87

CHAPTER -IV

THE MOVEMENT FOR THE RESTORATION OF DEMOCRACY

In this chapter the anti-Ershad movement which took the form of

movement for the restoration of democracy in Bangladesh has been

discussed. Further, the role of various interest oroups in this movement

has been evaluated.

The mass upsurge of 1990 brought an ignominious end to the

nine-year long autocratic rule of General Hussain Muhammad Ershad.

The success of the mass upsurge of 1990 depended enormously on the

role of students and professional groups (e.g. lawyers, teachers,

doctors, journalists and cultural people). The unity of the students

ultimately pushed Ershad from power. The disunity among the major

political parties was strength for the autocratic regime of Ershad but

when the resistance of the civil society assumed unprecedented

dimension, the political parties as also their alliances put up a united

front against Ershad.

To remain at the helm of affairs for a very long time without the

support of the civil society is difficult. Ershad's attempt to legitimize his

rule and garner support of the civil society was not successful and

ultimately ended in destruction of his authoritarian regime.~

1 Talukdar Maniruzzaman, "The Fall of the Military Dictator : 1991 Elections and the Prospect of Civilian Rule in Bangladesh", Pacific Affairs, March 1992.

88

The authoritarian style of Ershad's governance and his policies

created widespread dissatisfaction in the various groups in the society.

The people at large were growing restless with the dictatorial style of

Ershad's rule and clamoured for the restoration of democracy and

responsible government. The anti-autocracy movement of 1990

remained out of control not only for the Government but also the

leaders of the major political parties. The students and the common

people assumed leadership of demonstrations and processions on the

streets, compensating for the lapses of political heavy weights. The

anti-autocracy upsurge amply reflected the deep discontent of the

ordinary people about the unprecedented rise in prices,

misappropriation of enormous amounts of public money,

unemployment, and lack of avenues for honest earnings. 2

Ershad was not successful in achieving the political base for

himself inspite of the formation of the Jatiyo Party which was basically a

conglomerate of deserters from various opposition parties, opportunists

from the business and military background. The two major political

parties - the Awami League (AL) headed by Sheikh Hasina and the

Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) led by Khaleda Zia - occupied the

centre state of Bangladesh politics.

Movement Against H.M. Ershad : Political activities were

banned in the beginning of the Ershad period (1982-86) when the

2 Bhorer Kagoj, 18 October, 1990.

89

martial law was in operation. The students of the Universities and

Colleges of the Dhaka City organised themselves against the military

rule on the occasion of Education Day on 17 September 1982. On 14

November 1982, about 14 student organisations affiliated to the left and

democratic political parties formed the Central Student Action

Committee (CSAC). 3

In a conventior. organised by the Supreme Court Bar Council on

20 May 1983, the representatives of the various Bar Councils in the

country adopted about 17 resolutions for the restoration of

constitutional rule and independence of judiciary.

On 1 March 1984 labour leader Tajul Islam was killed during a

hartal in the Adamjee Industrial Area. This caused widespread

condemnation. The killings of Selim and Delwar, two Chatra League

activists of the Dhaka University on 24 February 1984 and Shahajahan

Siraj - JSD Student League leader on 2 December 1984 led to

widespread criticism and condemnation of the Ershad government on

part of the people.

On 1 October 1985 Ershad allowed indoor politics. On 1 January

1986 he permitted open politics in the country. In late 1987 and early

1988 there was popular upsurge following the government's attempt to

include military personnel in local administration. The opposition

3 Ranglal Sen, "The Movement for Restoration of Democracy in Bangladesh 1982-90 : A Theoretical Framework and Social Background", in S.R. Chakravarty (ed.), Society, Polity and Economy of Bangladesh (New Delhi, 1994), p. 77.

90

political alliances - eight party alliance led by Sheikh Hasina, a seven

party alliance led by Khaleda Zia and a five party alliance consisting of

five left leaning political parties - jointly sponsored a number of

successful strikes demanding the resignation of Ershad and the holding

of free and fair elections under a neutral caretaker government. The

opposition was "convinced that their cumulative effect would one day

prove effective". 4

On 10 November 1987, the eight-party, the seven-party and the

five-party alliance to force Ershad to step down and conduct general

election under the caretaker government. Dhaka turned into a besieged

city due to all-out strike and the dislocation of railways. Thousands of

people were out in the streets. The police shot dead Noor Hossain, an

Awami League worker. On his chest and back were written "Down with

autocracy" and "Let democracy be restored". 5 Shamsur Rahman, a

leading poet of Bangladesh suggested that the bullets pierced not

merely the chest of Noor Hossain but the heart of Bangladesh.6

The Government arrested Sheikh Hasina, Khaleda Zia and a

large number of other political leaders. The people resorted to

demonstrations, hartals, attacking government property and buildings.

4 Lawrence Ziring, Mujibism and the Failure of the Awami League Government (Oxford, 1992), p. 201.

5 Sirajuddin Ahmed, Sheikh Hasina - Prime Minister of Bangladesh (Dhaka,

1998), p. 125.

6 Shamsur Rahman, "Buk Tar Bangladesher Hriday', Saptahik Ekta, 25

November 1987.

91

There were number of clashes between the police and the protestors

resulting in several deaths. In a statement issued by 23 intellectuals,

apprehension of imminent civil war in the country was expressed. 7

Ershad declared the proclamation of a countrywide emergency on 27

November 1987. The members of parliament belonging to AL and

Jamaat resigned from 'Jatiyo Sangsad', on 6 December 1947, Ershad

dissolved the parliament. On the same day, Samsur Rahman, an eminent

poet of Bangladesh resigned from his post as the chief editor of the 'Dainik

Bangia' -a government controlled daily citing the reason as inability tc. bow

down to the increasing injustice of the Ershad regime. 8

Course of the Movement in 1988 : On 24 January 1988, a

public meeting was organised by the eight-party alliance in Chittagong.

In the afternoon, the police fired at the gathering, killing 11 on the spot,

and mortally injuring 56, some of whom died later.

The masses, including students, rose to the occasion and

donated blood for the wounded. On 30 January 1988, there was a

mammoth procession to mourn the deaths in the Chittagong massacre.

Begum Khaleda joined the procession but Sheikh Hasina did not come.

In a meeting that followed, leaders from various alliances participated.

The meeting issued a declaration stating that Ershad should resign and

7 Daily lttefaq, 14 November 194 7.

a Saptahik Ekta, 1 January 1987.

92

transfer power to an interim Government headed by a non-party and

non-partisan individual acceptable to all the three political alliances. 9

Although there was tremendous amount of unrest among the

masses to oust the Ershad regime, the differences between Sheikh

Hasina and Khaleda Zia was growing and proving to be a hindrance to

a strong unified effort to oust Ershad. While Sheikh Hasina aimed at

installation of parliamentary democracy on the basis of 1972

Constitution, Khaleda Zia preferred a Presidential System and was

pressing only for Ershad's resignation.

The anti-Ershad movement was gaining momentum day by day

inspite of differences among the leaders of the BNP and the AL. The

Jatiya Party (JP) of Ershad also proved ineffective to build a political

support base for its leader. But the miiitary, Ershad's principai support

constituency remained solidly behind him during the civilian movement

against his regime. 10 In these circumstances, Ershad made another bid

to legitimize his regime. He announced the date for fourth parliamentary

elections for 3 March 1988.

All the major political parties, including BNP, AL and Jamaat-i-

lslami (JI) announced their decision to boycott the fourth parliamentary

election since the elections under Ershad government could not be free

9 ibid., 31 January 1988. 10 Muhammad A. Hakim, Bangladesh Politics : The Shahabuddin Interregnum (Dhaka, 1993), p. 29.

93

and fair. Ershad's reaction to the opposition's decision was that the

credibility of an election does not depend upon the political parties, but

on the participation of people and its acceptability to the people.

On 16 February 1988, Peter Shore, Chairman of the British

Bangladesh All-Party Parliamentary Group, moved a resolution in the

House of Commons for neutral and free election in Bangladesh. 11 The

motion read as following : "This House notes with mour1iilig concern

recent events in Bangladesh including the peremptory dissolution of

Parliament in December, the imposition of a state of emergency, press

censorship and expulsion of- the BBC world service correspondent, the

growing toll of the dead and the injured as a result of police

suppression of public demonstration and the arrests of hundreds of

political workers from all parties, lawyers, journalists and others without

trial, recalling the gross irregularities and blatant ballot riggings which

invalidated the parliamentary election on March 1986, does not believe

that in present conditions, the election to be held on 3 March, which will

be boycotted by all major political parties, will in any sense restore

confidence or help to bring about political stability in Bangladesh,

therefore calls upon President Ershad to cancel the 3 March election, to

release all political prisoners, who have not been charged with specific

criminal acts and to work out with the principal opposition parties the

condition for holding a free and fair election in Bangladesh, and further

11 Resolution moved in the House of Commons by Peter Shore, MP, on 16 February 1988.

94

calls on Her Majesty's Government to make clear to Bangladesh

authorities Britain's continuing support for genuine democracy in

Bangladesh and other Commonwealth countries and our total

opposition to any return to martial law".

In the elections for the parliament held in March 1988, a total of

977 candidates including 214 independents participated. Only eight

political parties participating in the election which was lowest since

independence. While the major opposition parties remained off the fray,

the main rival of Ershad's JP was the Combined Opposition Party

(COP), an electoral alliance of 76 small parties, factions and groups.

The Jatiya Samajtantrik Dal (JSD-Rab) was the centerpiece of the COP

· and was headed by ASM Abdur Rab, who was a prominent student

leader during the liberation movement. 12

Sheikh Hasina and her alliance called for 36 hours' hartal on 2, 3

and 4 March 1988. The press was censored. The BBC and the voice of

America were the only media to communicate the programmes and

news of the oppositions activities.

The election failed to generate mass enthusiasm. The Election

Commission claimed that the voter turnout on 3 March 1988 was 54.93

percent. 13 Foreign reporters and observers, however, estimated that

12 Hakim, n. 10, p. 30. 13 ibid., p. 30.

95

voting was as low as 10 to 15 percent. 14 Ershad's Jatiya Party (JP) won

251 of a possible 281 contested seats in 330 member National

Assembly. The COP trailed for behind with 19 seats. The independent

candidates won 25 seats. 15

Due to non-participation of the major political parties there was

very low turn-out of voters. But the official records were inflated which

could only be ascribed to false balluii!'1g and surreptitious counting. The

Guardian published the following news of the election : "Bangladesh's

48 million voters showed their contempt for yesterday's (3 March)

General Election with mass boycott. lri response, the ruling party

(Ershad's Jatiya Party) showed its contempt for the electorate, with

massive rigging of the polls". 16

The fourth parliamentary election could not provide the required

legitimacy to the Ershad government. The mainline opposition parties

did not participate in the elections. The opposition parties accused the

ruling party of large-scale rigging. The voterless election failed to

resolve the legitimacy crisis. The elections were followed by series of

protests, processions, mass meetings, demonstrations and strikes

throughout the country.

14 Moudud Ahmed, Democracy and the Challenge of Development- A Study of Politics and Military Intervention in Bangladesh, p. 325.

15 Government of the People's Republic of Bangladesh, Press Information Department, A Background Paper on Bangladesh Fifth Parliament (Jatiya Sangsad) Elections, handout No. 429, February 20, 1991, p. 25.

16 The Guardian, London, 4 March 1988.

96

In order to widen his support, Ershad tried to exploit the religious

sentiment of the majority of Muslim population of the country.

In June 1988, the eighth amendment bill that made Islam the

state religion of Bangladesh was passed by the parliament. Almost all

political parties, including the ones supporting Islamic dogmatism,

opposed the bill. Their arguments were :

(a) the bill was politically motivated.

(b) the amendment would divide the nation into majority and

minority.

(c) it would have negative impact on the communal harmony in the

country.

(d) the illegal parliament had no moral right to amend the

constitution. 17 Commenting on the amendment, Khaleda Zia said

that the "illegal" parliament had no right to bring any

constitutional amendment. According to Sheikh Hasina, the

amendment was a "heinous move to destroy the spirit of

liberation war". 18

Course of the Movement in 1989 : In the year 1988, Ershad

government tried to undertake various development projects with an

estimated $ 2.3 billion foreign aid. Electrification programme of the

country's villages was accelerated. Bridges and roads were being

17 Munir Ahmed Chowdhury, "Induction of State Religion in the Constitution of Bangladesh", Bangladesh Political Studies, 9-13 (1986-89), pp. 63-77.

18 Bangladesh Observer, 3 June 1988.

97

constructed. However, there were several accusations of

misappropriation of money and corruption. Private middlemen still

monopolized the aid programme and their dealings with government

officials involved pay offs within the government. 19 A number of

businessmen took loans from nationalised banks, kept them unpaid,

and established private banks with the ill-gotten money. 20

Dissatisfaction against Ershad was growing day by day. various

groups were being affected by the policies being implemented by

Ershad. Workers and employees of various nationalised and

autonomous bodies demonstrated on 16 May . 1989 resenting

government's decision to suspend their medical facilitieS. 21

The peasants held a big rally at Central Shaheed Minar in Dhaka

on 18 May 1989 to protest against the agricultural policy of the

government. 'Krishak Mukti Samity' and 'Khetmajur Samity' announced

formation of a 'Red-Cap Corps' with a view to launch a movement for

realising peasant rights and stopping repression on them. 22

The freedom of judiciary was being adversely c.ffected by the

policies of Ershad. Awami League Presidium member and the leader of

19 Lawrence Ziring, Bangladesh : From Mujib to Ershad - An Interpretive Study (Oxford, 1992), pp. 210-211.

20 Motiur Rahman and Syed Azizul Haq, Dhnanik Goshthir Lootpater Kahinl

(Dhaka, 1990), p. 72.

21 New Nation, 17 May 1989.

22 ibid., 19 May 1989.

98

Lawyers Coordination Council, Kamal Hossain while addressing the

lawyers at the Bar Association auditorium in Camilla on 13 May 1989,

said that the freedom of judiciary was at stake and basic rights of the

people are in jeopardy under the present autocratic government. He

said that it is unthinkable that the Chief Justice of a free country is not

attending his court for over two and a half years. He criticised the

government's efforts in erecting new court buildings in different parts of

the country instead of ensuring fair justice to all. He called upon the

professionals including lawyers to unite and fight for the freedom of

judiciary. 23 The lawyers began to boycott the courts demanding the

repeal of Injunction Act.

The resentment among the civil servants was also growing due

to undue interference of the government in their working. In a meeting

of 'Nagrik Committee' held in May 1989, General Secretary of the

Bangladesh Civil Service (BCS) (Adm.) Association, Dr. Mohiuddin

Khan Alamgir and Dr. Mirza Jalil, General Secretary of the coordination

council of the 23 cadre services spoke in favour of creating a

demccratic environment in the country to enable the government

officials and employees to act impartially.

The government immediately served show cause notices on

Mohiuddin Khan Alamgir and Mirza Jalil for their speech against the

23 Bangladesh Observer, 15 May 1989.

99

regime. 24 The executive committee of the BCS (Adm.) Association

demanded the immediate withdraw! of the show-cause notices. The

coordination committee of doctors, engineers and agriculturists also

protested against the show-cause notices. 25 The Civil Service Body

resolved to intensify the movement against the regime and put forward

its 4-point demands relating to (a) non-interference in administration,

(b) stoppage of deputation from other services, (c) uniformity in

promotion of officers in all cadre services and (d) ending the provision

for extension after retirements. 26

During the movement against Ershad, the eight-party and the

seven-party alliances called for sit-down strike around the Secretariat in

October 1989. The people gathered in Gulistan area where they were

addressed by Sheikh Hasina. Later they started moving towards

Bahadur Shah Park. The police opened fire on the procession killing

five persons and injuring many others. Zahed, a student worker of the

Nationalist Student Party, was killed by the police. Three dead bodies

were forcibly taken away by the students of the Dhaka University. 27

On 15 October 1989 students observed a strike against the killing

of fellow students. The police again attacked the student procession

near Shahbagh in which several student leadE;Hs were seriously injured.

24 Sangbad, 7 May 1989. 25 New Nation, 19 May 1989. 26 Bangladesh Observer, 21 May 1989. 27 Ahmed, n. 5, p. 133.

100

There was a large public gathering against the killing and the political

leaders who addressed the gathering demanded the trial of those

responsible for the killings of the students and people. 28

The intellectuals were also highly dissatisfied with the Ershad

regime. In an open discussion programme on 26 November 1989

arranged at the 'World Literature Centre' on a book written by Mr. M.A.

l'viohaimen entitled 'Whither Bangladesh? Why two Leaders at two

extremes? The Nation wants Reply', the participant intellectuals called

for a united movement for unseating the government. The discussion

session was presided over by Begum Sufia Kamal. The participants

included Mr. Gias Kamal Chowdhury, Advocate Kazi Golam Mahbub,

Dr. Mostafa Nurul Islam, Advocate, Zakir Ahmed, Communist League

leader, Mr. Abdul Mertin, Dr. M.M. Akash and the author Mr. M.A.

Mohaimen himself. The author stated that the aim behind writing the

book was the economic, social and political emancipation of the people.

If the nation wanted to get rid of the clutches of the present regime, the

only way to do so would be a united movement. The author said that he

had tried to analyse the reasons for the failure of the Opposition

Political Parties and at the same time attempted to describe the present

regime's various activities which cumulatively increased the suffering of

the common man. 29

28 'b'd 133 I I ., p. . 29 Bangladesh Observer, 27 November 1989.

101

Course of Movement in 1990 : Ershad faced ceaseless popular

resistance since the beginning of 1990. In February 1990, Khaleda Zia

heading the seven-party alliance, announced that the movement for the

removal of Ershad government has to be strengthened. In April 1990,

Sheikh Hasina, the leader of Awami League announced that a

representative government, accountable to the people, was the only

way out of the current crisis in the country and that the elections be

preceded by the resignation of the present government, and transfer of

power to a caretaker government. General strikes were being frequently

called by various political parties. In July 1990, the alliances of eight,

seven and five parties put forth an identical programme and declared

29 July to be the Mass Protest Day. Despite their conflicts and

contradictions this consolidation of the objectives among the opposition

forces were brought about due to severai factors30 :

(1) Ershad's announcement that he was going to stand for

presidential election.

(2) The donor agencies and their representatives in Bangladesh who

were already critical of the functioning of the Ershad government

were further angered due to Ershad's decision that every

contract would require his prior approval.

(3) The decision to continue in office through another election in

which no major political party would take part was not received

favourably by a section of military officers.

30 Ahmed, n. 14, p. 326.

!02

{4) The various professional groups like the Citizens Committee, the

Open Forum, the conglomerate of a large number of cultural

organisations called the Sammilit Sanskritik Jote, the Bangladesh

Medical Association, the University Teachers' Association and

many other professional groups were now more organised and

more vocal for a united movement to overthrow the autocratic

regime of Ershad.

{5) The students moved forward to organise themselves to

spearhead a new movement.

Between June and October 1990, the Jatiyatabadi Chattra Dal

(JSD), the Students' wing of the BNP won the students union elections

in Dhaka University and in 270 out of 350 colleges. 31

The JCD leaders of Dhaka University Centrai Students Union

(DUCSU) convened a meeting of elected college students on 1 October

1990 in Dhaka. In the meeting of the student leaders from all over the

country, resolution was taken to force the resignation of Ershad

government so that free and fair election under a neutral caretaker

government could take place. 32

During a massive demonstration against the government on 10

October 1990, a fierce confrontation between the security force and the

31 Holiday, Novembner 23, 1990. 32 Talukdar Maniruzzaman, Politics and Security of Bangladesh (Dhaka, 1994), p. 141.

103

political activists took place. It left five people dead and several

hundreds including Khaleda Zia injured. 33 The killings provoked 22

major student organisations to form the All Party Students Unity (APSU)

and vow to continue their agitation until the overthrow of the autocratic

regime of Ershad.

Under pressure from the APSU, the AL-Ied eight-party alliance,

the BNP backed seven-party alliance, and the left leaning five-party

alliance signed a joint declaration on 19 November 1990 that outlined a

formula of transition from an autocratic to a democratic polity. In the

declaration they agreed to the following 34 :

(i) Opposition parties and alliances would not only boycott but also

resist all elections under Ershad.

(ii) The caretaker government would restore the credibility of the

election system and ensure franchise to all citizens, and

(iii) the interim government would handover power to a "sovereign

parliament" elected through free and fair elections.

The joint declaration created an institutionalised coordinating

body. The declaration is an important milestone in the struggle for

democratisation of the polity in Bangladesh. It is "a fine document

upholding and reflecting democratic aspirations". 35

33 Holiday, October 12, 1990. 34

Hakim, n. 1 0, pp. 33, 33. 35

Syed Anwnar Hussain, "Challenges of Democratic Governance in Bangladesh", in S.R. Chakravarty (ed.), Society, Polity and Economy of Bangladesh (N. Delhi, 1994), p. 112.

104

It is, in fact, with the formation of the APSU and the joint

declaration of the alliances of political parties that the anti-Ershad

movement gained tremendous momentum. The entire nation was united

under the leadership of Sheikh Hasina and Begum Khaleda Zia. The

general masses, the professional and cultural groups participated

wholeheartedly in the movement.

In the early hours of 27 November 1990, thG attempts by the

student wing of the Jatiya Party to capture the residential halls of the

Dhaka University was frustrated by the general students. The same day

in the morning, Dr. Shamsul Alam Milon, Assistant Secretary of

Bangladesh Medical Association (BMA) and Dr. Mohiuddin Jalal were

passing through the university area, when Dr. Milon was fatally shot. It

was suspected that a member of Ershad's student group killed him. The

killing of Dr. Milon resulted in massive agitation against the

government.36

On 27 November 1990 at 10.30 P.M., Ershad announced the

promulgation of emergency throughout the country on television. All

political activities, processions and strikes were declared illegal. Press

was censored and fundamental rights of the people were suspended.

All the universities and the educational institutions of Dhaka city were

closed for a month. In all the major cities of the country, curfew was

36 Ahmed, n. 5, p. 135.

105

imposed. Both Sheikh Hasina and Khaleda Zia and some other political

leaders were arrested.

In protest against the declaration of emergency on 27 November,

the newspaper employees stopped the printing of newspapers

throughout the country. Mr. Harun Habib, an active journalist, in an

interview said, "we decided not to create any single article on Ershad

unless he stepped down. Although from the beginning, the newspapers

gave elaborate coverage to the movement, it was at the later stage that

the journalists directly joined the movement. During the anti-Ershad

movement, the students and the professional groups took part in a

positive manner to shape the society's destiny''. 37

The people and the students defied the curfew and took out

processions in the streets. On the Eiephant Road in Dhaka there was a

huge gathering. Police resorted to lathi charge; teargas and shooting

and arrested the Chattra League leader, Mustafa Mohsin Montu after

fierce resistance by the people. Even the women put up resistance by

throwing flower pots from the balconies of their houses. On 28 ··.

November 1990, people came out in the street and there were

collisions between the police and the people. The students defied the

curfew. A large number of girl students also participated in the

procession. They were also attacked by the QOiice. People from all .. walks of life were out in the street, defying the curfew in their protest

37 In my personal interview with Mr. Harun Habib, head of BSS, on 28 March, 2000.

106

against the despotic rule and indiscriminate killings. Sheikh Hasina

congratulated the people and in a message to them said "I congratulate

the brave people for their heroic role, I request them to continue this

movement. Lawyers, intelligentsia, engineers, agriculturists including

many people from other professions are playing heroic roles in the

movement ..... I urge the democratic powers of the world and all

countries to extend their support and cooperation to the people of

Bangladesh in their struggle for democracy". 38

Strikes, demonstrations, processions were continuing against

Ershad. More killings and arrests followed but the people's movement

could not be suppressed. The protestors defied police firing and

demanded the release of their leaders.

·There was a huge procession of university students at Shahid

Minar. Teachers association had a meeting to condemn the Ershad

government and air their unity with the people's movement. Jatiya

Party's office was ransacked by the people. At Jhikatola, there was

firing on a procession of workers against the government. The railway

lines were uprooted at several places and the trains stopped running.

The anti-Ershad agitation spread to several cities. Agitations, strikes,

demonstrations, obstruction of the movement of trains and damage of

government properly were reported from Mymensigh, Chottogram,

Noakhali, Khulna, Barisal, Chandpur and Jessore. 39

38 Sheikh Hasina's statement as quoted in Ahmed, n. 5, p. 135.

39 'Sangbad, December 5, 1990.

107

On 29 December 1990, there was joint meeting of the students

and teachers of Dhaka University. The teachers announced that they

would not continue with their jobs as long as the Ershad government

did not step down. The journalists also defied the government orders.

The meeting of A.B.M. Golam Mustafa, Minister in Ershad's cabinet,

with the newspaper publishers proved futile. At Chottogram, the

teachers of Medical College resigned in protest against the

government. The deputy mayor's house at Chottogram was bombed by

the protestors.

On 30 November 1990, the people defied the Army to enter

mosques and arranged meetings to denounce the autocratic

government of Ershad. The 'Nari Samaj' joined the procession against

Ershad. The 'Sammilit Sanskritik Jote' consisting of several activists,

cultural activists, writers and poets joined the procession in front of the

Dhaka Press Club. The journalists also joined the meeting which was

held on the street.

On 1 December 1990 hartals and protest demonstrations

continued at several places. At Mirpur, Abdul Khalique (a brick

labourer), Nurul Huda (an unemployed youth), Jatar (a 24 year old

student), Shafique (a student leader of Chattra League) and a female

worker in a garments' factory were shot by the BDR. In front of the

Jatiya Press Club, Dhaka, a meeting was arranged. The Sammilit

Sanskritik Jote took a procession to the Shahid Minar inspite

-

108

obstruction by the police. In the meeting at the end of the procession -

Shafi Ka:mal, a radio artist who had recited Ershad's poems in a series

of cassette was forced to apologize. The 'Bangladesh Merchant Navy

Association' and the workers of the 'Bangladesh Shipping Corporation'

announced their unity with the movement for democracy.40

On 2 December 1990, there was a meeting of the Sammilit

Sanskritik Jote at the Jatiyo Pless Club. The government black listed

many of the artists and media personnels like BTV news reader Siraj-ul

Majid Mamoon, Amin-ul Haq, Rehana Parvin, Saleha Akram and

Shamima Nasreen and T.V. announcer Masood Kaiser, I.V.Ra Rahman

and Robin.

At this point the movement was at its height. In all major cities

and towns of the country, peopie came out in the streets defying curfew

orders and shouted slogans demanding the resi'gnation of Ershad. A

large section of bureaucrats, government employees and workers also

joined the protestors. Businessmen in Dhaka also brought out a

procession against the government. Dr. Mohiuddin Khan Alamgir, a

senior bureaucrat at the time, highlighting the role of the bureaucrats in

the anti-Ershad movement said in a recent interview, "we made it clear

that we are bound by the Constitution to uphold democratic tenets. We

are servants of the people and not any individual. Since all powers vest

in the people, we cannot act against the people. I collected the

40 ibid.

109

resignation letters of all the top bureaucrats and made it clear to Ershad

that he cannot force us to serve him unless he had mandate from the

people". 41

The government ceased to function and the economy was totally

paralysed. Besides, the voice of America (VOA) and the British

Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) reported during the movement that

Japan and Great Britain would stop all aid if the emergency which ~. _

declared was continued.

On 3 December 1990, Ershad announced that he would dissolve

the Parliament and that fresh elections to the Parliament would be held.

That he would resign before 15 days of the election. But the agitations

continued with increasing intensity. The 205 members of BCS (Adm.)

forward~d their resignation letters. 58 Non Governmental Organisations

(NGOs) announced their unity with the peoples movement. Fazle

Hussain, Abed (BRAG), Kazi Farook Ahmed (PROSHIKA), Khusi Kabir

(Nijera Kori), S.M. Kabir (Health Coalition), Kwaja Samsul Huda (ADAB)

and many others from various NGOs signed in a letter of protest.

Peter Shore, member of the British Parliament, expressed great

concern at the deteriorating situation in Bangladesh and moved the

following resolution in the British House of CommonS42 : "this House,

41 In my personal interview with Dr. Mohiuddi Khan Alamgir, Minister of State for

Planning on 30 March 2000.

42 Motion tabled in the House of Commons on 4 December 1990 by Peter Shore.

110

deeply disturbed by recent events in Bangladesh, including the closure

of universities, the imposition of curfews on its major cities, the arrest of

opposition leaders, censorship of the press, the death and injury of

scores of protesters and declaration of a state of emergency, believes

that there can be no lasting solution to the continuing political crisis in

Bangladesh unless and until free and fair elections are held under a

impartial administration, welcomes, therefore President Ershad's

announcement that he is prepared to stand down before the elections

are held, and calls upon Her Majesty's government to make clear

Britain's support for the restoration of genuine democracy in

Bangladesh and to restate its policy that, apart from food and medicine,

non-democratic and military regimes can no longer be recipients of

Britain's aid programme".

On 4 December 1990, lakhs of people participated in a

procession at Rajpath in Dhaka. At the press club, Ershad's effigy and

photographs were burnt. Several members of the BCS (Adm.), class Ill

and class IV employees joined the procession chanting - "Ershader

chakri aar ar.1.ra korbo na" (we will not serve Ershad any more).

When lakhs of people descended on the streets of Dhaka,

demanding the resignation of Ershad, the senior army officers led by

Lieutenant General Noor Uddin Khan decided in a meeting that the

army could not support Ershad as president any more. Thus, "the last

Ill

nail was driven when the movement caused the weakening, if not

withdraw! of support by Ershad's principal constituency- the military". 43

General Ershad decided to resign on 4 December 1990 at

night. Even after his resignation he tried to bring about a fresh

martial law. He called a meeting of his Vice-President Moudud

Ahmed, Lieutenant-General (Rtd.) Atiqur Rahman and Lieutenant

General Noor Uddin Khan at his house in Dhaka Canbi:ment. The

strategy failed as Lieutenant General Noor Uddin failed to appear at

the meeting. 44 As there was no other choice for Ershad, he handed

over power to the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, Justice

Shahabuddin Ahmed, a consensus candidate of all opposition parties

for the post of Vice-President. The Vice-President Moudud Ahmed

also resigned. 45

Shahabuddin Ahmed accepted the post of Vice President on

condition that he would be permitted to return to his previous post of

Chief Justice. He was given a mandate by the opposition to hold free

and fair elections to the National Parliament within three months of his

assuming power. With the stepping down of Ershad, the violent

demonstrations instantly transformed into wild jubilation and

celebrations.

43 Hakim, n. 10, p. 34.

44 'Saptahik Khaborer Kagoj, January 8, 1991.

45 Talukdar Maniruzzaman, The Fall of the Military Dictator : 1991 Elections and

the Prospect of Civilian Rule in Bangladesh. Pacific Affairs, March 1992, p. 200.

112

The Interim Government of Shahabuddin Ahmed : When

Ershad's resignation took effect on 8 December 1990. Shahabuddin

replaced him as "acting President". The Ershad era came to an end.

Shahabuddin was both the head of the government and the head

of the State. He appointed advisors - not ministers to assist him. His

main task was to organize elections. Towards this end, ~e permitted the

political parties to operate freely.

The principal participants in the election were the AL, the BNP

and Jamaat-i-lslami. Jatiyo Party was in a disarray after Ershad's

downfall since most of its members were at that time in jail or hiding but

the party, none-the-less, participated in the election campaign.

In the elections held on 28 February 1991, the BNP secured the

maximum number of 140 parliamentary seats out of 300 seats, AL won

88 seats, the Jatiya Party 35 and the Jamaat 18 seats. As the BNP was

short of a majority, the Jamaat Party agreed to support it in return for

two seats when an indirect election (by Parliament) for 30 women seats

followed. Thus the BNP secured 28 more seats and its strength

increased to 168 seats in a house of 330 seatS. 46

The Acting President, Shahabuddin Ahmed, appointed the BNP

leader, Begum Khaleda Zia, as the Prime Minister of Bangladesh on 20

March 1991. The 1991 parliamentary elections under a non-partisan

46 Craig Baxter, "Bangladesh in 1991", Asian Survey, Vol. XXXII, No.2, February

1992, p. 163.

113

government was successful in re-establishing people's confidence in

the sanctity of the electoral process.

Restoration of Parliamentary Democracy : The parliament

passed the Eleventh Amendment on 6 August 1991, to facilitate the return

of the Acting President to his own post as the Chief Justice of Bangladesh.

The bill was passed by 278 votes in favour and none against.

The Twelfth Amendment passed by the parliament on 6 August

1991 and approved by a referendum the following month, restored

parliamentary democracy in Bangladesh.

In this manner the Fifth Parliament of Bangladesh came into

shape. The democratic aspirations of the people have been successful

in defeating autocracy and ushering in an era of responsible

government in Bangladesh.

Role of Interest Groups in the Anti-Ershad Movement : The

course of movement against Ershad highlights the fact that it was a

mass upsurge against the autocratic ruler. Nonetheless, various groups

have distinctively contributed towards the success of the movement.

The students and the professional groups have made tremendous

contribution in giving direction to the movement. Never before in

Bangladesh have the professional groups played such distinctive role

as in the anti-Ershad movement.

114

The intellectuals through their writings and speeches in the

various forums were instrumental in highlighting the ills of the autocratic

regime. The intellectuals craved for an atmosphere where they could

express themselves freely, where the academic institutions could

function unrestrained. Frequent closures of universities resulted in

session jams and deterioration of academic atmosphere. Fourteen

Associations of Teachers participated under the leadership of Dhaka

University Teachers Association (OUT A) during the anti-Ershad

Movement. There was total participation of the teachers in the

movement.47

The doctors and engineers- also joined the anti-Ershad movement.

The Bangladesh Medical Association (SMA) expressed their unity with the

movement. The doctors gave free medical care to those injured in the

assault by the police, the BDR and the 'Sena Bahini' of Ershad.

The interests of the engineers as a group were not directly

hampered by the policies of Ershad. But the whimsical manner in which

Ershad distributed contracts of various projects and the increasing amount

of commissions taken by those close to Ershad, created dissatisfaction

among the engineers and the architects. Engineers like Sheikh Shahid

Ullah, Rabi-ui-Hussain participated in the movement with enthusiasm. 48

47 Ranglal Sen, Dept. of Sociology, University of Dhaka, in an interview with me on 28 Match 2000.

48 On the basis of interview with Prof. Anisuzzaman, Dhaka University on 30 March 2000.

115

The role of the lawyers in the anti-Ershad movement has been

crucial. According to Abu Sayed Sagar, a lawyer "The students have no

doubt been on the forefront of the movement but the lawyers guided

them. The lawyers gave the operational details for the realisation of the

caretaker government". 49 Lawyers like Samsul Haque Choudhury, Syed

lshtiaque Ahmed, Dr. Kamal Hussain and Ameer-ul-lslam played an

important role throughout the movement.

The independent functioning of the judiciary was not possible

under Ershad. There was undue interference of the executive in the

affairs of the judiciary. The manner in which Ex Chief Justice Kamal

Hussain was removed makes it amply clear. In his own words, "l'am

myself the first victim of Ershad's Martial Rule. I came to the court to

attend to my duties. After an hour when the list was exhausted, I went

to my chamber. There, some of the judges from the High Court Division

came and informed me that according to a report in the newspaper I

have been removed from the post of Chief Justice. From there I ceased

functioning on my own. No official information was communicated to

me, though, that very afte~noon a new Chief Justice was inducted". 5°

Another group which played an important role in the anti-Ershad

movement, was that of the journalists and persons working with the

media. The electronic media was fully in the control of the government.

49 In my personal interview with Abu Sayed Sagar, a member of Bar Council,

Dhaka.

so In my personal interview with Ex Chief Justice Kamal Hussain on 1 April 2000.

116

There were various restrictions whiGh curbed the freedom of the print

media. The coverage of the movement and articles in the various

newspapers contributed towards building up the movement. When the

journalists could not openly write against the government which tried to

restrict the freedom of expression, they left empty space in the

newspaper. It was a quiet way to express their opposition to the

autocratic regime. As Janab Obaidul Huq, a retired journalist has

commented, "Silence is more eloquent". 51 When the government

imposed emergency and stopped the publication of newspapers,

pamphlets and bulletins were printed which carried the news about the

opposition's activities and also numerous articles, poems and cartoons,

condemning Ershad. 52

The artists, poets and cultural activists also contributed to the

movement. The poets organised a festival in 1987 where dramatists,

writers, poets gathered. They expressed their anguish against the

autocratic rule. The poets would write to break the chain ("Shrinkhal

muktir jonno kobita"), they pledged. The 'Jatiyo Kobita Porishod',

'Shilpir Jote', 'Sammilit Sanskritik Jote', the organisation of poets and

the cultural people participated actively in the movement. While

describing one such poetry session Rangalal Sen in an interview

narrated an incident when Kamal Hasan, a noted artist of Bangladesh

while putting up a potrait of Ershad done by him entitled 'Bishobehaya'

51 In my personal interview with Janab Obaidul Haq on 27 March 2000. 52 See Appendix II, Ill and IV.

117

(utterly shameless person) was invited to address a gathering, wherein

he spoke with such emotion against the autocrat that he suddenly had a

heart attack and died on the dias.53

Speaking about the theatre persons, Ramendu Majumdar, a well

known theatre person of Bangladesh, has commented, "theatre workers

have been working against fundamentalism and the promotion of •·

democratic values through their work on the stage. At a certain stage

they found that the work of art on stage was not enough, so they took to

the street and worked to inspire the people. Cultural workers are

socially committed as-conscious citizens of the society when 'Jonotar

Moncho' was established at the peak of the movement, theatre workers

played an active role". 54

The bureaucrats ('amia'), in conjunction with the miiitary wieided

much power during the Ershad regime. However, the highly personalised

system of government under Ershad resulted in the concentration of

benefits and privileges to those close to him. But even for a military dictator

it was impossible to run the government without the support of the

bureaucracy. It is a fact that the popular uprising of 1990 forced General

Ershad to consider resignation, but "it was the withdraw! of the support of

the civil and military bureaucrats that determined the final course. The

resignation of the Deputy Commissioner of Dhaka - the linchpin of

53 In my personal interview with Prof. Ranglal Sen of Dhaka University on 28

March 2000.

54 In my personal interview with Ramendu Majumdar on 2 April 2000 in Dhaka.

118

administration - at the height of agitation was a clear signal to General

Ershad that his good weather allies are abandoning him". 55

The military as an interest group enjoyed tremendous power and

privileges under Ershad. They became crucial element in the decision

making process. They got important political and civil ian placements.

Some of them were able to accumulate huge personal wealth through

corrupt practices and invest in business and industries. There were

reports of mismanagement of foreign aid during this military regime.

The donor countries put pressure on Ershad to civilianize the political

system. Domestic instability, widespread mass disapproval and

pressure from political parties weakened the political power of the ruling

general. A middle class movement jointly organised by the political

parties and associations of academicians, lawyers, doctors, engineers,

journalists, businessmen, students and trade unions forced the military

government of General Ershad to resign and hand over power to an

interim government. 56 It was the withdraw! of the support by the military

which ultimately forced Ershad to step down. In this context, Prof. Dilara

Chowdhury has commented, "In Bangladesr. military was an important

factor in 1990, it is still a factor in the politics of the country". 57

55 Ali Riaz, 'State, Class and Military Rule : Political Economy of Martial Law in

Bangladesh', pp. 257, 258.

56 Golam Hussain, Civil-Military Relations in Bangladesh - A comparative Study

(Dhaka, 1991 ), pp. 190, 191.

57 In my personal interview with Prof. Dilara Chowdhury of Jahangir Nagar

University, Sagar, Dhaka on 26 March 2000.

119

The Ershad regime was ideologically similar to that of Zia-ur-

Rahman. Primacy was accorded to Islam, Bangladeshi identity and

privatisation. Ershad went ahead of Zia by proclaiming Islam as the

State religion. 58 The primacy to religion in the affairs of the state gave

scope to the fundamentalist groups to consolidate their activities and

this strangulated democracy and women's freedom. According to Mrs.

Hena Das, a senior member of Bangladesh Mohila Parishad, "the

fundamentalists have spoken against women leadership, their right to

educate themselves and their freedom to work. They have burnt down a

number of schools run by NGOs and issued 'fatwa' against women

going out to work, especially in the rural areas". 59

Thus the united efforts of the students, the professional groups

and the political parties was successful in overthrowing the Ershad

regime. Hussain Mussaraf, an economist, speaking about the events of

1990 said, "The Group of 31 consisting of University Professors,

Judges, Civil Servants, journalists, doctors, engineers played a critical

role to force General Ershad to hand over power". 60 The professional

groups have greatly contributed in bringing about the downfall of

Ershad. The policies pursued by Ershad did affect the interests of many

groups negatively but it was the strong urge for democracy 'gonotontro',

sa Ali Riaz, State, Class and Military Rule - Political Economy of Martial Law in Bangladesh (Dhaka, 1994), p. 258.

59 In my personal interview with Mrs. Hena Das on 3 April 2000 in Dhaka.

60 In an interview with me on 29 March 2000 in Dhaka.

120

which brought the people out in the streets, face all the resistance

possible and even to sacrifice their lives for the sake of democracy. The

urge for democracy superseded ideological differences and narrow

interests during the anti-Ershad movement. It is true that where people

will stand up for the cause of democracy, responsible government has

better chance to survive. Institutionalization of democracy would not

only secure the fundamental rights of the people but also ensure an

environment where the interest groups can operate more freely and are

also able to influence the decision making process of the polity.