p.212; Karl Khandalavala, The development of style in Indian painting, Macmillan, Madras, 197 4, p.26; Robert E Fisher, Buddhist art and architecture, Themes and Hudson, London, 1993, p.59; Shanti Swamp, 5000 years of arts and crafts in India and Pakistan: A survey of sculpture, architecture. painting. dance. music handicrafts and ritual decorations from the earliest times to the present day, DB Taraporevala sons, Bombay, 1968, p.133; WE Gladstone Solomon, Jottings at Ajant~ The Times Press, Bombay, 1923, p.l7; MK Dhavalikar, "New inscriptions from Ajanta," Ars Orientalis, Vol. VII, 1968,p.148. 75 Deb ala Mitra, Buddhist monuments, Sahitya Samsad, Calcutta, 1971, p.l7 6; Ramesh Shankar Gupta and BD Mahajan, Ajanta Ellora and Aurangabad caves, DB Taraporevala sons, Bombay, 1962, p.43; Histozy of the Deccan, ed. G Yazdani and others, Oxford University Press, Grate Britain, Vol.l, Part 8: Fine Arts, 1952, p.48; Charles Fabri, ''Frescoes of Ajanta," Marg, ed. Mulk Raj Anand, Vol.IX, Nol, 1955, p.65.

146

some others have believed that these belong to the 15\

76 2nd or 3rd century AD. 77 However,

after stagnation of a few centuries, the excavation at the site was revived on a more

ambitious scale and it continued till the end of the sixth century AD. The most vigorous

and prolific phase of this movement coincided with the second half of the fifth and the first

half of the sixth centuries AD, during the supremacy of the Vakatakas, a dynasty

matrimonially connected with the Guptas. 78No doubt that the development of these

Vakataka caves took place during the reign ofking Harisena and his successor, according

to the inscriptions at the site, though it is supposed that the work that was done immediately

after Harisena's death was of very short duration.79

As Spink recently suggested, the Vakataka dynasty collapsed in c 483 AD. 80

Accordingly, he has calculated460-478 AD as the period ofHarisena's reign and argued

that other writers are erroneous in their contention that such extraordinary achievements

must have taken many decades, if not centuries to produce. Instead, he suggests that a brief

intensive period of fervent activity corresponding primarily to the relatively short span of

Hariserta' s reign accounted for the production of all the later caves. 81Based ort this belief,

76 G Yazdani, Ajanta: Monochrome reproductions of the Ajanta frescoes based on photography, Swati Publications, Delhi, Part ill, (reprint 1983), pp. 16, 23. 77 H Goetz, ''Paintings: Ajanta," Mill:g, ed. Mulk Raj Anand, Vol.IX, No.2, 1956, pp.86-92; PhilipS Rawson, Indian painting, Pierre Tisue, Editeur, Paris, 1961, p.35. 78

Deb ala Mitra, Buddhist monuments, Sahitya Samsad, Calcutta, 1971, p.l76. It is believed that for nearly two hundred years c 300-500 AI> the modern regions of central India and the northern Deccan were under the hegemony of the V akatakas. Krishna Mohan Shrimali, Agrarian structure in central Indla and the northern Deccan: A study in V akataka inscriptions, Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers, I>elhi, 1987, p.1 i 5. 79 Walter M Spink, "The achievement of Ajanta," The age of the Vakatakas, ed. Ajay Mitra Shastri, Harman Publishing House, New Delhi, 1992, p.180. 80 Walter M Spink, "Ajanta's chronology: Cave 7's twice-born Buddha," Studies in Buddhist art of South Asia, ed. AK Narain, Kanak Publications, New Delhi, 1985, p.105. 81 See Walter Spink's publications on Ajanta chronology: "Ajanta and Ghatotkacha: A preliminary analysis," Ars Oriertta1is, Vol. VI, 1966, pp.l35-155; Ajanta to Ellora, Marg Publication, Bombay, ~.d); "History from art history: Monuments of the Deccan," Summaries of papers: Organising committee. 26 International Congress ofOrientalists. New Delhi Jndm, ed. RN Dandekar, New Delhi, Vol.XVI, 1964, pp.242-243; "Ajanta's chronology: The crucial cave," Ars Orientalis, Vol.X, 1975, pp.143-169; "Ajanta's chronology: cave I' s patronage," Rai Krishna Dasa felicitation volume, ed. Anand Krishna, Bharat Kala Bhavan, Banaras,

147

Spink assumes that in about 468 AD work stopped on them completely after a few rushed

weeks or months in which the images in three of the caves (nos 11, 7 and lower 6) were

readied for worship. Then, later on, in about 475 AD, work began on all of them, but in a

very distinctly later mode.81'hus, it is evident that Spink places all the Vakataka caves of

Ajanta within a time bracket of 23 years from 460 to 483, divided into two phases of

Harisena (460-478) and ofhis successors (478-483). This short chronology accommodates

within itself, cave no 16 of Varahadeva, cave nos 17, 18, 19 and 20 of the Rishika chief

Upendra and cave no 26 ofBuddhist monk Budhabhadra besides the other caves e.g. 8, 7,

11 and lower 6. All this work relates to Harisena's reign and the last phase of the work is

attributed to the successors ofHarisena since this period (from 478 to 483 AD) marks a

decline at Ajanta. 83

Apart from Spink's chronology, the generally accepted viewpoint is that Harisena

ruled from circa 475 to 500 AD. 84According to some scholars this may also not be quite

1981, pp.l44-157; "Ajanta's chronology: The problem of cave eleven," Ars Orientalis, Vol. VII, 1968, pp. 155-168; "Ajanta: A brief history," Aspects of Indian art, ed. Pratapaditya pal, EJ Brill, Leaden, 1972, pp.49-58; "Ajanta's chronology: cave7's twice-born Buddha," Studies in Buddhist art of South Asia, ed. AK Narain, Kanak Publications, New Delhi, 1985, pp.103-116; "The splendours oflndra's crown: A study of Mahayana developments at Ajanta," Journal of the Royal Society of Arts: Manufactures and Commerce, Qctober 19_74, pp.743-§7_;_'~Ajanta's chronology: politics and patronage," Kaladarsana, ed. Joanna G Williams, Oxford and mH Publishing, New Delhi 1981' pp.109-126; "Ajanta's pamtings: A checklist for their dating," Dimensions oflndian art: Pupul Jayakar seventy, ed. Lokesh Chandra and Jyotindra Jain, Agam Kala Prakashan, Delhi, Vol.I, 1986, pp.457-468; "Before the fall: Pride and piety at Ajanta,'' The powers of art: Patronage in Indian culture, ed. Barbara Stoler Miller, Oxford University Press, New Delhi, I 992, pp.65-77; "The achievement of Ajanta," The age of the V akatakas, ed. A jay Mitra Shastri, Harman Publishing House, New Delhi, 1992, pp. 177 -202; "The chronology of Ajanta," Ars Orientalis, VolXXI, 1991,pp.67-94. 82 Walter Spink, "Before tlie fall: Pride a:nd piety at Aja:nta," The powers of art: Patronage in Iii dian culture, ed. Barbara Stoler Miller, Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 1992, pp.65-77. 83 Walter Spink, "Ajanta's chronology: Cave I's patronage and related problems," Chhavi IT, ed. Anand Krishna, Bharat KalaBhavan, Benares, 1981, pp.l47-157. 84 MJ Sharma, "Relations between V akatakas and Kadambas," The age of the V akatakas, ed. A jay Mitra Shastri, Harman Publishing House, New Delhi, 1992, pp.51-56; W Mirashi, Inscriptions of the Vakatakas: Comus Inscriptionum Indicarum, Vol.V, 1963, p.vi; B Ch. Chhabra, "The incised inscriptions," Ajanta: Monochrome re,productions of the Ajanta frescoes based on photography, ed, G Yazdani, Swati Publications, Delhi, VoliV, 1946, p.ll5; SK Maity, "My pilgrimage to Ajanta," Journal ofHistozy, ed. SK Maity Jadavpur University, Vol.ill, 1982, p.l2.

148

correct and he may have come to the throne even a little earlier and had a long reign till

circa 505 AD.85Consequently, the chronology given by Spink was critically examined and

rejected by Karl Khandalavala who suggests the under-mentioned chronology based on

inscriptional, literary and stylistic evidence of the caves,86though Dhavalikar has wrongly

or irrespectively concluded in the subsequent year that although Spink's chronology has

not yet met with general approval, there does not appear to be any valid argument against it

and it appears that his chronology will be finally accepted. 87

Khandalavala argues that 1. Work on cave no 1 commenced circa 525 AD and was

completed circa 540 probably during the reign of the grandson ofHarisena, possibly from

the funds of the monastic order. 2. Work on cave no 2 started circa 530 AD and was

completed in 545 AD during the reign of the grandson ofHarisena from the funds of the

monastic orders. 3. The excavation work at cave no 16 started from circa 482 AD and was

completed in circa 497 AD during the reign of Harisena under the patronage of

Varahadeva. 4. The work of cave nos 17-20 started circa 490 AD and was completed circa

505 AD during the reign of the same king under the patronage of the feudatory ruler

Upendra ofRishika. 5. The excavation work of cave no 26 started circa 508 AD and was

finished circa 523 AD during the reign of Asmaka, Usurper under the patronage of the

Buddhist monk Budhabhadra.88

85 Karl Khandalavala, "The chronology of caves 16, I7, I9, 26, I and 2 at Ajanta and the Ghatotkacha cave," The art of Ajanta: New perspectives, ed. Ratan Parimoo and others, Books and Books, New Delhi, Voll, I991,p.l06. 86 It is to be noted that Khandalavala has presented this chronology only considering the recent numbering of the caves, instead of taking into consideration their historicity or chronological order. 87 MK Dhavalikar, "Ajanta cave VIII- A V akataka edifice," The age of the V akatakas, ed. A jay Mitra Shastri, Harman Publishing House, New Delh~ 1992, p.203. 88 Kari Khandalavala, "The chronology of caves I6, 17, 19, 26, I and 2 at Ajanta and the Ghatotkacha cave," The art of Ajanta: New perspectives, ed. Ratan Parimoo, and others, Books and Books, New Delh~ Voll, 1991, pp.I05-127.

149

Thus, when attention is focused on the historicity of the site, it should be borne in

mind that the situation of the caves in the Ajanta ravine has no bearing on the chronology

of the caves. Hence, when dating these caves diverse factors may have determined the

situation of a particular cave. 8~ut, it should not be forgotten, even Spink has admitted that

such dates also cannot be considered to be absolute and a few years' margin of error must

be allowed. In terms of the overall temporal sequence, which he proposes, they are

intended to show the relative position, within the whole development of the site, of the

event to which they refer. 90Consequently, it has been impossible for scholars to ignore

Spink's often gripping vision of Ajanta's past, even if many disagree with some or most of

its features.91For instance, it should be noted that there were not hundreds of artisans

working at Ajanta as Spink imagines asserting his short chronology. According to

Khandalavala, it is evident that such was never the mode of work in ancient India. Even if

there were more artisans working at Ajanta than the number that worked onBalasri's cave

at Nasik, nevertheless, it is well nigh impossible to believe that any of the large and

elaborate Mahayana caves at Ajanta could ever have been completed in less than fifteen

years despite royal or ministerial patronage.92

In addition, the chronology of Spink has also contended that the presence in the

murals of cave nos 1 and 2 of several Jataka stories in which ideal kingship figures, is an

89 Ibid,p.127. 90 Walter M Spink, "Ajanta's chronology: Cave 7's twice-born Buddha," Studies in Buddhist art of South Asilb ed. AK Narain, Kanak Publications, New Delhi, 1985, p.115. 91 See H, Malandra, "The creation of a past for Ajanta and Ellora," Perceptions of South Asia's visual past, ed. Catharine BAshore and Thomas R Meteast, American Institute of Indian Studies, New Delhi, 1994, ff·73-74.

Karl Khandalavala, "The chronology of caves 16, 17, 19, 26, l and 2 at Ajanta and the Ghatotkacha cave," The art of Ajanta: New perspectives, ed. Ratan Parimoo, and others, Books and Books, New Delhi, Vol.I, 199l,p.115.

150

indication that these two caves were the royal donation of Harisena. 93But surely if this

could be regarded as even a plausible viewpoint, which in fact it is not, then all the more

reason for it being imperative to engrave an inscription in these caves stating that the donor

of cave nos 1 and 2 was the great king Harisena himself4or a least his follower as in the

case of the cave nos 16 and 17. Besides, it is noteworthy that the selection of J ataka stories

to be painted in each of the caves at Ajanta no doubt depended largely on the inclinations of

the principal monks of the monastic order for whose benefit a particular cave dwelling was

excavated as discussed at the beginning of the chapter.95Thus the hieratic character of

several paintings in cave nos 1 and 2 also go to indicate the interest of the monastic orders,

· .. for whom cave nos 1 and 2 were excavated, in the more formal iconographic aspects of

Mahayana Buddhism. 96

Thus it is evident that unlike other scholars Spink and Khandalavala have discussed

the problem of chronology of the caves at Ajanta in detail97though some problematic or

debatable issues are present in their interpretations. Though the exact and actual dates. of

the excavations of the caves of Ajanta are thus controversial, it is clear that there is not

much of a time gap even between these two chronologies of Spink and Khandalavala since

it is evident that both scholars have argued that the caves of Ajanta were completed during

93 It is to be noted that some scholars have interpreted the dates of Cave nos. 1 and 2 circa 626-728 AD. Please refer to Percy Brown, Indian painting, YMCA Publishing House, 1927, p.30;,Mulk Raj Anand and RP Bharadwaj, Ajanta, Marg Publications, Bombay, 1971, p.ll. See also Mulk Raj Anand, Album of Indian ~aintings, National Book Trust, New Delhi, 1973, p.l4. 4 Walter M Spink "The achievement of Ajanta," The age of the V akatakas, ed. Ajay Mitra Sastri, Hannan

Publishing House, New Delhi, 1992, p.l78. 95 But it is to be noted that when selecting these themes for the murals the inclinations of donors and painters were also influenced to some extent as discussed in the seventh chapter in detail. 96 Karl Khandalavala, "Thechrono1ogy of caves 16, 17, 19, 26, 1 and 2 atAjanta and the Ghatotkacha cave," The art ofAjanta: New perspectives, ed. Ratan Parimoo, and others, Books and Books, New Delhi, Voll, 1991, p.l27.

151

the last phase of the fifth and the first phase of the sixth centuries AD. However, the

presence of a new circle of artists, as a result of a pressing demand for more workers, seems

most likely if we accept the hypothesis, thus advanced by Spink that the caves of the

Mahayana period were hewn out within a period of not more than fifty years. But, this

view, as far as it concerns the paintings, is obviously conjectural because of the lack of

relevant data and the anonymity of the artists, which will be discussed later in detail.98

Accordingly, it is evident that there is a diversity of opinion among scholars

regarding the chronology of the caves of Ajanta and that very little of this is based on any

reliable primary source. Consequently, some have concluded that the caves of Ajanta were

excavated during the time of the Guptas (320-500) and the Chalukyas (AD 550 to

777),99while others have argued that most of the caves of Ajanta belong to the period of the

seventh century AD. 1~ut, it is evident that except for a few caves like nos. 8, 9, 10 and 12

belonging to an early period, almost all other caves of Ajanta belong to the Vakataka

period. Of these, cave nos. 16 and 17 were undoubtedly excavated during the reign of

Harisena according to the inscriptions in the veranda of the caves. Of these, cave no 16 was

97 Certainly others have not been discussed this chronological problem in detail. For instance Williams and Stem divides the total activity at Ajanta within a sequence offour periods but suggests no dates. See JIG Williams, The art of the Gupta India, Princeton, 1983, pp.l81-186. 98 Madanjith Singh, The cave paintings of Ajant11, Themes and Hudson, London, 1965, p.153. 99 Ramesh Shankar Gupta and BD Mahajan, Ajanta Ellora and Aurangabad. caves, DB Taraporevala sons, Bombay, 1962, p.46. 100 James Fergusson, "Notes on Babu Rajendralala Mitra's paper on the age of the caves at Ajanta," Journal of the Royal Asiatic society Great Britain and Ireland, (New Series), Vol. XII, London, 1880, p.150; VA Smith. A histoty offine arts in India and Ceylon, DB Taraporevala and co, Bombay, (reprinted) 1969, pp.85-86; Vasudeva S Agravala, Indian art: A history of Indian art from the earliest times upto the third century AD, Pritbivi Prakashan, Varanasi, 1965, p.l97; H Goetz, "Paintings: Ajanta," M!!!g, ed. Mulk Raj Anand, Vol.IX, No.2, 1956, p.87; Heimo Ran, Reflections on Indian art, ed. SA Upadyaya, Shakuntala Publishing House, Bombay, 1976, p.34; VA Smith, "Indian painting at the festival of empire, 1911," The Indian Antiquacy, ed. Ricbard Carnac and others, V ol.XL, 1911, p.298; World art treasures, ed Geoffrey Hindley, Octopus Books, London, 1979, pp.63-64.

152

donated by Varahadeva, a minister ofHarisena around 475-500 AD101artd cave no 17 by a

prince whose name is now lost but who is assumed to have been a feudatory of the

V akatakas. 102

In this context, it is to be noted that although some have wrongly concluded that

there is not a painting, not a piece of sculpture, not a cave or a cell, or a cistern, nor a single

donative inscription there which was produced after 480 AD, 10\n fact even after 550 AD,

when Vakataka sovereignty came to an end, the monastery of Ajanta was obviously

inhabited. For instance, it is evident that it was still famous in the seventh century AD for

the Chinese pilgrim Yuan Chwang, even though he never visited Ajanta, refers to it in

glowing terms as mentioned above, basing himself no doubt on the accounts he had

obtained from his contemporaries. Certainly~ such a reference, without mentioning that it

had been abandoned, would be unlikely if it had became deserted by the time of his

101 But, it is to be noted that the two inscriptions ofVarahadeva atAjanta are undated. Of the two, one has issued to record the dedication of a cave dwelling decorated with pillars, picture galleries, sculptures etc to the Buddhist samgha. The donation was for the religious merit of donor's parents. The second inscription has issued to record the excavation of the Vihara cave no 17 and the gandhakuti of cave no 19 at the site. The inscription is basically a eulogy ofHarisena's predecessors as well as that of two ministers, Hastibhoja and his son V arahadeva It also gives an elaborate description of the cave no 16 Krishna Mohan Shrimali, Agrarian structure in central India and the northern Deccan: A study in V akataka inscriptions, Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers, f:>eliri, 1981, p.115. 102 VV Mirashi, "V akataka inscription in cave XVI at Aj anta/' Hyderabad Archaeological series, No. XIV, Hyderabad, 1941, pp .9-12; "Inscription in cave XVII at Ajanta," Hyderabad Archaeological series, No. XV, Hyderabad, 1949,p.9; Inscriptions ofVakatakas: Corpus lnscrjptionum Indicarum. Vol.V, 1963,pp.l03-lll and 120-129. However king Harisena was probably not a Buddhist and in fact, it is not known whether he actively patronised the monastery, but his minister and some ofhis feudatory princes were devout Buddhists. See. Walter Spink, Ajanta to Ellora, Marg Publication, Bombay, (n.d), p.7. Some other schOlars have also accepted that the cave nos. 16, 17 and also 4, 6, 11, 15 circa 350-500 AD. Petey Brown, Indiati painting, YMCA Publishing House, 1927, p.30; Mulk Raj Anand andRP Bharadwaj, Ajanta. Marg Publications, Bombay, 1971, p.ll. See also Mulk Raj Anand, Album of Indian paintings, National Book Trust, New Delhi, 1973, p.l4. Nevertheless some scholars believe that the paintings of cave nos. 16 and 17 belong to the sixth century AD, while those of cave nos. 1 and 2 though in part probably early post-Gupta possess a similar style and feeling. KarlKhandalavala, Indian sculpture and painting: An introductory study, DB Taraporevala sons, Bombay, (n.d), p.53. 103 Walter Spink, "A reconstruction of events related to the development of V akataka caves," Volume in honour of C Sivaramamurti, ed. MS Nagaraj a Rao, 1986; "Before the fall: Pride and piety at Ajanta," The powers of art: Patronage in Indian culture, ed. Barbara Stoler Miller, Oxford University Press, New Delhi. 1992, pp.65-77.

153

visit. 104In addition, it is significant that the latest fragmentary inscription at Ajanta is found

on the back wall of the shrine between cave nos 26 and 27, the purpose of which is

uncertain and which belongs to the period of the Rashtrakutas of the eighth or ninth century

AD. 105 Although some have concluded that this may perhaps indicate that by then the caves

of Ajanta had been deserted by the Buddhists 106 this evidence also proves that the

establishment, continued its existence possibly till the ninth century AD when the

Rashtrakutas were the lords of the land. 107

In contrast, when considering the chronology of murals at the site, it must not be

forgotten that they are not necessarily of exactly the same age as the caves that they

adom.108In fact, as in the case of the chronology of some of the caves, although it is not

possible to give the exact date when these caves were first adorned with. paintings, it is

generally accepted that the earliest murals go back to the second century BC while the

latest is assigned to the sixth or seventh century AD. At the same time, though_ the precise

evidence is not available, one can also surmise that both sculpture and painting of Ajanta at

least continued into the early eighth century AD109 as evidenced by the epigraphical records

at the site. Apart from this epigraphical evidence, . it is obvious that most of the critics

support their respective views through a discussion of the technique, the method of

104 Karl Khandalavala, The development of style in Indian painting, Macmillan, Madras, 197 4, p.38. 105 B Ch. Chhabra, "The incised inscriptions," Ajanta: Monochrome reproductions of the Ajanta frescoes based on photography, ed, G Yazdani, Swati Publications, Delhi, Vol.IV, 1946, pp.ll3, 121; DebalaMitra, Ajanta, Archaeological Swvey oflndia, 1996, p.8. But; some scholars have believed that1his belongs to the last quarter of the seventh century AD. See G Malandra, "The date of the Ajanta cave 27 inscription," Wiener zeitschrift fur die kunde sudasiens, Leiden, 1982, pp.37 -4 7; Vidya Dehejia, Discourse in early Buddhist art: Visual narratives oflndi!!, Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers, New Delhi, 1997, p.295. 106 MN Deshpande, "The caves: Their historical perspective,;' Ajanta murals: An album of eighty-five Qfroductions in colour, ed. A Ghosh, Archaeological Swvey of India, New Delhi, 1967, p.16. 1 Deb ala Mitra, Buddhist monuments, Sahitya Samsad, Calcutta, 1971, p.l7 5 u:e VA Smith, A histozy of fine arts in India and Ceylon, DB Taraporevala sons & co, Bombay, (reprinted) 1969, p.87. 109 Charles Fabri, "Frescoes of Ajanta," Marg, ed. Mulk Raj Anand, Vol.IX, Nol, 1955, p.73.

154

representation and the presence of foreign elements i.e. Iranians particularly for the

seventh century date, 110as discussed in the sixth chapter in detail. But all these discussions

clearly indicate that studies on Ajanta have not yet reached a consensus in regard to

chronology.mConsequently, in recent years three major seminars or panels at conferences

( 1988, 1989 and 1990 respectively) have been devoted to Ajanta studies where the focus

has again been a study of the chronology. 112But, ultimately, it is obvious that the

chronology of Ajanta has not been clearly resolved yet or as Weiner pointed out, an

absolute chronology of the site would be impossible.113However, according to all these

descriptions, it is clear that at least from the second century BC to sixth114or seventh

century AD for at least eight or nine centuries, perhaps even more, the caves of Ajanta were

inhabited and decorated.

It is conspicuous that the caves are dark inside and one wonders how they were

painted. In fact, even today the frescoes are for the most part in dimly lit halls and have to

be seen by the aid of powerful lamps. Hence it has often been asked as to what means were

employed to enable work to be done in these dim recesses. In this context, whether torches

and oil lamps helped to draw the paintings is in fu.ct uncertain. But, it is fu.irly clear that

some system of reflectors must have been used for it is simple to throw a flood of sunlight

1 Hi See H, Malandra, "The creation of a past for Ajanta and Ellora," Perceptions of South Asia's visual past,

ed. Catharine B Ashore and Thomas R Met east, American Institute of Indian Studies, New Dellii, 1994, p.7 4. 111 RN Misra, "The Vakataka art: A re-appraisal," The age of the Vakatakas, ed. A jay Mitra Shastri, Harman Publishing House, New Delhi, 1992, p.l75. 112 H, Malandra, "The creation of a past for Ajanta and Ellora," Perceptions of South Asia's visual past, ed. Catharine BAshore and Thomas R Meteast, American Institute of Indian Studies, New Delhi, 1994, p.75. These seminars were held MS University in Baroda in 1988, in Madison, Wisconsin in 1989 and in Chicago, Illinois, 1990. 113 Sheila L Weiner, Ajanta: Its place in Buddhist art, University of California Press, london, 1977, pp.5-6. 114 Most of the scholars believe that the paintings of Ajanta belong to the second to sixth century AD. For instance, see. Stella Kramrisch, A Swvey of painting in the Deccan, Archaeological Department, HEH The Nizam's Government, 1937, pJ; History of the Deccan, ed. G Yazdani and others, Oxford University Press, Grate Britain, Vol.I, Part 8: Fine Arts, 1952, p.48.

155

on the walls by means of properly placed reflectors made of white cloth.115In addition,

some suggest that the interior of the horseshoe hill was a lake and that the sunlight thus

reflected, flooded the caves during part of the day. 116

Bagh caves:

The caves ofBaghare situated along the southern slopes of the Vindhya hills in the

Malwa region ofMadya Pradesh. As in the case of the caves of Ajanta, the credit for the

rediscovery of the caves of Bagh also goes to a soldier. Lieutenant Dangerfield of the

Bombay military establishment described them for the first time in 1818.117At Bagh, the

principal group of caves contains eight excavations118and the most important are cave nos.

2, 3 and 4. Of these, particularly cave no 4, known as Rang Mahal contains some remnants

of paintings.11~ut, unlike the caves of Ajanta, there is no evidence of any inscription at

the site and no historical descriptions are available today. Hence, as in the case of Ajanta,

the chronology of the caves of Bagh has also been variously estimated by scholars. Of

these, based on the accounts given in a copper plate of Subandhu discovered in the debris

of cave no. 2 at Bagh, Mirashi believes that they should be dated to about the end of the

fourth century AD at the latest. 120

m Karl Khandalavala, Indian sculpture and painting: An introductory study, DB Taraporevala sons, Bombay, (n. d), p.53; Histozy of world art, ed. Everard M Upjohn and others, Oxford University Press, New York, 1949,p.421. 116 Dinkar Kowshik, Age and image: A short survey of Indian art, Allied Publishers, New Delhi, 1963, p.30. 117 Lieutenant Dangerfield, Transactions of the Litermy Society of Bombay, Vol.II, pp.206-214. 118 VA Smith, A histoty of fine arts in India and Cey1o!!, DB Taraporevala sons & co, Bombay, (reprinted) 1969, p.98. But, according to Krishna Chaitanya there are nine caves are at the site. A histozy of Indian ~ainting: The mural tradition, Abhinav Publications, New Delhi, 1976, p.42.

19 RS Wauchope, Buddhist cave temples of India, The Calcutta General Printing co, Calcutta, 1933, p.85. 120 VV Mirashi, "The age of the Bagh caves," The Indian historical quarterly, VoLXXI, No.2, June 1945, pp.79-85. According to Mirashi's account it is clear that even 1940s the paintings ofBagh caves bas been irreparably damaged. p. 79.

156

Some other scholars have also believed that possibly some of the Bagh murals may

go back to the middle of the fourth century AD. 121But, Ferguson and Burgess dated them

between 350 to 500 AD122and in another place of the same book, they were attributed to

the period 450-500 AD123while Spink estimates the period of florescence at Bagh to have

occurred between 470 and 480. 124Meanwhile, some other scholars like Rowland and

Coomaraswamy have suggested that the Bagh paintings may be assigned to the early sixth

century AD125and Smiths' opinion is also the same, since he thinks that they were not

earlier than the late works of Ajanta. In this assumption, Smith has ascribed them to the

period from sometime in the sixth to the first half of the seventh century AD. 126Garde also

expressed the same view but based it on a legible letter of a painted inscription at the site.

He suggested that on palaeographic grounds, th.;, script (letter 'ka') is datable to the sixth

or seventh centuries AD and the architecture, sculpture, and paintings of the caves also

confirm that this is roughly the age of the site. 127The opinion of other scholars like Havell,

Khandalavala and Shanti Swamp is also the same and they have believed that the

paintings may probably belong to the sixth and128the seventh centuries AD.129

12~ H Goetz, "Painting: Ajanta," Marg, ed. Mulk Raj Anand, Vol.IX, No.2, 1956, p.88. 122 J Ferguson and JBurgess, The cave temples of India, London, 1880, pp.186, 366. 123 Ibid, p.366. Dinkar Kowshik also believes that the paintings ofBagh caves belong to the fifth century AD. Age and image: A short swvey of Indian Art; Allied Publishers, New Delhi, 1963, p.65. 124 Walter M Spink, (ed.) "Bagh," caves, Microfiche Archive of the American Committee for South Asian Art, Inter Documentation Company, Leiden, (n.d), introduction, as quoted by Susan L Huntington, The art of ancient India Buddhist Hindu Jain, Weatherbill, NewYork, i985, pp.26i and 639; See also Walter Spink, "Ajanta' s chronology: Cave I; s patronage and related problems,;; Chhavi n, ed. Anand Krishna, Bharat Kala Bhavan, Benares, 1981, pp.l44-157. m Benjamin Rowland and AK Coomaraswamy, The wall paintings of India Central Asia and Ceylon: A comparative study, Alfa Publications, Delhi, Vol.I, (reprint) 1985, p.8l. 126 VA Smith, A histoty of fine arts in India and Ceylon, DB Taraporevala sons & co, Bombay, (reprinted) 1969, pp.87' 99. ' 127 Annual Re.port ofilie Archaeological Department of the Gwaliot State fot. 1928-29, p.28. 128 Karl Khandalavala, Indian sculpture and painting: An introductory study, DB Taraporevala sons, Bombay, (n.d), p.55. Yazdani and others believe that these paintings belong to the period of fifth or sixth century AD. Histoty of the Deccan, ed. G Yazdani and others, Oxford University Press, Grate Britain, Vol.I, Part 8: Fine Arts, 1952, p.60.

157

Thus, it is evident that the paintings of Bagh caves are taken by competent

authorities to be contemporaneous with the paintings of the latter part of Ajanta. But, it

must not also be forgotten that some scholars have expressed the view that there is reason

to believe that all the work is not of one period. 130Similarly, there is a notion that most of

the Bagh paintings seem to have been left unfinished by the original artists themselves,

though the reason for that is somewhat obscureP1

Unfortunately, the crumbling of the rock and absolute neglect in the first part of the

last century, combined with the effects of the smoke from vagrants' fires, have left hardly

anything of the compositions which once covered thousands of square feet. 132 In addition,

. the paintings have been very badly damaged by the seepage of rainwater over the

centuries. As a result some of the paintings described by Dr lmpey in 1850s133 do not seem

to have survived even to the 1920s.1340fthese, the best-preserved portion of the paintings

is found on the outer surface of the front wall of cave nos. 4 and 5 and along the upper half

of the inner wall. The extant paintings are in a state far from perfect. 135Hence, the

129 EB Havell, The art heritage of India comprising Indian sculpture and painting and ideals of Indian art, DB Taraporevala sons, Bombay, 1964, p.74; "Notes on the paintings," The Bagh caves in 1he Gwalior State, Delhi Prakashan, Delhi, 1927, p.73; Shanti Swamp, 5000 years of arts and crafts in India and Pakistan: A SUIVey of sculpture. architecture. painting, dance. music handicrafts and ritual decorations from the earliest times to the present day, DB Taraporevala sons, Bombay, 1968, p.135. 130 - . . . . . . - . . . - - -· . . - . . .

VA Smith, A history of fine arts in India and Ceylon, DB Taraporevala sons & co, Bombay, (reprinted) 1969,p.98. 131 Karl Khandalavala, Indian sculpture and painting: An introductory study, DB Taraporevala sons, Bombay, (n.d), p.55. 132 VA Smith, A history of fine arts in India and Ceylon, DB Taraporevala sons & co, Bombay, (reprinted) 1969, p.98. For the paintings ofBagh, See also E Impey, "Description of the caves ofBagh in Rath," Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. V, 1857, pp.543-573. 133 1bid, pp.543-573. The paper ha:d read 28 December 1854. 134 John MarshalL "The caves ofBagh," The Bagh caves in the Gwalior State, Delhi Prakashan, Delhi, 1927, ~.5.

35 J Ph Vogel, "Paintings," The Bagh caves in the Gwalior State, Delhi Prakashan, Delhi, 1927, p.46.

158

paintings of the Bagh caves survive today mainly in the copies preserved in the Gwalior

1 136 and Bhopa museums.

Ellora caves:

The caves ofEllora1371ie on the edge of the Deccan among the outlying spurs of the

Western Ghats about sixty miles south of Ajanta, in the district of Aurangabad of

Maharastra State. It is evident that these caves take their name from the village, which

stands about a mile west of the scarp in which they are excavated. 138This runs north and

south between two hills, the distance between them being about two miles. Unlike the Sri

Lankan painting sites and Ajanta, the thirty-four caves at Ellora are dedicated to the three

main religions of the Buddhists, Hindus, and Jains. 1390fth~e, there are twelve Buddhist,

seventeen Brahmanical and. five Jain caves, which. contain some remnants of paintings

belonging to each religious group.140The Buddhist caves are located at the southern end of

the scarp and consist mostly of Viharas and have only one caitya. It is noteworthy that

unlike Ajanta and other Buddhist painting sites, these Viharas sometimes have several

i36 KK. Chakravarti, "A history of wall painting ih Madya Pradesh,"'"Wiill paintings of India: A historical ~ers,pective, ed. OP Agrawala, INTACH Conservation Centre, Lucknow, 1989, p.52.

37 Lokesh Chandra believes that the ward Ellora is derived from Elapura, Vellura, and Ilvalapura. Velura can be connected with Veluvana, the park near Rajagraha donated to lord Sakyamuni by Bimbisara. "Ellora as Sunyata and Rupam," Ellora caves: Sculpture and architecture, Collected papers of the University Grant Commission, National Seminar, ed. Ratan Parimoo and others, Books and Books, New Deliri, 1988, p.134. 138 K deB Codrington, "Ancient sites near Ellora Deccan," The Indian Antiqumy, ed. Richard Carnac Temple and others, VoLLIX, 1930, (reprinted Swati Publications, Delhi, i 986), p.IO. 139 For the description of paintings of the non-Buddhist tradition at the site ofEllora please refer to PV Ranade, Ellora paintings, Parimal Prakashan, Aurangabad, 1980, pp.49-62. 140 Ramesh Shankar Gupta and BD Mahajan, Ajanta Ellora and Aurangabad caves, DB Taraporevala sons, Bombay, 1962, p.152; Martin Hurlimann, India, Themes and Hudson, London, 1966, p.132; For the desCription of these caves and the photographs of different views of the caves see Carmel Berkson, Ell ora concept arid style, Abhiriav Publications, Indira Gandhi National Centre for the Arts, New Delhi, 1992.

159

storeys.141For instance, cave nos. 11 and 12 at the site are remarkable and consist of two

and three storeys respectively.

These Buddhist caves at Ellora, which are the earliest (550-700 AD) of the

group/42were recorded as being painted, but unfortunately nothing survives except few

indistinguishable traces of painting 143 on the ceilings and walls of the inner shrine,

particularly in cave no 12, the designs of which are of a set type, representing floral and

creeper patterns, geometric devices, including the key-pattern in several forms, jewellery

designs and wood work motifs, all of which can be seen in their original form. 1~esides,

the Jain caves, particularly no 32, known as Indra Sabha, has preserved its mural, which

portrays flying figures. But the most important murals are to be found on the ceiling and

inner surface of the architrave of the K.ailasa cave, Siva's mountain abode, a monumental

sanctuary of the Hindus.145It is obvious that the colours of all these paintings at Ell ora are

dull arid insipid, perhaps owing to deterioration caused by weather conditions, since the

caves ofEllora are more exposed to the sun and the rain.

In contrast, when considering the historicity of the site, early descriptions of

Ellora's Buddhist caves are scarce, the earliest external record dating from the ninth

century AD, i.e. the travelogue of A1-Masudi. 146 As in the case ofBagh, although there are

141 LonisFrederic, The art ofindia: Temples and sculpture,Hany N Abrams inc., NewYotk, (n.d), p.l43. 142 Marguerite Marie Deneck, Indian art, Hamlyan Publishing Group, Middlesex, 1967, p.25; K deB Codrington, "Ancient sites near Ellora Deccan," The Indian Antiqumy, ed. Richard Carnac Temple and others, Voi.LIX, 1930, (reprinted Swati publication, Dellii, 1986), p.ll. 143 Certainly, what remains of paintings at Ell ora is not even one-thousandth part of what once existed. Exposure to sun, wind, rain and human vandalism have permanently destroyed the major part of the murals at the site. See PV Ranade, Ell ora paintings, Parimal Prakashan, Aurangabad, 1980, p.49. 144 History of the Deccan, ed. G Yazdani and others, Oxford University Press, Grate Britain, 1952, p.57. 145 1t is generally believed that these earliest Brahmanical caves are early seventh century AD and the Jain caves are eighth century AD. K de B Codrington, "Ancient sites near Ellora Deccan," The Indian Antiqumy, ed. Richard Carnac Temple and others, Voi.LIX, I 930, (reprinted Swati publication, Delli~ I 986), p.ll. 146 As quoted by H Malandra from a French work, (C Barbier de Meynard, Macoudi-Les Prairies d'Or. IV, Paris, 1869), "The creation of a past for Ajanta and Ellora," Penxmtions of South Asia's visual past, ed.

160

no inscriptions at Ellora to help date the Buddhist caves, Leese believes that there is

reason to accept that these caves belong to the period ofKalacuri rule in the sixth century

AD according to a Traikutaka inscription.147Spink ~lso believes that the works at Ellora

started about 550 AD or even slightly before148and he further concludes by demonstrating

that the Buddhist phase was preceded by a Brahmanical period during the late sixth

century, encompassing the creation of cave nos 27, 29, 21, 28, 19, 26, 20, 17 and

14.149These dates are quite consistent with the views ofBarrett and Gray. 150

Based on the views expressed by early scholars like J Fergusson, J Burgess, P

Brown, RS Gupta, BD Mahajan and AK Coomaraswamy, the Buddhist caves ofEllora

. have been classified quite differently chronologically by Malandra as follows: Cave nos. 1

through 5 were grouped in the early stage from 450 AD to 650 AD; Cave no 10 was often

seen as a mid-way point, with_ a date around 650 AD; and cave nos. 6 through 12 were

ascribed to the mid-seventh and early eighth centuries AD. Similarly, cave nos. 2 and 8

were also sometimes ascribed dates in the late seventh or early eighth centuries AD. 151But

some other scholars have attributed these Buddhist caves to even the mid-eighth century

Catharine BAsher and Thomas RMeteast, American Institute oflndian Studies, New Delhi. 1994, p.76. It is believed that Ellora caves belong to the 6th to 9th centwy AD. K de B Codrington, "Ancient sites near Ell ora Deccan," The Indian Antiquruy, ed. Richard Carnac Temple and others, VolLIX, 1930, (reprinted Swati p,uhlication, Delhi. 1986), pp.ll and 159.

47 The inscription o:t'Traikutaka belOngs to 533 AD. Marilyn Edwards Leese, "Ellora and the development of the litany scene in western India," Eiiora caves: Sculpture and architecture, Collected papers of the University Grant Commission, National Seminar, ed. Ratan Parimoo and others, Books and Books, New Delhi, 1988, pp.l64-179; especially, pp.164 and 17 4-17 5; Codrington believes that the vihara caves at Aurangabad and the early caves of no 1-5 at Ellora are approximately the same period. K deB Codrington, "Ancient sites near Ellora Deccan," The Indian Antiquary, ed. Richard Carnac Temple and others, Vol.LIX, 1930, (reprinted Swati publication, Delhi, 1986), p.ll. 148 Walter Spink, Ajanta to Ellora, Marg, Publication, Bombay, (n.d), p.9. 149 See. Walter Spink, "Ellora' s earliest phase," Bulletin of the American Academy ofBenares, Vol. I, 1967; 1Janta to Ellora, Marg, Publication, Bombay, (n.d). 1 Douglas Barrett and Basil Gray, Treasures of Asia: Painting of India, D'Art Albert Skira, World Publishing co, Ohio, 1963, p.34.

161

AD. 152 According to another point of view, it is believed that monks and laymen who lived

under the Chalukya and Rastrakuta dynasties cut out all these caves between the sixth and

ninth centuries AD. 153However, early accounts connected with Ellora suggest that this

place was deserted after Rashtrakuta patronage ended in the lOth century

AD. 15'Nevertheless, it is particularly to be noted that since there is nothing remaining of

the Buddhist paintings on the walls in the caves at the site these dates are primarily

associated with the chronology of the excavations of caves and not with the

paintings. 155But, it is generally believed that the chronology of very badly damaged

painting remnants on the canopies belong to widely separate chronological groups, one

belonging to the early Christian era and the other to the sixth and seventh centuries AD. 156

151 H Malandra, "Ellora's Buddhist chronology: Transition and eclecticism in caves of the early middle period," Ellora caves: Sculpture and architecture, Collected papers of the University Grant Commission, National Seminar, ed. Ratan Parimoo and others, Books and Books, New Delhi, 1988, pp.145-163. 152 R Sen Gupta, "Repairs to the Ellora caves," Ancient India, Vol.XVll, 1961, pp.47-48; H Goetz, "The Kailasa ofEllora and the chronology ofRastrakuta art," Arttbus Asiae, Vol.XV, 1952, p.90; Buddhist Shrines in India, The Publications Division, Minist:Iy of Information and Broadcasting, Government of India, 1956,p.80. 153 Lon.ls Frederic, The art findia: Temples and sculpture, Harry N Abrams me., New York, (n.d), p.I4j. The patronage ofboth Bralimanical and Buddhist caves ofEUora; s early phase attribute to the Kalachuries, at the turn of the fifth centwy AD. Ratan Parimoo, "Some problems ofEllora :from the point of view of Buddhist . caves," Ell ora caves: Sculpture and architecture, Collected papers of the University Grant Commission, National Seminar, ed. Ratan Parimoo and others, Books and Books, New Delhi, 1988, p. I82; Marguerite Marie Deneck, Indian art, Hamlyan Publishing Group, Middlesex, I 967, p.25. 154 H Malandra, "The creation of a past for Aj mta and Ell ora," Perceptions of South Asia's visUal p~ ed. Catharitie BAsher and Thomas R Meteast, American Institute ofindiali Studies, New Delhi, I 994, p.78. 155 It is worth to note that Ellora did have a Tantric tradition instead ofHinayana or Mahayana tradition. See Lokesh Chandra, "Ellora as Sunyata and Rupam," Ellora caves: Sculpture and architecture, Collected papers of the University Grant Commission, National Seminar, ed. RatanParimoo and others, Books and Books, New Delhi, I 988, p. I 34. In cave nos. I I and 12, dating to the seventh-eight centuries, there are seven novenarian (navatmaka) mandalas. Ibid, p. 134. · 156 Buddhist Shrines in Inilll!, The Publications Division, Ministty of Information and Broadcasting, Governmentoflndia, I956,p.75

162

Sites in Sri Lanka:

Karambagala:

It was mentioned in the first chapter that these is a belief that the earliest extant

paintings of Sri Lanka were found at Karambagala, near Situlpavwa in the southern

province of the island. 157 According to the description given in the Mahavamsa king

Kavantissa had built this temple somewhere in the second century BC. 158During the time

of compilation of the Buddhist commentaries, Cittalapabbata and Cittalakuta were the

names by which Situlpavwa became famous. In the Culavarnsa, it is mentioned that

Situlpavwa was in a ruined state during the reign ofKing Datopatissa IT (650-658 AD). 159

Besides these few indications, relating to the historicity of the site, the chronology

of the paintings of Kararr.bagala cannot be traced from the primary sources. In the

Visuddhimagga written by Buddhaghosha Thero during the first part of the fifth century

AD, there is an indication about the time of the execution of this piece of

painting. 1~ased on that reference, some have identified this place as the "Kurandaka

cave" mentioned therein.161If this uncertain identification is. in fact correct, the paintings

of Karambagala should have been executed at least during a time before the fifth century

AD. But, according to the opinion of some critics, these are older by two or three

157 See also DB Dhanapala and Mahanama Dissanayake, The stoty of Sinhalese paintings, Saman Press, Maharagama, 1958, pp.2-3. 158 Mahavamsa, tr. W. Geiger, Pali Text Society, Oxford University Press, London, 1912; 22:23 vv. 159 Culavamsa, tr. W. Geiger, Pali Text Society, London, 1925, 45:59v. 160 Visuddhimagga, ed. L. Gnanamoli, Lake House, Colombo, Vol.I, 1956, pp.38-39. The Cittagutta Thero of Visuddhimagga is thought to have lived in southern Sri Lanka during the reign of Saddatissa ( 137-119 BC). DB Dhanapala and Mahanama Dissanayake, the stoty of Sinhalese paintings, Saman Press, Maharagama, 19 58, pp.2-3; L TP Manjusri, Design elements from Sri Lankan temple paintings, Colombo, 1977, p.iO. 161 DB Dhanapala and Mabanama Dissanayake, The stoty of Sinhalese paintings, Saman Press, Maharagama, 1958, pp.2-3; KDP Wickramasinghe, Our cultural heritage, Indika Press, Colombo, Vol.L 1976, p.l64; DB Dbanapala. Buddhist paintings from shrines and temples of Ceylon, Collins, London, 1964, pp.S-1 0.

163

centuries 162 and some have regarded them even as belonging to the second century

BC.163Few other scholars like Wijesekara, Pandya, Dhanapala, Dissanayake, Pant and

Gunasinghe have also accorded approval to that date. 164

Though it is possible that the wall painting tradition had existed during such an

ancient period in the island, the survival of those remnants in the country is certainly

doubtful. Also, unlike Ajanta no precise chronology is available. In this context it is

noteworthy that the eminent art critic Paranavitana is of the opinion that there is no wall

painting in Sri Lanka older than the period of king Mahasena of the fifth century AD. 16)f

not, no paintings are available in any part of the island older than the Sigiriya murals of the

same period.1~ecent archaeologists have also accepted this view167and concluded that

the Karambagala painting is probably coeval with or somewhat later than Sigiriya and of a

similar character as the paintings at Gonagolla and V essagiriya, which belong to a similar

period.16B:But, it is noteworthy that some other statements made by them contradict this

view since it is asserted that the tradition of painting of the island started from the second

century BC. 1~owever, this discussion should also take into account that though the

162 KDP. Wickramasinghe, Our cultural heritage, Indika Press, Colombo, Vol.L 1976, p.l69. 163 L TP Manjusri, Design elements from Sri Lankan temple paintings, Colombo, 1977, p.20. 164 Nandadeva Wijesekara, Early Sinhalese painting, Saman Press, Maharagama, 1959, p.l; Ravindra Pandya, Cave paintings of Sri Lanka, Shree Jagat Dhatrimata Trust; Ahmadabad, 1981, p. 37; DB Dhanapal~ Buddhist paintings from shrines and temples of Ceylon, Collins, London, 1964, pp. 8-10; DB Dhanapala and Mahanama Dissanayake, The stoxy of Sinhalese paintings, Saman Press, :Maharagama, i 958, pp.i-3; Siri Gunasinghe, "Buddhist painting in Sn Lanka- an art of enduring simplicity," Spolia Zeylanlca, Vol XXXV, Nos 1&2, i 980, pp.4i9-588; Sushiia Pant, The art of Ceylon, (no publication data), 1970, pp.20-21. 165 S. Paranavitana, "Arts and crafts," Anuradhapura era, ed. Amaradasa Liyanagamage and Ranaweera Gunawardana, Vidyalankara University Press, Kelaniya, 1961, p.245. 166 Ibid, p .17 5. Nicholas also holds the same view. See CW Nicholas and S Paranavitana, A concise history of Ceylo!!, Ceylon University Press, Colombo, 1961, p.182. 167 Senaka Bandaranajrake, The r6ck lind wall paintiii.gs of Sri Lank!!. Lake Hotise Bookshop, Colombo, 1986, pp.l3 and 25. 168 1bid, p.36; Siri Gunasinghe, "Buddhist painting in Sri Lanka- an art of enduring simplicity," Spolia Zeylani!<lb Vol.XXXV, Nos.l&2, 1980, pp.479-588. 169 Senaka Bandata:nayake, The rock and wall paintings of Sri Lank!!. Lake House Bookshop, Colombo, 1986,p.7.

164

paintings ofSigiriya, are the earliest datable paintings of Sri Lanka, they are the product of

a mature tradition around the fifth century AD, which was undoubtedly preceded by

several centuries of development.

Sieiriya:

It was stated above that the earliest datable wall paintings of Sri Lanka are at

Sigiriya situated in Inamaluva Korale of the district ofMatale in the central province, also

known as "Sihapabbata" and "Sihagiri" during ancient times.170 As pointed out by Hocart

and Paranavitana the Brahmi inscriptions found in the caves of the western side of the

rock belong to a period as early as the second century BC that establishes Sigiriya's

antiquity. 171 According to the information given in those inscriptions, it is clear that there

was a population of monks at the foot of the rock as early as first or second century BC. 172

But, in the present state of our knowledge, no historical or archaeological data relating to

Sigiriya exists from the first second centuries BC to the late fifth century which would

have been helpful to understand the gradual development of the preKassapa period of the

site. Recent archaeological excavations carried out at Sigiriya also appear to indicate that

there is not only a gap between the early and the later monastic phases, i.e. preKassapa and

postKassapa periods which will be discussed later, but also that the monks of the early

phase seem to have abandoned Sigiriya for reasons unknown-either religious or

17° Culavamsa, tr. W. Geiger, Pali Text Society, Oxford University Press, London, 1925, p. 93. 171 AM Hocart, "Archaeological summery," Cevlon Journal of Science Section G, ed. AM Hocart, Government Printer, Vol.I, part II, 1928, p.93; S Paranavitana, Sigiri Graffiti, Archaeological Survey of Ceylon, Oxford University Press, Great Britain, 1956, Introduction, p.v. · 172 AM Hocart, "Archaeological summery," Ceylon Journal of Science Section G, ed. AM Hocart, Vol.I, July 1924 -Feb 1926, Government Printer, 1928, pp.93-94.

165

demographic changes or due to the disturbances which occurred in the subsequent

. d 173 peno .

Thus, it is certain that Sigiriya came to be better known during the reign of parricide

king Kassapa (473-491 AD) who shifted his capital from Anuradhapura to Sigiriya. 174

The Chronicle indicates that the purpose of the shift was the desire by Kassapa to build at

Sigiriya another Alakamanda and to dwell there like the god Kuvera. 175Many features to

be noticed at the site today, which only serve an_ aesthetic purpose, but are superfluous

from the engineering or defence point of view, must have been undertaken at a

tremendous cost In addition to these secular aspects of the site, it is significant that the

Chronicle further relates that Kassapa, after gaining power, though he lived on in fear of

the other world and ofMoggallana, observed the eight rules and meditated much_and kept

vows and had books written and made many images and dining halls for priests and such

like things. 176 According to these detailed accounts given in the Chronicles, it is clear that

Kassapa did his best to lead a virtuous life and gain the goodwill of the Buddhist monks

also. The Mahavihara fraternity, however, would have nothing to do with Kassapa, and

went to the length of refusing to accept the gift of the enlarged and improved monastery of

Isurumuniya, so that the king had to force it on them by dedicating it to the Buddha image;

then the priest received it, saying that "it has become the property of our Master."177The

reason for this attitude that we can gather from the Chronicle is the disapproval of the

crime of patricide through which Kassapa gained the throne. Patricide, no doubt, is one of

173 HI Basnayake, Sigiriya in history and archaeology, Seminar on Sigiriya 15th October 1983, Organised by the Central Cuhural Fund and the Sri Lanka Foundation Institute, mimeograph, p.3. 174 M Somathilake, "Sigiri paintings and their subject matter," Sahitya Special Volume, Deepani Press, Nugegoda, 1995, p.69. liS Culavamsa, tr. W. Geiger, Pali Text Society, London, 1925, chap 39; 5v. 176 Ibid, chap 39; 18-19vv.

166

the five great sins and the sangha could not but show its horror of such an act in all

possible ways. 178It is stated that in the same manner that in the Niyyanti park at Sigiriya

itsel( king Kassapa built the Bodhi-Uppalavanna temples, named after his daughters and

presented them to the Dhammaruchi sect together with a park to the north of it. 179

It is believed that Moggallana I (491-508), the successor, having regained the

throne after Kassapa's death once again shifted his palace to the former royal and

monastic city of Anuradhapura, as he had no inclination to continue and preserve the

works of Kassapa who had so grievously wronged him and his father. Consequently, as

described in the Culavamsa during the reigning period ofMoggallana I the palace on the

summit of the rock was converted into a monastery named Dalha and Dathakondanna

temples and offered to the Buddhist monks who were adherents of the Dammaruchi and

Sagali sects.180The Buddhist Order itself had no great love for the place, for it is not

mentioned afterwards as having had anything to do with religion though the same

chronicle states that the Pabbatavihara built by Moggallana was granted to the priest

Mahanama of the Dighasanda temple, who is said to be the uncle of the king. 181

Thus, it is interesting to note that the last phase of Kassapa's reign marks the

beginning of another phase of Sigiriya's history, full of activities of quite a different

nature. During this period, the political and military atmosphere seems to have almost

177 Ibid, chap 39; 10-Bvv. 178 S Paranavitana, "Sigiri, the abode of a god-king," Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (Ceylon Branch). Centenary Volume 1845-1945, (New Series), Vol.I, p.l56. 179 Culavamsa, tr. W. Geiger, Pali Text Society, London, 1925, chap 39; 14-15vv; CW Nicholas, "Historical topography of ancient and medieval Ceylon," Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (Ceylon Branch), (New Series) Vol.VI, Special number, 1963, p.IIO. Iro Culavamsa, tr. W. Geiger, Pali Text Society, London, 1925, chap 39; 41-42vv; CW Nicholas, "Historical topography of ancient and medieval Ceylon," Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society <Ceylon Branch), (New Series) Vol. VI, Special number, 1963, p.llO. 181 Culavamsa, tr. W. Geiger, Pali Text Society, London, 1925, chap 39; 42v.

167

completely disappeared, instead the reli_giosity of th.e place seems to have been

maintained. This clearly signifies that during the post Kassapan period of Sigiriya (6th and

7th century AD), it was once again converted into a religious establishment. Although it is

not possible to say precisely how long these post-Kassapan monasteries continued to exist

in Sigiriya/ 82no doubt that monasteries built by Kassapa and Moggallana continued to

function even during subsequent periods. For instance, one inscription from Abhayagiriya

most probably belonging to the tenth century AD mentions 'Sihagirimaha sa' and

confirms this fact. 183Too broken and weathered to permit of much of the contents being

read, this stone inscription has yielded the nam~ of the royal granter. 'Siri sangbo.,' who

from the form of the Sinhalese chamcters, should be Sena ll, so that the existence of a

Buddhist temple at Sigiriya as late as the beginnin_g of the tenth century AD i.s

assured. 1~ addition, to the west of Sigiriya, an image made of brick has been found at

the place called Pidumngala and a second brick statue of Buddha which is supposed to

have been built during the tenth century AD185are other factors that support the view that

even after the period of king Kassapa this place continued in use. All these facts reveal

that there were monasteries in Sigiriya during the ancient period belonging not only to the

Dha.rrunaruchi and Sagalika sects, but also to the Mahavihara and Abhayagiri faction. 186

Besides these religious affiliations of the site, it is conspicuous that during the post

Kassapa period, precisely during the reign of Sangatissa ll ( 611 AD) the king, his son and

minister were victimised at Sigiriya as a result of an assassination perpetrated by

182 IIT Basnayake, Sigiriya in history and archaeology. Seminar on Sigiriya 15111 October 1983, Organised by the Central Cuhural Fund and the Sri Lanka Foundation Institute, mimeograph, p.6. 183 Epigraphia Zeylanica, Vol.I, No.8, p.213 ff. 184 HCP Bell, "Interim report on the operations of the archaeological sutvey at Sigiriya, 1897 ,"Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (Ceylon Branch), Vol.XV, No.48, 1897, p.lOO. 1

&5 AM. Hocart, "Archaeological Summary," Ceylon Journal of Science Section G, Vol .1, 1925, pp.93-94.

168

Moggallana Ill. 187 Similarly, Silameghavanna ( 617 -626) had killed Moggallana III at

Sigiriya. 18SUndoubtedly, these references indicate that the site ofSigiriya served in tum as

a fortress and monastery according to the changing times. 1 ~esides all these factors, by

about the seventh or eighth century AD, it appears that Sigiriya was not only a centre of

religious and political activities thus discussed above, but also a place for pleasure seekers

i.e. visitors to the rock and the paintings therein. This change is clearly indicated by the

graffiti on the mirror wall of Sigiriya, which will be discussed later.

Apart from this nature or the historicity of the site, when considering the paintings

extant there, it is apparent that in the Chronicles, quite apart from the chronology of the

murals any mention about Sigiriya itself is comparatively rare. As a result, the problem of

chronology of these paintings cannot be easily resolved. But, according to the information

given in the verses of the mirror wall of Sigiriya and the description given in the

Culavamsa regarding Kassapa's reign190one can roughly estimate that these paintings

186 RALH Gunawardena, Robe and plough, Arizona, 1971, pp.20-2l. 187 Culavamsa, tr. W. Geiger, Pali Text Society, Oxford University Press, London, 1925, chap 44; 32-34vv. 188 Ibid, chap 44; 6-6lvv. 189 PEP Deraniyagala, "some side lights oti. the Siti.hala monastery-fortress of Sihagiri," Spolia Zeylanica, Vol..XXVI, pt.l, 1973, p.69. 190 . - . - - . - . . - - .

According to the stocy given in the Culavamsa, king Datusena who ascended the throne of the island in the fifth centucy AD had two sons, one named Moggallana, born ofthe anointed queen and the other, Kassapa by a consort oflesser rank. The commander in chiefofthe Army ofDatusena plotted with .Kassapa to bring about Datusena's downfall. They undermined the loyalty of the people towards their sovereign, seized power, and kept the king a prisoner. The rightful prince Moggallana escaped to India. The Commander in chief having persuaded Kassapa that Dhatusena had concealed his treasures for the benefit of the exiled prince, received orders to have the king put to death. Datusena thus ended his days by being welled up in a room. Kassapa though he was firmly established on the throne, lived in fear of the day of reckoning: the retuin ofMoggallana with militacy aid from hidia. He therefore wished to build for himself a stronghold where he could hold out against adversaries in time of danger and found Sigiriya to be a suitable place for this purpose. He collected treasures and kept them well-protected and set guards in different places. Then he built there a fine palace, worthy to behold, like another Alakamada and dwelt there alike Kuvera Culavams~ tr. W. Geiger, Pali Text Society, Oxford University Press, London, Voll, 1925, p.43.

169

belonged to the fifth century AD. 191Brown, Wijesekara and many other scholars have also

accepted this chronology.192

Nevertheless, according to the description given above it is clear that apart from

Kassapa's large•scale interference, many activities had been undertaken at the site during

both the pre and post Kassapan periods. In addition, it is questionable if the ruins at

Sigiriya193had been completed during Kassapa's seventeen year reign judging, from the

speed of construction, labour and contemporary technological knowledge etc. In fact, it is

impossible, when one surveys the ruins ofSigiriya, to believe that they can all have been

the work of seventeen years, the duration of Kassapa's reign. 194 This is further

substantiated by the fact that the recent excavations at Sigiriya have also revealed a series

of developments extending from the third and second centuries BC to the twelfth and

thirteenth centuries AD at the site195 In addition, it is significant that periodic extensions

of drip-ledges and deepening of rock shelters, successive layers of plaster and paintings

and at least five or six re-constructions of the walled extensions and the internal

19i S. Paranavitana, "Arts and crafts," Anuradhapura era, ed. Amaradasa Liyanagamage and Ranaweera

Gunawardana, Vidyalankara University Press, Kelaniya, 1961, p .17 5; "Sinhalese art and sculpture," International exhibition of paintings, Art Gallery, Greenpath, Colombo, 1950, p.2. 192 Percy Brown, Indian painting, YMCA Publishing House, 193 2, pp.36-37; Nandadeva Wijesekara, Selected writings. Tisara Press, Dehivala, 1983, p.278. 193 For the early archaeoiogical works at the site, piease refer to HCP Bell, "Interim report on the operations of the archaeoiogical survey at Sigiriya in 1895,'' Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (Ceylon Branch1 Vol.XIV, No.46, 1895, pp.44-58; "lnterim report on the operations of the archaeological survey at Sigiriya (Second season) 1896,'' Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (Ceylon Branch), Vol.XIV, No.47, 1896, pp.242-259; "Interim report on the operations of the archaeological survey at Sigiriya, 1897 ,"Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (Ceylon Branch), Vol.XV, No.48, 1897, pp.93-127. 194 AM Hocart, "Archaeological summery,'' Ceylon Journal of Science Section G, ed. AM Hocart, Voll, July 1924 -Feb 1926, Government Printer, 1928, pp.93-94. 195 Senaka Bandaiariayake, Sigiriya project: First atchaoological excavation and research report (January-September, 1982), Colombo, 1984, pp. 6, 48-65. One of the most important finds from Sigiriya is a collection of 1667 coins all but 12 of which are Roman coins. These coins, very worn obviously from long use, reveal to us the interesting information that Roman coins were much in use in the country about the 5 centuty AD. WB Marcus F em an do, Sigiriya, Archaeological Department, Colombo, 1967, p.l7.

170

partitions196 all indicate that Sigiriya had been used even in later times. Therefore, it is

reasonable to suggest that at least a part of the paintings at the site had been executed

during a period after Kassapa's regime. According to all these reasons Longhurst's

opinion is quite acceptable that the Sigiriya paintings are of the seventh century AD. 197It is

to be noted that Paranavitana also changed his earlier opinion mentioned above that they

belonged to the fifth century AD and arrived at the conclusion that these were the products

of the seventh century AD~ particularly on the basis ofinformation.available in the graffiti

of the mirror wall at Sigiriya. 198Hence, it is necessary to focus attention on the ancient

graffiti at the site, which will be helpful to sort the chronology of the paintings at least to a

certain extant

Around 685 graffiti are located some forty-two feet below the extant paintings, on a

wall199that flanks the main path leading to the summit. These graffiti undoubtedly reveal

that the site was sometimes thronged with visitors 200 and consequently, the graffiti

contains numerous names of the authors of the verses and their places of residence in

various parts of the island. It is obvious then that various people from different walks of

196 Senaka Bandaranayake, The rock and wall paintings of Sri Lanka, Lake House Bookshop, Colombo, 1986, p.12. 197 AH. Longhurts, Archaeological Suxvey of Ceylon Annual Report Government Publication, Colombo, 1936, p.l2. 198 SeeS Paranavitana, Sigiri Graffiti, Government Press, Colombo, (reprinted) 1983, introduction. The paintings of Sigiriya have preoccupied visitors to the place over many centuries. After the abandonment of the royal palace and after establishment of a monastery in the boulder gardens of Sigiriya to the western side of the rock, this place became a pilgrimage site for the visitors. The visitors composed poems addressed a majority to the women of the paintings and inscribed these poems on the well-polished surface of the mirror wall as it is called today. These are known as the ·sigiri Graffiti and dating from about the sixth to the thirteenth century AD. 199 It is very interesting to note that some of these inscriptions refer to this gallery as the mirror wall, a name Still sriggeSted tOWi)'by the polished plaster SUrface. 200 S Paranavitana, Sigiri Graffiti, Oxford University Pres.s, London, 1956, nos. 162, 17 4 and 197.

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life wrote these poems,201as is evident from epithets such as king, other administrators,

army officer, teacher, clerk, physician, merchant etc. But, it is generally difficult to

differentiate the content of the verses on the basis of the identity of the authors. For

example, a large group, including at least thirty-five visitors, were Buddhist

clerics-novices, ordained monks and elders. 202Likewise a certain number of verses not

authored by monks reveal other worldly and in some cases, specifically Buddhist

sentiments.2~3In fact, in a society where on the one hand, Buddhist ideals were widespread

and on the other, monks were encouraged_ to have a wide intellectual horizon, it is not

surprising that the monastic voice in the graffiti is not radically differentiated from that of

the laity.Z04

It is noteworthy that some o.f the poets however,_ have directed their thoughts

towards the natural phenomena, the sight of Sigiriya, the difficult ascent, the mirror waU

and the courtly buildings on the summit of the rock etc. It is important to note that at least a

few poets have not forgotten to tum their minds to .the historicity of th~ place and the

magnificent conception of Kassapa too. One such poet says that the king having created

this by the excellenee of his fortune kept this for you and departed. 205 Art other says that a

201 For instance, graffiti no 667 is written by Sirisangbo Uda (Udayal (797-801), no. 504 is written by a chief consort queen Sagal ofking Sena ll (853-887 AD), no.88 is written by a nun from Hunagirivehera. See S Paranavitana, Sigiri Graffiti, Archaeological Swvey of Ceylon, Oxford University Press, London, 19 56. 202 Joanna Williams, "The construction of gender in the paintings and graffiti of Sigiriya," Re.presenting the body: Gender issues in Indian m ed. Vidya Dehijia, The Book Review Literary Trust, New Delhi, 1997,

foo6~·Paranavitana, Sigiri Graffi!i, Oxford University Press, London, 1956, nos. 99, 118, 240, 341, 85, 482, 522, 525, 540, 549, 596 and 678. 204 Joanna Williams, "The construction ofgender in the paintings and graffiti of Sigiriya, ,- Re.presenting the body: Gender issues in Indian art, ed. Vidya Dehejia, The Book Review Literary Trust, New Delhi, 1997,

fo56~ .Paranavitana, Sigiri Graffiti, Archaeological Swvey of Ceylon, Oxford University Press, London, 1956, no.l94.

172

king dwelt according to his pleasure on the mountain-side so inaccessible as this sky;206

while another says the king departed, having tastefully painted and left on the path the

pictures of the lovely fair damsels, for the sake of diverse persons?070ne poet lauds the

glory of the Sigiriya king, which was widespread in the world?08Besides these few verses,

it is evident that the main theme of the vast majority of poems is the paintings or more

particularly the women represented therein as the subject of these murals. This is evident

from the fact that at least 97 percent graffiti are specifically concerned about the

paintings?09

All these graffiti at the site can be dated from 6th to 11th centuries AD and express

spontaneously generated feelings. Of these, those that belong to a period from 6th to 7th

century AD on palaeographical grounds are very rare and in common with the other

Sinhalese stone inscriptions of this period are written in an erratic script difficult of

decipherment. Interestingly enough, Sanskrit verses belonging to a rather early period are

also extant here. Besides, those belonging to the 8th and 9th centuries AD consist of

stanzas, some being even rhymed. But, those belonging to a later period up to 11th century

AD are few and not of any particular interest. Thus, although some of the graffiti may be

dated, on palaeographical grounds to a period as early as the sixth century AD, yet these

older graffiti do not seem to allude to the murals. In fact, the actual references to the figures

depicted on the rock do occur in the graffiti, which may be more definitely dated to a period

206 lbid, no.l79. 207 Ibid, no.206. 200 Ibid, no.205. The poem reads; Si raju yasasa siri- tubu mululova patiri Nilupul asun asiri - balumo Sihigiri. 2~ Joanna Williams, "The construction of gender in the paintings and graffiti of Sigiriya," Representing the body: Gender issues in Indian art, ed. Vidya Dehijia, The Book Review Literacy Trust, New Delhi, i 991, p.58.

173

not earlier than 800 AD?10Based on this fact, it can be accepted that between the lower

limit of 600 AD and the upper limit of 800 AD stretches a period of two centuries within

which the paintings could have been executed. Even in this period very little information is

available, but evidence is not completely lacking to effect a possible reduction in this

date?11

Besides its chronology, when considering the location of the paintings at the site, it

is apparent that on the main rock which is about 1182 feet in height, 212 a plaster was made

in a cavity some 42 feet above the floor of the gallery, protecting it from the natural

elements of the sun's rays, rain and winds and the paintings have been executed as single

and double rows of female figures. It is noteworthy that for the protection of these

paintings, a drip-line was cut about 100 feet above the floor of the gallery wall. But, unlike

some of the other painting sites in the island the place where the paintings are located can

by no means be described as caves and there was no access to it in ancient days. Hence, a

winding staircase, recently installed, gives access to this cavity- the 'fresco pocket' as it is

usually called.213 It is thus evident that with regard to their location as well as their subject

matter which will be discussed in the sixth chapter in detail, the Sigiriya paintings belong

to an unique class made by themselves and are not paralleled by any other pictorial remains

in India or Sri Lanka, during the ancient period. In other words, while paintings at other

210 Nandadeva Wijesekara, Early Sinhalese painting, Saman Press, Maharagama, 1959, p.l 04. 211 Nandadeva Wijesekara, "Dating ofSigiriya painting," Selected writings, TisaraPress, Dehivala, 1983, ~g-269-270.

1 The painting in the cavity some 4 2 feet above the floor of the gallery. In ancient days there was no means of access to the place where these paintings are now preserved. See S Paranavitana, Sigiri Graffiti, Government Press, Colombo, (reprinted) 1983, Introduction, p.v. Hence, a winding staircase has been installed in 1930s give access to the cavity of the 'fresco pocket.' See Archaeologicai Survey of Ceylon AnnualRe.ports, 1930-31, p.9. 213 S Paranavitana, Sigiri Graffit: Being Sinhalese verse of the eighth, ninth and tenth centuries, Archaeological Survey of Ceylon, Oxford University Press, Great Britain, 1956, introduction, p.v.

174

sites of the two countries are executed on the walls of caves or buildings or on similar

grounds, those at Sigiriya are drawn on the vertical western face of an almost unscalable

rock, above the surrounding ground214 (Plate I).

Besides this dramatic location, a special feature is the painting of the lower parts as

if covered by the clouds in order to exhibit only the upper part of the female figures.

Interestingly enough. the graffiti generally ascribed to the period of ninth and tenth

centuries AD refer to five hundred such golden coloured ladies on the rock face.215This

number may not be exact, but there is general acceptance that in ancient days there were

considerably more than hundred female figures, very much like those still to be seen.

Accordingly, this evidence certainly helps us to conclude that the figures in the cavity are

but a small fraction of a large number of similar figures that adorned the western face of

the rock. Only those in the cavity have escaped the ravages of time, as they were

adequately sheltered from the elements. 211n this assumption, it is to be noted that the

drip-ledges and prepared rock surface, as also patches of lime plaster and pigments still

adhering to the rock here and there indicate that the paintings continued along the north

face too, on either side of the lion staircase. Accordingly, the painting area seems to have

extended to the northeastern comer of the rock, covering thereby an area nearly 140

metres long and 40 men:es high.?17Hence, as Still concluded irt the first decade of the last

214 S Paranavitana, "The significance of the paintings of Sigiri," Arttbus Asiae, VoLXXIV, Ascona, Switzerland, p.382. 215 S Paranavitana, Sigiri Graffiti, Government Press, Colombo, (reprinted) 1983, nos.44, 249, 560, pp.26, 153 and 346; Sinhalayo, Lake House Investments, Colombo, 1967, p.20. 216 S Paranavitana, Sigiri~ Government Press, Colombo, (reprinted) 1983, Introduction, p.vi 217 Senaka Bandaranayake, The rock and wall paintings of Sri Lanka, Lake House Bookshop, Colombo, 1986,p.26.

175

century, the whole face of the hill appears to have been a gigantic picture gallery during

. d 218 anctent ays.

But, at present there are only about twenty-two of them remaining, including a

fragmentary figure219and another incomplete figure has also been found in 'fresco pocket

B' at the site.22<Nevertheless, it is to be noted that these paintings of female figures at

Sigiriya have not been confined to one place alone. They have been painted at about six

places on the rock very close to each other and th~re are traces to show that_plasJ:er has

been used around them probably an indication of the affiliation of each other. In this

connection, it is stated in the Annual Reports pf the D~artment of Archaeology that at th..e

time of the first discovery of these paintings at the end of the nineteenth century AD, they

were painted at least in the 'fresco pockets' marked ~ B, D and E 5., 17, 1 and_a piece ol

painting respectively.221

In addition to the paintings in these pockets of the main rock, it is significant that a

number of caves at the foot of the rock in th_e area that formed the boulder _gard~s lils.o

contained paintings. Of these, the large boulder and the smaller rocks at Sigiriya were

dressed with a sharp drip-ledge~ cut above the ar.eaJh.at th~ pamter..s intended tp plaster. and

sketch. The smaller rocks were converted into rooms for living and in these instances it was

the ceiling and the interior walls that were painted. The site .of Sigiriya was~ th_erefore_, bPtb

218 John Still, Ancient capitals of Ceylon, Colombo, 1907, p.43. 219 S. Paranavitana, "Arts and crafts," Anuradhapura erl!, ed. Amaradasa Liyanagamage and Ranaweera Gunawardana, Vidyalankara University Press, Kelaniya, 1961, p.175. Nevertheless Wijesekara wrongly interpreted that at least 29 paintings have been discovered at the site. See Nandadeva Wijesekara, Ancient paintings and sculpture of Ceylon, Department of Cultural Affairs, Colombo, 1962, p.1 0. 220 Senaka Bandaranayake, The rock and wall paintings of Sri Lank!!, Lake House Bookshop, Colombo, 1986, pp.27-28. 221 Archaeological Sutvey of Ceylon Annual Rq>ort, 1896. Of these, eighteen figures are clearly discernible i.e. twelve relatively well presetved, four partly presetved and two partly damaged due to vandalism and the rest of the figures are extremely fragmentary nature.

176

an open a."Id sheltered display of fine paintings of the ancient period.222Interestingly enough

nearly thirty such rock shelters, located among the boulders which cluster round the rock of

Sigiriya have been found. It is noteworthy that some of these have early rock inscriptions,

which bear testimony to their early occupation and some of these caves carry several layers

of paintings on the canopies. It is quite possible that the bottom layers of paintings on these

are contemporary with the time when religious recluses first made their abode in the

caves.223

However, significant fragments of paintings can still be seen at least in five of

these,224 while many of the others contain some traces of plaster and pigments indicating

an extensive complex of painted caves. Among these, the most important painting

remnants still survive in the three caves ofAsana (cave no.l), Deraniyagala (no.7) and

Cobrahood (no.9). Ofthese, in cave no. I there are traces of few layers of plasters, which

indicate at least three or four phases of activity_225 Although the chronology of these layers

is uncertain, graffiti superimposed. upon some of these dates them to the twelfth or

thirteenth century AD. 2~t is remarkable that irt cave no 7, there are traces of several

female figures carrying flowers and moving amidst clouds, very similar to the ladies

painted on the main rock mentioned above. Several subsequent layers of paintings can

also be seen in this cave and Deraniyagala has successfully identified four or five such

222 Nandana Chutiwongs and others, Paintings of Sri Lanka: Sigiriy~ Archaeological SUIVey of Sri Lanka centenazy publication, Central Cultural Fund, 1990, p.39. 223 WM Marcus Fernando, Sigiriy~ Archaeological Department, Colombo, 1967, p.l. 224 Senaka Bandaranayake, The rock and wall paintings of Sri Lank~ Lake House Bookshop, Colombo, 1986, p.31. 225 Ibid, p.33. 226 Th iii nn 'l ')- ·:n

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superimposed layers. 227Meartwhile, the Cobrahood cave contains some early donative

Brahmi inscriptions and the most extraordinary murals are the remains of paintings on the

ceiling. These combine geometrical shapes and motifs with a free and complex rendering

of characteristic volute.

Accordingly, it is obvious that the paintings in the boulder garden area of Sigiriya

though vestigial in character provide very important evidence for the continuation of the

'Sigiriya tradition' at least over a few centuries. Recent archaeological excavations have

also shown several post-fifth century phases of occupation in the rock shelters in this area,

continuing until as late as the twelfth and thirteenth centuries AD. 228This situation is

paralleled by the above-mentioned layers of plasters and paintings that provide evidence

of several successive phases of activity. In this context, it is obvious that at least four

phases of activities of the caves can be identified Specifically: 1. Painting of the caves of

Asana, Deraniyagala and Cobrahood, which belong to fifth and sixth centuries AD. 2.

Re-paintings ofDeraniyagala cave and some paintings of the boulder archway. 3. Some

line drawings in cave no 1 and lime wash in Deraniyagala cave. 4. The uppermost layer of

paintings of cave no 1, which belong to a period ·much later than any of the previous

phases. They constitute a rather impoverished expression of the Sigiriya tradition perhaps

belonging to the last phase of occupation in the area during the middle historical period,

possibly dating from a time between the lOth and the 13th century AD.219

m PEP Deraniyagala, "Some sidelights on the Sinhala monastery fortress of Sihagiri," Spolia Zeylanica. Vol XXVI, No.I, pp. 69-75; Vol.XXVI, No.2, 1951, pp. 177-178. 228 Senaka Bandaranayake, Sigiriya project: First archaeological excavation and research report (January-September, 1982), Colombo, 1984, p.6. 229 Senaka Bandaranayake, The rock and wall paintings of Sri Lanka, Lake House Bookshop, Colombo, 1986, pp.33 -34. For the almost similar identification of another scholar please refer to Albert Dharmasiri, "The painters and the paintings of the schooi of Sigiri,'; Seminar paper on Sigiriya seminar 15th October 1983. He proposes at least three phases of paintings available at Sigiriya i.e. Phase 1: the paintings of the

178

In contrast, when comparing important similarities and dissimilarities of the murals

of these caves to the paintings upon the main rock, the similarities of the plasters and the

materials employed, including the pigments ex:cept in rare cases are conspicuous.

Similarly, the faces are also mostly in three-quarter view. The pyramidal coiffeur with

petal-like decorations and disc-like earrin_gs~ the series of forearm bracelets~ the necklaces

and the fan like free end of the waist sash; the exaggerated breasts and the position of the

arms with the left usually crossing the body and the hands holding flowers and foun.ing

mudras; the linear shading as well as flat wash and modelling with the aid of colour are

common to both. Besides, the major differences between these murals of the caves and the

main rock are: the use ofbrightcobalt blue and purplish grey pigments; the more skilful

use of colour in modelling; the emphasis on modelliQg and comparative reduction ofth_e

heavy outline; the presence of the lower parts of the body; the strong action displayed by

some of the paintings with legs; the closer _groupin_g of the figures; some flgures being

shown with the body in full front view; and the somewhat smaller size of the figures etc. 230

Vessagiriya:

The ancient Buddhist monastery of V essagiriya in Anuradhapura on the eastern

side of the road to Kururtagala is known by the popular name of Isurumuniya. 231 It is

generally believed that the site was founded by king Devanampiyatissa (247- 207 BC) at

main rock, the foliage in the Deraniyagala cave, the ceiling painting in the cobra-hood cave and the concealed figure in the Asana cave. Phase II: the main figures in the caves and Bodhi tree painting in the Asana cave. Phase ill: the black line drawings on white plaster in the Asana cave and the adjacent rock sheher. See. Ibid. p.5.

230 PEP Deraniyagala, "Some unrecorded frescoes from Sigiriya," Journal of the Reyal Asiatic Society (Ceylon Branchl. Vol.XX:XVIll, No.106, 1948, pp.87-88. 231 Archaeological Survey of Ceylon Annual Re,port, i 901, p.6; Se also S Paranavitana, l.nscri.t>tions of Ceylon, Archaeological Survey of Ceylon, University Press, Moratuva, Vol.II, part I, 1983, pp.49-50.

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the place where 500 disciples under the prince Aritta dwelt after their conversion by

Mahinda thero.232 However, there are numerous ancient ruined buildings on and around

two large rock outcrops aligned roughly north south which also shelter several caves with

donative inscriptions dated to the second century BC in Brahmi characters. 233 It is

recorded that king Vasabha (67-11 AD) built the Uposata hall and Voharika Tissa

(209-231 AD) built a wall at the site.234 In addition, it was mentioned above that during

the fifth century AD king Kassapa I of Sigiriya enlarged the temple, endowed it and

re-named, after his two daughters and himself, as Bodhi Uppalavanna Kasabagiri temple.

This is confirmed by inscriptions of the sixth and seventh centuries AD in situ in which

the temple is referred to as Boya Opulavana Kasabagiri temple. 235 Hereafter, the chronicle

also refers to the temple as Kassapagiri temple. 236 However, as in the case of other

painting sites, this was also in the thick jungle when the archaeological department

acquired it in 1900.237

It is obvious that there are several caves at Vessagiriya. Of these, on the rock wall

of cave no 9 may yet be seen, though very greatly weathered, the outline of a female figure

measuring 1X1" painted in yellow with dashes of red here and there and a touch of green.

The figure is seated, resting on her left palm with the right leg crossed horizontally. The

232 CW Nicholas, "Historical topography of ancient and medieval Ceylon," Journal of the Royal Asiatic · Society (Ceylon Branch), (New Series) Vol VI, Special number, 1963, p.148; See also S Paranavitana, Inscriptions of Ceylon, Archaeological SUtvey of Ceylon, University Press, Moratnva, Vol.ll, part I, 1983, ~.48-51.

Edward Muller, Ancient inscriptions in Ceylon, Asian Educational Series, New Delhi, 1984, p.33. 234 CW Nicholas, "Historical topography of ancient and medieval Ceylon," Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (Ceylon Branch), (New Series) Vol VI, Special number, 1963, p.148. 235 Epigng>hia Zey1anica, Vol.l, pp.31 and 227; See also CW Nicholas, "Historical topography of ancient and medieval Ceylon," Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (Ceylon Branch), (New Series) Vol VI, Special number, 1963, p.l48. 236 Culavamslb tr. W. Geiger, Pali Text Society, London, 1925, chap 39; 9-12vv. 237 DT Devendra, "The paintings from Vessagiriya," Ceylon Today, Published by Ceylon Government Information Department, Vol.XI, No.ll, Nov.1962, p.15.

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lady has her left leg raised and knee bent and is emphasising an animated discourse by the

half outstretched left arm and hand with open palm. Besides, a smaller figure- a prince

with jewelled headdress, armlets etc is just distinguishable on the worn plaster of cave no

10. This figure measures 2 feet by 1 feet 6 inch and is coloured in red and

yellow. 238 Although the precise evidence of the chronology of these murals are not

available, since the modem graffiti or the recent visitors' scribbling was found on these

paintings, at the beginning of the 1970s, these were cleaned off and a fixative of paraloid

dissolved in action was applied. During this restoration work another preceding layer of

painting was also discovered. 239

Hindagala:

Hindagala is also an important ancient painting site situated about six miles to the

south west ofKandy of the central province?40Thus, the location ofHindagala monastery

itself is significant since almost all the other painting sites are located in and around

Anuradhapura or Polonnaruva where the ancient capitals were located. Although the post

Brahmi inscriptions found there confirms the historicity of the place, unfortunately no

other historical evidence is available. 2410f these, the older epigraph datable to the sixth

century AD refers to the construction of a Bodhi tree shrine and the other inscription on

the terrace, datable to the seventh century AD on palaeographical evidence, is

238 Archaeological SUIVey of Ceylon Annual Report, 1907, p.6. 239 L Maranzi, Ceylon: Preservation of mural paintings. Feb-May 1972, UNESCO, Paris, July 1972, p.4. 240 AC Lawrie, A gazetteer of the Central province of Ceylon, George JA Skeen, Government Printer, Vol.I, 1896, pp.350-351. 241 S Paranavitana, "The Hindagala rock inscriptions," University of Ceylon Review, Ceylon University Press, Colombo, Vol.X\TL No.l&2, 1958, p.3.

181

unfortunately fragmentary. 242But, it is evident that these two inscriptions at the site do not

refer to the paintings therein by any means. Subsequently, the Hindagala temple is said to

have been included in the list of restorations done by queen Henakanda, the wife of king

Bhuvanekabahu N of Gampola kingdom during the 14th century AD. This seems an

important place where it is believed that the Tooth. relic was kept for one day for

protection while being taken in procession from Pusulpitiya to Kandy during the British

colonial period. 243 This incident establishes the fact that Hindagala had remained an

Important temple even at the time ofBritish occupation of the island.

It is generally believed that the main theme of the paintings of the site was Indra's

visit to Buddha in the Indasala cave as discussed in the sixth chapter in_ detail Based on

this belie±: Paranavitana thinks that it is not impossible that the name Hindagala is derived

from the word Inda-sala. ~so, it may be presumed that the cave, in ancient times, was ·

named after a sacred place in India celebrated in Buddhistlegend and thatthe name of the

cave was extended in application to the village. Some other critics also believe that in

course of the time the word lndasala could easily become lndagala or Hindagala in the

mouth of the peasant 245

The ancient paintings ofHindagla executed in plaster cover a large area of the rock

that is above the roof of the modern temple. Although it is certain that these paintings

belong to an ancient period, yet their chronology has so far not been precisely fixed. For

instance, according to scholars like Rowland and Paranavitana, Hindagala paintings also

242 lbid,pp.l-5. 243 The Nampota alias Vihara Asna, ed. Pannila Sri Sarananda and Opata Sri Saranankara, Tilaka Press. Angalawatta, 1956, p.2 13. 244 S Paranavitana, "The Hindagala rock inscriptions," University of Ceylon Review, Vol.XVI, Nos. I & 2, 1958, pp.l-5. 245 D.B. Dhanapala, Buddhist paintings from shrines and temples in Ceylon, Coffins. London, 1964, p. i 5.

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belong to the Sigiriya era246and Joseph believes that they belong to the post Gupta period

or to a period between the fifth and seventh centuries AD. 247Marshall and Foucher also

believe that a period very close to the seventh century AD would be a more appropriate

date for the painting. 248 Although recent scholars like Bandaranayake have also accepted

the date,249Wijesekara states that they belong to a period close to the eight-century

AD250or may be assigned to 800-900 AD. 25~But, according to the view expressed by

Coomaraswamy, Hindagala paintings belong to a more recent period252precisely, twelfth

to fourteenth century AD.253Nevertheless, when the costumes and ornaments displayed in

these paintings and the analytical investigations of the lines and the colours used are taken

into consideration, they display a lesser evolution than Sigiriya. Therefore, it is reasonable

to conclude that they have beenexecutedin_aperiod closer. to the seventlLceL.tury AD.

But, it is obvious that for a very long period, the only protection the paintings had

from the flow of rainwater was an ancient drip-ledge cut high up on the sloping rock

surface above the paintings. Consequently, it was reported that by the last decade of the

nineteenth century, only twelve of the paintings of the site were extant on account of

246 Benjamin Rowland, The wall paintings of India Central Asia and Ceylon, Delhi, 193 8, Vol.I, p.85; S. Paranavitana, "Arts and crafts," Anuradhapura era, ed. Amaradasa Liyanagamage and Ranaweera Gunawardana, Vidyalankara University Press, Kelaniya, 1961, p.17 6. Krishnamurthy also believes that the paintings ofHindagala belonging to the fifth centw:y-AD. SeeK Krishnamurthy, Buddhism in South Asia, Classical Publishers, New Delhi, 1990, p.63. . . 247 GA Joseph, " Hlndagaia painting/' Ceylon Adminlstrat:lon R~orts for i 918, Government Printing Press, 1919,p. D3. 248 lbid, p. D3. 249 He stated that it has features that are not seen in the Sigiriya paintings and only very partially in the fragmentary compositions of Anuradhapura and Polonnaruva periods. Senaka Bandaranayake, The rock and wall paintings of Sri Lanka, Lake House Bookshop, Colombo, 1986, p.3 9.

250 Nandadeva Wijesekara, Early Sinhalese painting, Saman Press, Maharagama, 1959, plates, 26 and 27. 251 Ibid, p.l06. 252 Ananda Coomaras\vamy, History ofliidian aiid Jn:doiiesian Art, DovetPuolicatioii, New York, 1965, E.t63.

53 Ananda Coomaraswamy, Introduction to Indian !Y!, Munshiram Manoharlal Publishing House, Delhi, (reprinted) 1966, p.69. This has been accepted by some later scholars also. See Rowland Silva and others, Cultural treasures of Sri Lanka, Ministry of Cultural Affairs, 1973, (no page numbers) See. Painting section.

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exposure to the elements, 254though it is evident that even until the year 1918 these

paintings were well protected.255But unfortunately on the 30th January 1965, there was a

fire in the long grass on the adjacent hillside close to the roof of the veranda of the temple,

which had been covered with cadjans prior to conservation work by the archaeological

department. The roofing caught fire and heat and soot from the conflagmtion caused

flaking of the rock surface near by and the deposition of a blanket of carbon on the rock

above the roof and the paintings higher up.Z56 As a result we know these murals today only

from the facsimile copy in the National Museum of Colombo and from the early

photographs of the paintings as in the case ofthe mumls ofBagh caves oflndia.

Gonagolla:

Unlike other painting sites of the island, a painting found on_ an outer surfu.ce of a

cave at Gonagolla, Kotmale colony, Kohombane, in the valley of Galoya in the Ampare

district is supposed to date frorn the ancient period.257Although some parts ofthe painting

are now decayed any analytical investigation into the historicity of Sri Lankan paintings

must take this site into considemtion. It is to be noted that due to non-availability of direct

evidence for working out the chronology of the site,J~aranavitana thinks that the painting

belongs to a time between the Sigiriya and the Polonnaruva periods.Z58 Kiribamune also

254 AC Lawrie, A gazetteer of the Central province of Ceylon, Government Printing Press, Colombo, 1890, ~.350. 55 Ulla Mohommad Sana, Ceylon Sessional Paper, Government Publication, Colombo, Vol.XXI, 1943, p.4;

Ceylon paintings from temples shrines and rock, UNESCO World Art Series, Italy, 1957, Plates 13-14. 256 Raja de Silva, "Painting: Early period 247 BC to 800 AD," Archaeological Department centenaxy ( 1890-1990) commemorative series, Volume five painting, ed. Nandadeva Wijesekara, State Printing Corporation, Colombo, 1990, p .31. 257 Archaeological SuiVey of Ceylon Annual Report, Government Publication, Colombo, 1956, p.7 and plate no.4. 258 DB Dhanapala and Mahanama Dissanayake, The stozy of Sinhalese paintings, Samaii Press, Mahatagama, 1958, p.3.

184

believes that this assumption is correct since costumes and ornaments portrayed there

depict an ancient style?59Though the chronology of Paranavitana was thus based on the

rock inscription found in the vicinity, Dhanapala dates the painting to the third century AD

according to the inscriptions found therein.260Quite differently, Bandaranayake suggests

that they belong to the period from fifth century to seven century AD.261

Besides, scholars like Wijesekara who hold a completely different view argue that

the paintings ofGonagolla are indicative of the style of the Polonnaruva period and could

belong to a period closer to the fourteenth century AD. 262Nevertheless, it is evident that the

paintings contain traditional features hitherto not found anywhere in Sri Lanka and could

belong to a period more ancient than the Polonnaruva period since in style, they have some

similarity to the paintings in the Pulligoda cave of Dimbulagala. 263 Taking into

consideration all these fucts, it is not unreasonable to suggest that the Gonagolla paintings

had been finalised in a period around eighth-century AD though the precise evidence is not

available.

Pulligoda cave- Dimbula~ala:

Some parts of wall paintings belonging to the ancient period have been found at

Dimbulagala near Polonnaruva in the Tamankaduva area of the north central province.

Geographically, Dimbulagala is a small mountain in the southern valley of the river

259 Personal communication. 260 D.B. Dhanapala, Buddhist paintings from shrines and temples in Ceylo~ Collins, London, 1964, p.l 0. 261 Senaka Bandaranayake, The rock and wall paintings of Sri Lanka, Lake House Bookshop, Colombo, 1986,p.35. 262 Nandadeva Wijesekara, Ancient paintings and sculpture in Ceylon, Government Press, Colomboy 1962, fg.37-38; Early Sinhalese painting, Saman Press, Maharagama, 1964, p.4. • SP Charls, "Painting, sculpture and carvings," Mahavali vamsaya, ed. IBM Abayasinghe and others, State Printing Corporation, Colombo, 1985, p.484.

185

Mahavali near ancient Mahagantota or Kaccakatitta. In the ancient period, this mountain

had been known as the Dumarakkata Pabbata or Udumbaragiri, or alternatively as Gunners

Quoin?64 Although the foundation of the temple is not recorded, the numerous inscriptions

in many of the caves on its slopes establish its origin late in the third or early in the second

century BC.265Consequently, ruins at the site date between 300 BC and 1200 AD?~t is

evident that a number of pious and erudite Buddhist monks dwelling there won

international fame. Among them, in the twelfth century AD, Dimbulagala Mahakassapa

thero played a leading role in the propagation ofBuddhism in the South East Asian region.

In addition, king Parakkramabahu I (1153-1186) carried out a purge of the religious order

with the help ofMahathera Kassapa ofUdumbaragiri (Dirnbulagala). 267

However, ancient paintings survive in a cave atPulligoda Galkanda situated about

one kilometre to the south of Dimbulagala. This cave contains faint traces of a king and

five male figures, with high headdresses, in an attitude of adoration (Plate ill). Many

scholars date these paintings to the seventh and eighth centuries AD 268 though they

constitute a stage of stylistic evolution somewhat less than midway between Sigiriya and

264 Mahavamsa,ed. W. Geiger, Pali Text Society, London, 1912, chap 37; 213v, chap 19; 53 v. HCPBell, Archaeological Survey of Ceylon Annual RCjlorts, 1895, JA Skeen Government Printer, 1904, p.9; "Dimbulagala: Its caves, ruins and inscriptions," Ceylon Antiquazy and Literazy Register, Vol. III, 1917-18, ~.229; S Paranavitana, Inscriptions of Ceylon, Government Press, Colombo, VoLI, 1970, introduction, p. ii. 65 CW Nicholas, "Historical topography of' ancient and medieval Ceylon," Journal of' the Royal Astatic Society (Ceylon Branch), {New Series) Voi Vf, Special number, 1963, p.40. 266 Archaeological Survey of Ceylon Annual Rej>ort, Government Publication, Colombo, 1938, p.5; Ibid, 193:3, p.20. u;

1 CW Nicholas, "Historical topography of ancient and medieval Ceylon," Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (Ceylon Branch), (New Series) VoL VI, Special number, 1963, p.40. 268 HCP Bell. Archaeological Survey of Ceylon Annual RCjlorts, Government Publication, Colombo, 1897, p.9; S Paranavitana, Archaeological Survey of Ceylon Annual Reports, 1933, pp.157-160; Ibid, 1971, p.l40, plate, 106~ University Of Ceylon Histoty of Ceylon, ed. HC Ray, University Press, Colombo, Vol.I, Pt.II, 1960, p.611; DB Dhai!.apala and Mahanama Dissanayake, The stozy of Sinhalese painting~ Saman Press, Maharagama, 1958, pp.24-28; Ananda Coomaraswamy, Histozy of Indian and Indonesian!!!!, Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi, (reprinted) 1972, p.l63.

186

the paintings of the Polonnaruva epoch. 269y et, according to the opinion ofWij esekara they

have been finalised somewhere in the twelfth century AD. 27~onetheless, de Silva gave

technical reasons why the paintings ofPulligoda have similarities to those of the early or

middle Anuradhapura period and concluded that they are closer to the seventh century AD

than twelfth century AD date. 271

Dam bulla:

The antiquity ofDambulla has obviously been proved by the presence ofBrahmi

inscriptions that belong to a pre-Christian era. 2-nnese numerous Brahmi inscriptions are

found at the foothill of the rock and mostly towards the south and west These inscriptions,

which number more than thirty, range between the 3rd century BC and the second century

AD. 273But, since the Mahavamsa has mentioned this place in association with the reign of

Vattagamini Abhaya who was helped by the monks of the monasteries during the time of

his dethronement, as a result of the Tamil invasion,274the construction of the cave terhple

has also been popularly attributed to this period. Although the subsequent history of the

site is not available it is evident that King Vijayabahu I (1058-1114) restored the place and

king Nissankamalla (1187&1196) rebuilt the temple and established the

269 Senaka Bandaranayake, The rock and wall paintings of Sri Lanka, Lake House Bookshop, Colombo, 1986, p.38. 270 Nandadeva Wijesekara, Selected writings, Samayawardena Press, Colombo, 1987, p.l87. 271 RH de Silva, "The evolution of the technique of Sinhalese wall painting and comparison with Indian painting method," Ancient Ceylog, V ol.I, 1971, pp .90-104; Raja de Silva, "Painting: Early period 24 7 BC to 800 AD," Archaeological department centenary (1890-1990) commemorative series, Voiume five- Painting, ed. N andadeva Wijesekara, State Printing Corporation, Colombo, 1990, p.29. 272 Edward Muller, Ancient inscriptions in Ceylon, Asian Educational Series, New Delhi, 1984, p.33; See also S Paranavitana, Inscriptions of Ceylon, Archaeological Smvey of Ceylon, University Press, Moratuva, Volll, part I, 1983, pp.S-6. 273 Nandana Chutivongs and others, Paintings of Sri Lanka: Dambulla, Archaeological Smvey of Sri Lanka, Central Cultural Fund, 1990, p.SO; See also HCP Bell, ''Dimbulagala: Its caves, ruins and inscriptions," The Ceylon AritiqUmy and Liter-my-Register, Vol.lll, Pt.2, OCtober 1917, pp.70-71.

187

monastery. 275 Thus, according to the literary and epigraphical sources, the prolific

activities at the cave shrines appear to have taken place during the eleventh and twelfth

century AD, when Polonnaruva was the capital of the island.

There are five main Buddhist shrines at the site and the whole surface of the rock

ceilings and the walls of the oldest four caves are completely covered with paintings of the

Kandyan tradition that belong to eighteenth and nineteenth centuries AD.276The fifth cave

was completely restored in the early years of the twentieth century. 277But, the ancient

painting is believed to be on the roof immediately above the entrance to the central

cave278and consists of decorative designs. Ravindra Pandya wrongly dated these paintings

.of Dam bulla caves to the first century BC and further concluded that the murals of the

caves are similar to those of Ajanta. 279 Although they are in a very fragmentary .1atur~,

these strongly remind one of their close affinity to Sigiriya ceiling ornamentation and are

believed to date to the eighth century AD.280Commaraswamy believed that though these

patterns are old, they may belong to a much later period?81

2~4 Mahavamsa, ed. W. Geiger, Pali Text Society, London, 1912, chap. 33; 71 v. m Epigraphia Zeylanica, Vol. I, p.l21. 276 M. Somathilake, A historical study of mural paintings in Buddhist temples during the 18th and 19th centuries of Sri Lanka, Unpublished MA dissertation, University ofPeradeniya, 1996. m Senaka Bandaranayake, The rock and wall paintings of Sri Lanka, Lake House Bookshop, Colombo, 1986, p.l2. 278 Nandadeva Wijesekara, Early Sinhalese painting, Saman Press, Maharagama, 1964, p.7; Senaka Bandaranayake, The rock and wall paintings of Sri Lanka, Lake House Booksliop, Colombo, 1986, p.12. 279 Ravindra Pandya, Cave paintings of Sri Lanka, Art Centre, Pragati Society, Ahmedabad, 1981, p.26. :zro Nandadeva Wijesekara, Early Sinhalese painting, Saman Press, Maharagama, 1964, pp. 7, 22. Nandalal Bose in a private discussion with Wijesekara suggested that the possibility of dating some to a period of one or two centuries after Sigiriya. Ibid, p.22. 281 Coomaraswamy, History of Indian and Indonesian Art, London, 192 7, p.l63.

188

Vestibules (Vahalkadas) of Anuradhapura:

The stupa as the principal ritual monument of the ancient Sri Lankan Buddhist

tradition is of relevance to this study as a few remnants of paintings survive in association

with such stupas· of the island. It is particularly to be mentioned here that this tradition is

not to be found among the painting sites of India and no such painting has been found at

famous sites like Sanchi, Barhut, Amaravati etc where the principal monuments were the

stupas. Thus, although this is an important sort of painting of the early tradition

unfortunately, protected over the centuries by being buried in earth, debris and vegetation,

their exposure by early excavators has often led to their destruction?82But fortunately, the

remains of painted decorations can still be seen at the dagobas of Ruvanvalisaya,

Mirisavatiya, Abhayagiriya and Jetavanaramaya all in Anurhadhapura. Of these, the

creepers and figures of dwarf were found at the bottom of the vestibules of the

Abhayagiriya stupa.Z83In the same manner series of panels of paintings had been portrayed

at other places where not only the colours but also the styles are still faintly discernible.

The floral designs painted on a stone slab of the eastern vestibule of Jetavanararna dagoba

ate very good examples in this respect 284

:i!ii Senaka Bandaranayake, The rock and wall paintings of Sri Lanka, Lake House Bookshop, Colombo, 1986, p.73. ' 283 Archaeological Smvey of Ceylon Annual Re,port, Government Publications, Colombo, 1894, p.3. The Abhayagiriya temple which is also known as Uttara, Abhauttara, Abhayatura, Abagiri and Bagirivehera etc was founded in 89 BC by king Vattagamini Abhaya who demolished a Nighantha shrine as mention in the ancient literacy sources. CW Nicholas, "Historical topography of ancient and medieval Ceylon," Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (Ceylon Branch), (New Series) Vol. VI, Special number, 1963, p.l42. 284 S Paranavitana, "Civilisation of the period: Religion, literature and art," University of Ceylon Histocy of Ceylon, ed. HC Ray, Ceylon University Press, Colombo, Vol.I, pt. I, 1959, p.409. The recent archaeological excavations at the site also revealed some remnants of paintings on these vest:J.lmles. It is to be noted that the Jetavana temple, also called Denanaka or Dena vihara in Sinhalese inscriptions and literature \Vas founded by Mahasena (275-30 AD) in the Jotivana Patk on territory within the precincts of the Mahavihara. The king built it for the Mahathera ofDakkhina temple. The Jetavananiii:i.a monks were of the Sagaliya sect, which first established itself at Dakkhii1a temple in the year 253 AD. CW Nicholas, "Historicai topography of ancient

189

Thus, it is evident that the brick superstructures of these frontispieces were

embellished with painted decorations as shown by the discoveries at Mirisavatiya dagoba;

and it is possible that the Ruvanvali da_goba as well .as Jtll the other da_gobas a.t

Anuradhapura, were, originally, profusely adorned with paintings, presenting innumerable

subjects for the contemplation of devotees?850f such paintings, the four decorative designs

discovered from a vestibule situated to the east of Ruvanvalisaya are significant?~t is

evident that the whole surfu.ce of these structures was covered with an exceedingly thin

coating of fine lime and decorated with paintings in distemper. Indistinct traces of painting

remain upon the face of the stonework in several places; but upon a portion of the eastern

frontispiece it is sufficiently perfect to indicate the style of ornamentation adopted, though

even here, it is very much defaced and some portions are entirely obliterated?870n the

other portions of the stonework of this frontispiece and upon that on thesoutb._sideofthe

dagoba, are the remains of paintings very similar to those described above, but all so much

defaced that an intelligible description of them is impossible. However, it is evident that

the utmost variety of design has been everywhere the aim of the artist, no two patterns or

subjects being precisely alike.

It is believed that the probability is that they were executed by artists who were

better able to draw foliage and flowers than human figures, i.e. just before the last

overthrow of the dagoba therefore not earlier than the fourteenth century AD. But there can

and medieval Ceylon," Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (Ceylon Branch), (New Series) Vol. VI, Special number, 1963, p.146. 285 JG Smither, Architectural remains of Anuradhapura, Sri Lanka, Ceylon Government Printers, Colombo, 1894, pp.41-42. 286 1bid, p.32; S Paranavitana, "Civilisation of the period: Religion, literature and art," Universitv of Ceylon Histocy of Ceylon. ed. HC Ray, Ceylon University Press, Colombo, Vol.I, pt. I, 1959, p.409. 'lJf1 .. . • . .. .

JG Smither, Architectural remains of Anuradhapura. Sri Lanka, Ceylon Government Printers, Colombo, 1894, p.41.

190

be little doubt that the general arrangement of pattems .and SJ.Ibjects ori_ginally adopted was

followed in the several restorations, which were undertaken from time to time. 288 Although

Bandaranayaka accepted the above chronology,289Smith believes that they may belong to

any period between the sixth and the eighth centuries AD.2~ut it should not be forgotten

that since evidently various devotees renovated these dagobas from time to time, not only

the precise chronology of the paintings but also the chronology of the stupas themselves is

difficult.

The relic chamber ofMihintale stupa:

It was mentioned above that the dagoba was a ritual monument of ancient Sri

Lanka. As a result; unlike in India, some remnants of paintings have been found even in the

inner relic chambers of certain ancient stu pas of the island. One of the best examples of this

is a part of a painting, which has been found in a stupa at Mihintale situated about eight

miles to the east of Anuradhapura~ probably belonging to the post Anuradhapura period. In

fact, Mihintalaya, the history of which undoubtedly runs as far back as the reign of king

Devanarnpiyatissa of the 3rd century BC, is a very ancient place of worship.Z91During

ancient times, this place was known as Missakapabbata, Ambastalaya or Mihintalaya and it

is evident that during the time of compilation of the Buddhist commentaries, it had also

288 Ibid, p.41. 289 Senaka Bandaranayake, The rock and wall paintings of Sri Lanka. Lake House Booksbop, Colombo, 1986,p.73. 290 VA Smith, Histoty of fine arts in India and Ceylon, Clarendon Press, London. 1930, p.112. 291 Edward Muller, Ancient inscriptions in Ceylon, Asian Educational Series, New Delhi, 1984, pp.33-34.

191

been known as Cetiyagiriya, and Sagiriya.292Mihintalaya may have been known by these

names probably because of a large number of dagobas erected there. 293

Of these, in the excavation of a dago ba situated to the left of the main flight of steps

and east of the Kantaka cetiya, paintings were found on the inner surface of the plastered

brickwork walls of the upper and lower relic chambers, 294 both of which had been

ransacked by treasure hunters. Unfortunately, in the years during which the chamber was

exposed to the elements after the rifling of the stupa, the sides had fallen and of the

numerous life-size, painted figures, which adorned the walls of the chamber, only the

portions below the knee in the upper relic chamber were now left for examination.

Providentially, remains of twenty-eight such portions of figures are clearly

recognisable.~ this respect,_ the ~ower relic vault is in a better state of preservation and

the paintings of this chamber depict divine beings. among. clouds, the lower parts of their

bodies being cut off (PlateN).

It is to be notedat this. point that in the chronicles, it is statedthatwhen the.da&obas

were constructed wall paintings were executed in the relic chamberS296 which fact is firmly

established and confirmed by these findings.. In addition, these paintings are of interest in

that they show that the figures in the Sigiriya paintings had been cut below the waist by the

clouds on purpose and not, as some early scholars try to maintain, due to the unevenne.ss of

292 Mahavamsa, ed. W. Geiger, Pali Text Society, London, 1912, 13; 14v; S Paranavitana, Inscriptions of Ceylon, Government Press, Colombo, Vol. I, 1970, introduction, p.vii; E.W Adikaram, Early history of Buddhism in Ceylo!!, Gunasena, Colombo, Second impression, 1953, pp.102-104. 293 Mahavamsa, ed. W. Geiger, Pali Text Society, London, 1912, p.ll4 fn.3. 294 S Paranavitana, Archaeological Survey of Ceylon Annual Report, Government Publication Colombo, 19 51, pp. 23-24. As with all relic chambers, this was one of the several-usually three compartments, located one above the other in the Centre of a soii<l mass of brick masonry, which form the dome of the dagoba. 295 S Paranavitana, Glimpses of Ceylon's past. Lake House Investments, Colombo, 1972, p.7 4; Archaeological Survey of Ceylon Annual Reports, 19 51, p.23. 296 Mahavamsa. ed. W. Geiger, Pali Text Society, London, 1912, chap 30; 78-88vv; PaliTupavamsa, ed. Warakagoda Seelaratana, Gunasenaco, Colombo, 1967, pp.74-76.

192

the rock surface as discussed in the sixth chapter in detail. ·Similarly, against a possible

contention that what we see in the chamber is all that the artists intended to complete and

that the paintings are impressionistic sketches, is the presence of a vertical line dividing

each scene into two, a line which must have been drawn by the artist as an aid to a balanced

grouping of the figures 297(Plate IV). However, it is evident that these are intentionally

unfinished perhaps for reasons of economy or time, but were obviously considered

adequate for the ritual functions that they performed?98

It is generally believed that the date of these paintings of the relic vault ofMihintale

dagoba must be the same as that of the original foundation of the stupa, for there is no

evidence that it had been rebuilt subsequently. In this context, it is reasonable to assume

that theyupa pillar is also ofthe same date as the chamber ofthe stupa and on one facet of

the yupa can be seen the Sinhalese letter 'Pe,' perhaps the abbreviation of the word pere

'east' incised as a masons' mark. The form of this letter is that which was in vogue in the

eighth century AD. This may, therefore, be taken as evidence that the stupa and the

paintings found therein belong to that period.~y scholars have also accepted this

chronology as the actual dates of the murals300and at present, they have been placed for

exhibition in the museums of Archaeology atAnuradhapura and Mihintale.

297 S Paranavitana, Glimpses of Ceylon's past, Lake House Investments, Colombo, 1972, p.75; Archaeological Swvey of Ceylon Annual Re.ports, 1951, p.24l; "Civilisation of the period: Religion, literature and art," University of Ceylon History of Ceylon, ed. HC Ray, Ceylon University Press, Colombo, Vol.I, pt I, 1959, p.409. 298 Senaka Bandaranayake, The rock and wall paintings of Sri Lanka, Lake House Bookshop, Colombo, 1986,p.74. 299 S Paranavitana, Archaeological Survey of Ceylon Annua1 Re.port, Government Publication Colombo, 1951, p.24; CW Nicholas and S Paranavitana, A concise history of Ceylon, Ceylon University Press, Colombo, 1961,p.l83. 300 For instance, see D.B. Dhanapala, Buddhist paintings from shrines and temples in Ceylon, Collins, London, 1964,p.17.

193

The relic chamber of Mahiyanganaya stupa:

As in the case of the murals ofMihintalaya stupa, fragments of some wall paintings

supposed to belong to the ancient period have been found in the relic chamber of

Mahiyangana Dagoba. 301This stupa is situated on the right bank of the river Mahavali just

at the place where the river joins the Laggala stream which is about 10 miles to the north in

Bintanna area ofUva province. Today this area is known as Alutnuwara. According to the

Chronicles, the traditional belief is that the Buddha visited the site in the ninth year of his

enlightenment to subdue the Yakkhas, though historians have disputed this.302It is also

believed that the site of the present Dagoba marks the spot where the Buddha is said to

have preached his first sermon on the island. It is further said that on that particular

occasion god.Saman received the sacredJlair. relic from the Buddha's heacianclit had been

deposited in the stupa at the site. 30ln addition, it is stated that the relic chamber of the stupa

contains the collarbone ofBuddha, which was rescued from the funeral pyre.304Thus, it is

evident that though the history of the Mahiyartga.na dagoba dates as fur back as the 6th

century BC, the date of the legendary Mahiyanganastupa continues to be debatecLBut, it is

undeniable that the site was an important religious centre during the ancient period. 305

It is recordeclthatin1950 the.archaeologicaldepartmentbegan_conservationat the

site and found the relic chambers of the dagoba. The repository was closed with three

301 S Paranavitana, Archaeological Swvey of Ceylon Annual Re,port, Government Publication Colombo, 1951, p.l6; Art of the ancient Sinhalese, Colombo, 1971, pp.28, 140; WE Ward, "Recently discovered Mahiyangana paintings," Arttbus Asiae, V o1.XV, Nos 1 &2, 19 52, pp .1 08-113. 302 Mahavam~ ed. W. Geiger, Pali Text Society, London, 1912, chap 1; 24v; Samantapasadik!!, tr. J Tatakusu, Pali Text Society, London, Vol.I, 1924, p.89 and note 14. 303 Mahavamsa, ed. W. Geiger, Pali Text Society, London, 1912, chap. I; 33-36vv. 304 1bid, chap. 1; 37-39vv. 305 For the historicity of the site ofMahiyanganaya from ancient times upto modern period please refer to Maureen Senaviratna, Some Mahavamsa places or history happened here, Lake House Investments, Colombo, 1974, pp.127-150.

194

large stone slabs surviving as the lid. It was a square vault 4X4 feet with paintings on the

inner surface of its walls. Most of them had peeled off and fallen to the floor of the vault.

Pieces of plaster containing paintings were carefully removed and restored306(Plates V

and VI). In fact, this is the first instance when paintings were found in a relic chamber of

an ancient dagoba. It was mentioned above that this discovery substantiated the claim

made in the Mahavamsa that in the second century BC paintings were drawn in the relic

chamber of the Mahatupa. Such paintings can be of importance as recording an interesting

aspect of the practice of Buddhism in ancient Sri Lanka and certainly they give a special

meaning to Buddhist worship since the paintings virtually amount to a recreation of the

life of the Buddha.307However, according to both these paintings found at relic chambers

ofMihintale and Mahiyanganaya stupas, it is obvioU& that the aspirations of some of the

Buddhist muml paintings of the ancient period of Sri Lanka had been somewhat different

to what it is today, since after the closure of the relic chamber and the construction of the

stupa on it, no one would be able to have a look at these paintings (Plate Vll). It is

interesting, thus in spite of the fact that these paintings were not meant to be viewed, the

artist has given much attention to the delineation of form and to effective

colouring308(Plates V, VI and Vlll).

When considering the chronology of the relic chamber of the Mahiyangana stupa,

which contains these paintings, it may be mentioned that in the Tupavamsa this stupa is

referred to as having undergone renovations at the hands of Sambu Thero, prince

306 S Paranavitana, Ceylon Administration R(!port. 1951, Section IV education, pp. G.l6-18. 307 Siri Gunasinghe, "Buddhist painting in Sri Lanka - An art of enduring simplicity," Spolia Zeylanica, VoLXXXV, Nos 1&2, 1980, p.484. 3<ll CW Nicholas and S Paranavitana, A concise history of Ceylon, Ceylon University Press, Colombo, 1961,

p.275.

195

Chulabhaya, and king Dutugamunu (161-131 BC).3~ addition, since this place is an

important site to the Buddhists, many devout kings made donations and renovations at the

place from earliest time to at least the fifteenth century AD. 310Therefore, even from the

literary sources it is difficult to know precisely the chronology of the paintings in the relic

chamber of the dagoba at the site. But, among the antiquities found in the relic vault of the

dagoba, there was a silver coin belonging to thaperiodofRajendraCola (1014-1144) and

there was no object belonging to a date later than the reign ofVijayabahu I (1058-1114

AD). Hence, basedonthesefmdings, it can besurmisedthatthis relic vaultbelonged~to the

eleventh century AD.3111t is evident that scholars like Ward, Dhanapala and Wijesekara

also accept the date proposed by Paranavitana,312though de Silva believes that these mumls

belong to the period between the sixth and the eighth centuries AD.313Quite differently,

Bandamnayake is of the opinion.thatthesebelongto the period betweentheninthand tenth

centuries AD.314

But, it should not be forgotten .that there is an ambiguity regarding~ the dating of

these murals. In support of the proposition that the paintings were older than the latest in

date of the objects found in the~relie-chamber,_Paranavitanadrew attention.to arepair Qn the

painted plaster which was done in a different material and was not coloured. For this

309 Pali Tupavamsa, ed. Warakagoda Seelaratana, Gunasena co, Colombo, 1967, pp.51-52. 31° CW Nicholas, "Historical topography of ancient and medieval Ceylon," Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (Ceylon Branch), (New Series), Vol. VI, Special number, 1963, pp.48-50: 311 See. S Paranavitana, Archaeological Suxvey of Ceylon Annual Reports, 1951 and 1967, pp.l7 -18 and pp.51-52 respectively; Ceylon Administration Report, 1951, Section IV education, pp. G.l6-18; Glimpses of Ceylon's past, Lake House Investments, Colombo, 1972, p.147. 312 William E Ward, "Recently discovered Mahiyangana painting," ArtibusAseae, Vol.XV, 1952, p.l09; Nandadeva Wijesekara, Early Sinhalese Painting, SamanPress, Maharagama, 1959 plate no. XIV; O.B. Dhanapala, Buddhist paintings from shrines and temples in Ceylon. Collins, London, 1964, p.17. 313 RH de Silva, "The evolution of the technique of Sinhalese wall painting and comparison with Indian ~ainting," Ancient Ceylon. No.1, 1971, pp.90-104.

14 Senaka Bandaranayake, The rock and wall paintings of Sri Lank!!. Lake House Bookshop, Colombo, 1986,p.79.

196

reason, he suggested that the damage to the paintings was repaired at a later

time.315 Accordingly, it is probable that the relic chamber itself and the paintings may

belong to an earlier unrecorded restoration during the late Anuradhapura period perhaps

during the reign of Vijayabahu I. 316Supporting this conclusion is the statement in the

Culavamsa that the Mahiyangana temple was restored by Vijayabahu 1.3171t is to be noted

at this point that the relic chamber and its paintings did not suffer much_ in the interval and

that those who rebuilt the stupa repaired such damage as it had sustained and closed it after

making their own deposits.31~owever, as in the case of the relic chamber paintings of

Mihintale stupa, at present, these murals are also kept for exhibition at the museum of the

department of archaeology at Anuradhapura.

Sutigara cetiya, Dadigama:

The Sutigara cetiya is situated in.Dadi~ Kegalla District of the province of

Sabaragamuva. As in the case of Hindagala, this is also an important site since almost all

the other painting sites are located in. and around the two ancient cities of Anuradhapura

and Polonnaruva. Although there is evidence that the historicity of the place dates to the

second century AD,319the history of the subsequent period of the site is not available. But,

Culavamsa states that king Parakkramabahu l (1153-1186) built Sutigara dagoba on the

315 S Paranavitana, Archaeological Smvey of Ceylon Annual Re.port, 1951, p.17. 316 S Paranavitana, "Civilisation religion literature and arts of the Polonnaruva period," University of Ceylon Histozy of Ceylon, ed. CW Nicholas and others, Vidyalankara University Press, Kelaniya, Vol.II, Pt.l, 1972, p.578; Art and architecture of Ceylon: Polonnaruva period, Arts Council of Ceylon, Times oflndia Press, Bombay, 1954, p.36; CW Nicholas and S Paranavitana, A concise histozy of Ceylon, Ceylon University Press, Colombo, 1961, p.275. 317 Culavamsa, tr. W. Geiger, Pali Text Society, London, 1925, chap 60; 59v. 318 S Paranavitana, Glimpses of Ceylon's past, Lake iloure investments, Colombo, 1972, p .150. 319 CE Godakumbura, The Kotavehera at Dadigama, Memoirs of Archaeological Survey of Ceylon, No, VII, Colombo, 1969, pp.5-6.

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site ofPunkagama where the king was bom320and this has been correctly identified as the

present Dadigama Village.321 Accordingly, it is clear that the dagoba had been erected

during the twelfth century AD.

When. attention is focussed on the paintings. at the site,. it is. to be. noted that as

excavations were carried out from the summit of the.dagoba downwards, several relic

chambers were discovered.. At the level of the third. ledge, the. second relic chamber

surrounded by a suite of another eight relic chambers was discovered. On some of the walls

of these chambers, there were some outlines of a. more finished and deliberate status of

paintings?22Faint traces of these paintings survive in outline drawings in red ochre, which

colour seems to have been. uniformly used.except in.one-instance. The. drawings were

varied, there being human, animal, vegetable motifs. In the southeastern chamber was the

figure of amonkholding an..openJotus.in.one.handanda-tray offlowers.inthe.other. In the

other chambers bejewelled females have been delineated, some with ornate head dress.

The paintings, which were very fragmentary r occupied only the upper. section. of the wall

surface running, as it were, along a band. One surface of the northwestern chamber was

solely occupiedby the. representation of a large. three.-hoodedcobrain coarser linework~ it

was in white.323But, unfortunately all these were so fragile that they faded away shortly

320 Culavamsa, tr. W Geiger, Pali Text Society, Oxford University Press, London, 1927, Chap. LXXIX; 61v. 321 CE Godakumbura, The Kotavehera at Dadigam~ Memoirs of Archaeological Swvey of Ceylon, No VTI, Colombo, 1969, pp.S-9. 322 Ibid, p.38; N Wickramasinghe, ''Mural paintings: 800 AD-1200AD," Archaeological Department centenazy (1890-1990) commemorative series, Volume five -Painting, ed. Nandadeva Wijesekara, State Printing Corporation, 1990, p.65. 323 CE Godakumbura, The Kotavehera at Dadigama, Memoirs of Archaeological Survey of Ceylon, No. Vll, Colombo, 1969, p.38.

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after the chamber was opened.324Consequently, details cannot be obtained in this regard

today.

Northern (Tivamka) temple ofPolonnaruva:

Of the Sri Lankan sites, where wall paintings of the ancient period remain, the

northern temple occupies an important position since the greatest number of wall paintings

not only those of the Polonnaruva period but also those of the whole island are kept

preserved. It is apparent that the Culavamsa carries historical accounts of the Tivamka

image house, which belongs to the Jetavanaramaya, incorrectly called either

Demalamahasaya or Veluvanarama temple, by the writers of the 1 t:ft century as well as at

the beginning of the 20th century. 325 According to these accounts given in the Culavamsa,

king Parakramabahu I (1155-1186 AD) built an image house for a Tivamka statue. 3~

fact, this shrine is called the 'Tivamka image house' after the erection of a large 'tribanga'

Buddha statue, which is the chief object of the shrine even today. Culavamsa further states

that the image house contained groups of figures of lion, the Kinnara and the swan?27

Fortunately,. some of these figures can still be seen. at the site_ It is also recorded in the

324 Senaka Bandaranayake, The rock and wall paintings of Sri Lanka, Lake House Bookshop, Colombo, 1986, p.78. For the line drawings of these murals please refer to CE Godalrumbura, The Kotavehera at Dadigama, Memoirs of Archaeological Swvey of Ceylon, No. VII, Colombo, 1969, pp.90-91, Plate nos LIX-LX. . 325 Culavamsa, tr. W Geiger, Pali Text Society, Oxford University Press, London, 1925, Chap.78; 88vv; WM Fernando, "The misnamed Demalamaha seya atPolonnarnva," Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society(Ceylon Branch), Vol.:XXVI, No.71, 1918, pp.202-204; HCP Bell, ''Demalamahaseya paintings," Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (Ceylon Branch), Vol.XXVI, No.1 I, 1918, pp.I99-20I. See also Archaeological Survey of Ceylon Annual Rtmotl, 1S93, p.10; D.B. Dhanapala, Buddhist paintings from shrines and temples in Ceylon, Collins, London, 1964, p. 18; CE Godakumbura, Murals at Tivamka pilimage, Archaeological Department, Colombo, 1969, p.5; Nandadeva Wijesekara, Early Sinhalese painting, Saman Press, Maharagama, 1959, p. 12; GA Joseph, "The Galvihara and Demalamahaseya paintings at Polonnaruva," Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (Ceylon Branch), Vol.:XXVI, No.71, 1918, pp.lOl-108. 326 CulliV"!ilii$8. tr. W. Geiger, Pali Text Society, London, 1925, Chap. 78:39-40W. 327 Ibid, Chap. 78:39-40vv.

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Culavamsa that this temple at the beginning comprised of several storeys and the ruins of

the granite pillars planted there supported the upper storey and also a part of the flight of

steps, leading towards the upper floor, still to be seen by the side. As this identification is

in conformity with the accounts in the Culavams~ there is no doubt that this monument,

which is called the Tivamka image house is the same sanctum attributed to king

Parakramabahu I.

However, it was reported that the roof of the Tivamka image house had collapsed

during the latter part of the 19th century and in 1885-86, Burrows did some excavations to

uncover the building. Consequently, he discovered two large panels of paintings in fair

preservation. 32llsut, he was unable to remove all the debris that had piled up. Besides,

though the tunnelling by Burrows revealed. the paintings, unfortunately it exposed them

greatly to the natural elements?29Subsequently, the wall paintings of the northern temple

, caught the eye of BelL the first archaeological commissioner of the island and these were

then in a protected state to a considerable extent.330 Afterwards, it was reported that when

Longhurst was serving as the archaeological commissioner, he implemented temporary

measures to safeguard the Tivamka image house and its paintings. He built a roof of plaited

cadjans leaves over the building and applied bee's wax on the paintings. During these

preservation works he discovered that the walls on which these painting had been done,

contained two layers of plaster belonging to two distinct stages.331Similarly, when the

328 SM Burrows, "Report on archaeological work in Anuradhapura and Polonnaruva," Ceylon Sessional Paper, No.X, 1886, p.lO. 329 Senaka Bandaranayake, The rock and wall paintings of Sri Lanka, Lake House Bookshop, Colombo, 1986,p.79. 330 HCP Bell, Archaeological Survey of Ceylon Annual Re:potl, Government Publication, Colombo, 1905, E .2.! Archae<> logical Survey o~ Ceylon Annual Re,Ports, ! 909, plates 25-2~; 1922, pp.l2-13.

31 HCP Bell, Archaeological SuiVey of Ceylon Annual Re,Ports, 1909, p.7.

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superimposed plaster was removed at a place Hocart also discovered some paintings

belonging to an earlier period on the original plaster.332

A statement recorded in the Culavamsa is very important at this stage, since it states

that during the rein of king Parakramabahu I this image house was replete with plastering

in white and contained floral designs with the figures of gods.333 As in the case of the

animal figures mentioned above these figures of gods and Brahmas also can still be seen at

the Tivamka shrine. But, it is to be noted that even though the walls contain paintings today

dealing with Jataka stories and the events of the life story of the Buddha, the Culavamsa

does not mention them at all. Similarly, the early designs in flowers and leaves mentioned

in the Culavamsa are also not to be seen among the remaining paintings. Hence, it cannot

definitely be said that all the paintings now found at the Tivamka shrine were got done by

king Parakramabahu 1 Particularly, whether the painting series of Jataka stories and the

events of the life story of the Buddha can be ascribed to him is extremely doubtful. 334

On the other hand,. both those layers of plasters containing the paintings at the

shrine cannot in any way belong to the reigning period of king Parakramabahu I alone.

Although the lower or the original layer of plaster containing paintings can certainly be

considered to have belonged to Parakkramabahu's period, the upper or the second layer of

plaster containing paintings must have belonged to a period when.the original paintings

were decaying. In other words, although the Tivamka image house was constructed and

332 Archaeological Smvey of Ceylon Annual Re,port, Government Publication, Colombo, 1920, pp.1-7. 333 Culavamsa, tr. W Geiger, Pali Text Society, Oxford University Press, London, 1925, Chap. 78; 39-40vv. 334 Nanda Wick:ramasinghe, "Mural paintings: 800-1200 AD," Archaeological de.partment centenacy (1890-1990) commemorative series. Volume five - Painting, ed. Nandadeva Wijesekara, State Printing Cotporation, Colombo, 1990, p.53.

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originally painted during the reign of king Parakkramabahu I,335the murals may have been

renovated on a plaster of the walls that had been applied during a subsequent period; most

probably in the latter part of the Polonnaruva period or somewhere in the thirteenth century

AD. 33~t is to be noted at this point that at the beginning of the 13th century AD, the invader

Kalinga Magha caused. much damage to the buildings and other property at the capital of

Polonnaruva. He occupied and ruled there for 22 years from 1215 AD to 1236 AD.

Subsequently, the country was liberated by kingParakramabahu rr (1236·1270 AD) and he

constructed or repaired the buildings destroyed at Polonnaruva by the invaders, Hence, it is

possible to argue that the Tivamka image house was also one of such reconstructed

buildings at Polonnaruva. It is also probable that on that occasion another layer of fine lime

mixed plaster was applied on. the original layer of plaster containing early paintings and

fresh paintings done on it 337Thus it is evident that all the paintings in the Tivamka image

house do not necessarily belong to the twelfth century AD alone and some of them may

belong to the next century, effected by Parakkramabahu IT (1236·1270 AD). in his venture

335 Nevertheless, Bell has incorrectly identified these paintings as those belonging to the period of King Vijayabahu I (1055-1110). It is obvious that this date is even prior to the erection of the Tivamkashrine. See HCP Bell, Archaeological Swvey of Ceylon Annual Rt;port, 1909. p.7. 336 S Paranavitana, "Civilisation religion literature and arts of the Polonnaruva period," University of Ceylon Histozy ofCey1on, ed. HC Ray, University Press, Colombo, Voll, Part II, 1960, p.611; Art and architecture of Ceylon: Polonnaruvaperiog, Arts Council ot'Cey1on, Times oflndiaPress; Bombay, 1954, p.36; CW Nicholas and S Paranavitana A concise histozy of Ceylon, Ceylon University Press, Colombo, 1961, p.i16; Senaka Bandaranayake, The rock and wall paintings of Sri L~ Lake House Bookshop, Colombo, rE·80-87.

S Paranavitana, "The art and architecture of the Polonnaruva period," The Ceylon Historical Journal ed. SD Saparamadu, Special number on the Polonnaruva period, Vol. N, No.1-4 July- October 1954, January­Aprill955, 1958, p.88; Nanda Wickramasinghe, ''Mural paintings: 800-1200 AD," Archaeolo~ical deplirtiiient centenmy ( 1890-1990) commemorative series, Volume five - Painting, ed. Nandadeva W:ijesekara, State Printing Corporation,. Colombo, 1990,_p.p.53-5.4.

202

to again bring upon Polonnaruva ancient prosperity after a period of neglected and wilful

damage.338

Accordingly, it can be reasonably suspected that these paintings belong to the

periods ofboth these kings.339Certainly, this chronological difference is evident even in the

two different styles of paintings as represented in the inner and the outer chambers of the

building340as discussed in the next chapter in detail. But, unfortunately in recent times, they

have been so much damaged that they cannot even be easily identified_ The main cause for

this was their unprotected state from the natural elements for a very long period and this

was further accelerated by the fact that no genuine steps were taken to conserve them until

the 1940s and 1960s. 341

The Galviharaya:

Although minute in comparison with the paintings of the Tivamka image house,

there are remnants of wall paintings belonging to this period at the GaJvjha,raya too .. which

is also known as Uttararamaya.342It can be surmised that this shrine was thus called the

'Uttararamaya' because it was situated to the no.rtltofthe ancient city ofPolonnaruva. It is

338 S Paranavitana, ''Paintings and architecture of the Polonnaruva period," Polonnaruva period, Special Volume, TisaraHistoryBooks, No. I, SamanPress,Maharagama,'I962, p.104. 339 CE Godakmnbura, Murals atTivamkapilimage, Archaeological Department, Colombo, 1969, p.l4; Albert Dharmasiri, "Buddhist paintings in Sri Lanka," The Buddha and his teachings, ed. Narada Maha Thero, JF and I Printers, Colombo, 1987, p.8. 340 Senaka :Bandaranayake, The rock and wail paintings of Sri tanka, take House Bookshop, Colombo, 1986, p.8 1. He has given three distinctive phases of paintings: i.e. 1. The late classical style of the shrine and Antarala, dating possibly from the last decade or so of the Ii11 century AD. 2. The sub classic style and 3. A post-classic style in the panel from the south wall of the entrance. The last two phases probably date from the restoration of the late 13111 century AD, Ibid, p.87. 341 Mohomed Khan Bahadur Sana Ulla, Report on the treatment of the Sigiriya frescos and suggestions for the p:reseiVation of paintings in the various shrines and old monuments in Ceylon, Ceylon Sessional Paper, No. XXI, Colombo, 1943; L MliraliZi, Preservation of mural paintings (February- May, 1972), UNESCO Report, Paris, 1972; RH de Silva, Rock painting in Sri Lanka. 197 5, p.71; Archaeological Survey of Ceylon AnnualReport.l947,p.l4.

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stated in the Culavamsa that king Pamkkramabahu I (1153-1186 AD) employed skilled

artisans, dug the rockand.constructedthe three caves ofVijjadara, Nisinnapatimagam, and

Nipannapatimagam at the site.343Thus, since the temple belongs to the twelfth century AD,

it can be believed that the paintings of the site also belong to the same period.

A majority of these remaining paintings of the shrine are on two columns about

6Xl foot on plaster found at both the ends of the interior walL of this irnaga house.

Although they were in a good state at the time when Bell discovered them, in the first part

of the last century344 during the recent period they do not seem to have been so well

protected Among the welL-preserved pieces" a figure of a bearded. old~ with a sage

looking countenance and holding a flower, probably represents a denizen of the Brahma

world Besides these'" there is some insignia ofplaste~"Sr which help to conclude_ that the

entire wall surface inside the cave was once covered with figures of gods and men as

attendants of the Buddha. seated on_theVajrasana, carved out of the rock, which must also

have been painted originally_345

The Lamkatilaka:

The Lamkatilaka temple at Polonnaruvais also a place when~ remnants of paintings

of the twelfth century AD are found.3~ng Parkkramabahu I built this image house during

the twelfth century AD. As in the case of the Tivamka image house, the temple_ has been

342 Culavamsa, tr. W Geiger, Pali Text Society, Oxford University Press, London, 1925, chap 78; 74-75vv. 343 Ibid, Chap.78; 73v. 344 Archaeological Sutvey of Ceylon Annual Report, Government Publication, Colombo, 1907, p.34. 345 S Paranavitana, "The art and architecture of the Polonnaruva period," The Ceylon Historical Journal, ed. SD Saparamadu, Special number on the Polonnaruva period, Vol.IV, No.l-4 July- October 1954, January­Aprill955, 1958, p.87; For the description of these paintings see HCP Bell, Archaeological Sntvey of Ceylon Annual Reports 1907, Government Printer, 1911, pp.34-35. 346 Archaeological Sntvey of Ceylon Annual Report, Government Publication, Colombo, 1910-11, p .3 5.

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been misnamed as Jetavanaramaya347by early writers but is supposed to house the biggest

Buddha image in the island.348 Although a large number of paintings once existed at the

site, these have by now decayed. It is recorded that during the period when they were well

protected the walls and the canopies had been ornamented and decorated with creepers and

other designs.3490fthese, a figure ofnarilata (a mythical climbing plant comprising ofhalf

woman and half creeper) painted on the canopy may still be discerned. It is evident that the

top of the arch at the temple was also ornamented with paintings but only a very small

portion of these remains today. Similarly, in the walls made ofbricks there are a number of

holes where painting remnants can still be seen and they are said to be older than the

above-mentioned paintings of the building.3511n addition, some remains of paints found

within' and outside the temple are an indication that there were paintings both inside and

outside the building at the beginning.

Potgulvehera ofPolonnaruva:

Another building erected by Parakkramabahu I was the Potgul viharaya, where the

king was accustomed to sit and listen to the reading of the Jataka stories.351This building

consisted of a circular cell, originally painted. It has been accepted that these wall paintings

belong to the twelfth century AD and were executed only on the inner walls of the

341 Nandadeva Wijesekara, Early Sinhalese painting, Saman Press, Maharagama, 1959, p.l3. 348 Ananda Coomaraswamy, Histozy oflndia and Indonesian Art, Dover Publication, New York, 1965, p.164.

349 Archaeological Swvey of Ceylon Annual Re,port, Government Publication, Colombo, 1910-11, p.3 5; S Paranavitana, "The art and architecture of the Polonnaruva period," The Ceylon Historical Journal ed. SD Saparamadu, Special number on the Polonnaruva period, Vol. IV, No.1-4 July- October 1954, Januacy- April 1955, 1958, p.87. 350 Archaeological Sutvey of Ceylon Annual Re,port, Government Publication, Colombo, 1920-21, p.9. 351 Mahavamsa, ed. W. Geiger, Pali Text Society, London, 1912, chap. LXXlll; Archaeological Swvey of Ceylon Annual Re,port, Government Publication, Colombo, 1910-11, p .3 0; See also Ananda Coomaraswamy, Histo:ry of India and Indonesian Art, Dover Publication, New York, 1965, p.l64.

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temple. 352But, these are in a state of disrepair and cannot be used for analytical purpuses by

any means.

Maravidiya of Dim bulagala:

On the summit of the Dimbulagala rock there is a row of caves known as

Maravidiya. Of these, cave nos. 1 and 2 are in a better state of preservation than the rest and

had contained paintings. It is evident that a white coating covered the entire wall and there

are traces that suggest that there had been paintings covering the whole wall, but now only

the external lines drawn with black colour remain. It is evident that there are Brahmi

inscriptions in both caves and this establishes the fact that the caves dated back to a period

before the 7th century AD. This established that undoubtedly the history of the place goes

as far back as many centuries before the Polonnaruva period.

In the second cave, there is an inscription done by Sundaramahadevi, the queen of

Wickramabahu (1111-1132) of the J.>olonnaruva period too. The inscription says that she

improved the road between the two caves of Sandamahalena and Hirumahalena and that

she got sculptures and dagobas done in those caves. Hence Paranavitana believes that she

undertook the paintings of the caves too though there is nothing mentioned in the

inscriptions.35~stead, Bandaranayake dated them as belonging to the period between the

twelfth and eighteenth centuries AD,354 while others suggest that though the Polonnaruva

style is discernible, they are about fifty years older than that period or style. 355

j52 Archaeological Survey of Ceylon Annual Rtmort Government Publication, Colombo, 1904, p.4.

353 S Paranavitana, "Archaeological summlll)'," Ceylon Journal of Science. Section G, Vol.II, pp.157 -158. 354 Senaka Bandaranayake, The rock and wall paintings of Sri Lank!!, Lake House Bookshop, Colombo, 1986, p.39. 355 Nandadeva Wijesekara, Early Sinhalese painting, Saman Press, Maharagama, 1959, p.22.

206

Nevertheless, de Silva believes that they belong to the early ,Anuradhapura period to a time

closer to the fifth century AD, based on their technical aspects?56

It is evident from this survey that painting is not to be seen merely as an

architectural embellishment, but formed an integral part of the Buddhist religious

tradition. This is particularly true of Sri Lanka where paintings have been found in relic

chambers within stupas. Since these relic chambers were buried inside the stupas, the

paintings were not meanLto be_ viewed. Though in several cases the chronology is

debated, most of these ancient Buddhist murals of the two countries are fairly

contemporaneous. It had been a common assumption.among art critics to suggest that the

murals of Sri Lanka of the ancient period are very closely related to, if not directly derived

from, those of peninsular India_ The above survey makes it quite clear. that this is far from

being the case and the Sri Lankan murals form an independent tradition to a large extent.

This will be examined in the next chapter in detail particularly in the context of the styles

of the two traditions.

356 RH de Silva, "The evolution of the technique of Sinhalese wall painting and comparison with Indian painting methods," Ancient Ceylon, Vol. I, 1971, p.97.