Chapter – IV

Customs of Pulayas

CUSTOMS OF PULAYAS

Many customs are prevalent among Pulayas. Most of the customs

were mentioned in the Sangam literature. Some customs were revealed

from archaeological data. Since Pulayas had lived from the time

immemorial their customs were followed from that time onwards. Some

groups of the Pulayas had migrated during medieval period onwards.

Upto Nayaka period (17th century A.D.) migration of the Pulaya had been

continuing. Cultural changes during medieval period onwards gave

different picture of their customs. However there is a unity as far as

customs are concerned. Here many customs are compared with the

customs of other aborigines from, Dekhan, North eastern India and

Australia. From this comparison one can discover the reasons for these

customs. Customs includes beliefs, rituals, worship, sacrifices etc.

Rain making Customs

Among Pulayas some peculiar customs are prevalent. In by gone

ages if the rain was failed they worshipped Poonachi Goddess. They

smeared the mud paste on the face and body of the Poonachi Goddess and

worshipped. Within seven or eight days the rain will come1. But

nowadays Pulayas have made different type of worship. They select

seven virgin girls for this purpose. After taking seven pots of water by

these virgins they began to worship. The priest worshipped the Goddess

with betel leaves and arecanut, coconut, fruits, Pori and peanut and

camphor. Then the water in the seven pots is poured upon Poonachi

Goddess. After this worship the rain is seen according to their belief.

If there were heavy rain, for stopping this rain they keep the

pantham (fire) on the four sides of Poonachi amman. The heat from these

panthams is received by the Poonachi amman. Her body becomes heat.

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After this the rain is stopped. These rituals are prevalent in the villages all

over Tamilnadu. But Pulaiya ritual is peculiar one. All the Pulaiya

settlements have this rutual. Since agriculture is the invention of women

the rain making rituals are accompanied with them. Some medieval

literature also mentioned this power of rain making to the Goddess only2.

Similar beliefs are observed elsewhere. The fertilizing rains and all

the flowing water which fecundate the earth can also fecundate women.

Bushmen women and girls are careful to take shelter

during a shower, for the rain from heaven which fertilizes

the earth would impregnate them also. Hottentot women

believe that it would be impossible for them to have any

children unless they had first, stood naked in a thunder-

shower. Australian women likewise believe they can be

impregnated by the rain. A Mongol princess conceived

through the operation of a hail-storm3.

There are examples, again, of the reverse expression of the same

belief. The female fertile energy is looked at as an aid to the making of

rain that fecundates the earth. Following are some well known examples.

During the Gorakhpur famine of 1873-74, ‗parties of women, at

night time, stripped themselves naked, went out of their houses, and,

taking the ploughs with them, dragged the same across their fields4.

Again, on the occasion of a long standing drought in Mirzapur,

Three women from a cultivator‟s family, stripped

themselves stark naked, all male folk having been

excluded from that place before-hand. Then two of these

nude women were yoked like oxen to a plough; while the

third held the handle of the plough with her hands.

Thereafter they began to imitate the action of the

ploughing5.

Again,

Whenever a drought occurs in Northern Bengal the

women-folk of the Rajbamsis or Kochs, …. Strip

themselves stark naked and, in the state of nudity, dance

before the image of their rain-God6.

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Fig. 33 : (i) Tatooing with the figure of tiger, Scorpio on their hand

(Keezhpoonachi)

(ii) Tatooing with the figure of tiger, Scorpio on their hand

(Keezhpoonachi)

(iii) Tatooing the names of ancestors, parents, husband and wife

(Kurumalai)

Chaubey and Desai7 have reported on similar practices in Gujarat,

specially of labour classes, namely of Kurmi, Nunia Kahar, Chamar,

Dasadh, and Dhamka castes.

Practices like these are in fact widespread in other parts of the

world.

In the Caucasian province of Georgia when a drought has

lasted long, marriageable girls are yoked in couples with

an ox-yoke on their shoulders, a priest holds the reins, and

thus harnessed they wade through rivers, puddles, and

marshes, praying, screaming, weeping, and laughing8.

Elsewhere, there is neither prayer nor a male priest in this magical

performance. ―In a district of Transylvania, when the ground is parched

with drought, some girls strip themselves naked, and, led by an older

woman, who is also naked, they steal a harrow and carry it across the

fields to a brook, where they set it float‖9.

Frazer noted the essential similarity of this with the rain-making

rituals of India. In Servia

In seasons of drought, a girl is stripped naked and then

draped with flowers. In this state of semi-nudity, she

dances at every house of which the mater familias comes

out and pours upon her a jar of water while her

companions sing rain-songs10

All these evidences show the woman‘s works in rain making

rituals.

Tattooing

Tattooing is prevalent among Puliyas. During prehistoric times

tattooing was considered as a cover of the body. Even now it is

considered as a dress among many aboriginal people. Pulayas believe that

only the tattooing marks had been the mark for identifying the dead

person. Ladies have made tattooing with husband‘s name, father‘s name,

God‘s name and pet names11

(Fig.33 (i, ii, iii)). The priest at Poonachi has

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the belief that the tattooing of tiger figure would give strength and valour

to him. This strength will help in taking the Goddess figure on his head

during festival. Most of the Pulayas have believed that tattooing has

medicinal value.

Warding off Pollution

Pulayas have purified themelves by water mixed with cow dung. In

puberty ceremony the pollution is warded off by pouring cow dung mixed

water on the girl for seven times. If a girl or a boy marry the person of

other community they conduct a ceremony in which they pour cow dung

mixed water upon the couple for seven times12

. Then they were given

honey and balls made up of powder from roots. During food giving

ceremony honey and ball are wrested in mock fight by the sister in law of

bride groom. After the ceremony is over the couple is assimilated into

Pulaiya caste. Here cow dung is considered as holy thing. Since they are

cattle breeders the cow dung is holy thing for them.

Belief System

Belief system of pulayas is peculiar one. Multi faceted belief

system is followed. Beliefs are varied in nature from settlement to

settlement since pulaya caste is multi ethinic group. Their belief system is

also variegated in nature. Some beliefs had originated into pre historic

period. For example pot represents Goddess in pulaya belief system. In

prehistoric time pot represented Goddess. Also they worshipped some

prehistoric cave paintings which must have been originated from

Neolithic period. Even cattle worship is also continuing from Neolithic

period.

If they see the flower and cobra they will give birth a child. The

gold in the dreams will give male child. If the goblin had entered to body

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of the child they grind the aravitam leaf, vasampu and turmeric and will

apply on the body. During mid day the child will have a bath. If the dog is

shaking the head the venture will succeed.

1. If the cobra is seen whenever they leave the house for some

purpose their venture will end in failure according to their belief.

2. If the wild lizards cross a person it is a bad omen.

3. The sight of wild bear is a bad omen.

4. The sight of cheetah and elephant is a good omen.

5. The sight of widow is not a bad omen.

Viratas [Fasting]

Pulayas virata is not a complex one. It is followed during the

village festival times. During virata time, they will follow strict rules and

regulations.

In Mavadappu virata begins in the month of Margali. It is

continued for three months. The priest who follows virata never goes to

other places. He avoids food and water from anywhere. Also he will not

take the fire for kindling kitchen fire. These are the strict rules for virata.

The rigour in this virata will give prosperous life.

In Thalinji after announcement of the festival date no person

should enter with cheppals. Even a Government Officer should enter into

their village, with bare feet.15

On the fourth day after ending the festival ritual, untieing the

guarding thread takes place (Kankanam). This ritual is done on river

bank. After worshipping with coconut, fruits and incense stick, the

guarding threads are untied from their hands who tied this. Then camphor

is kindled. Threads are thrown into the river water. If it moves on water

with revolving the persons life who thrown it on water will be prosperous

one. If it moves into water the life is a bad one.

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Among Pulayas some viratas are prevalent. The priests of Amman

temples are involved in fasting which is called virata. They will begin

fasting after tieing Kankanam (guarding thread). They seldom will take

from their own house. They will prepare their own food in the temple

upto the end of the festival of the village Goddesses. Some village people

take part in the fasting during festival time. Some pulaiya women also

involve in fasting13

.

Virata is a vowed observance, a religious act of devotion and

austerity, performed for the fulfillment of specific desires. The antiquity

of the term goes back to the Rig Veda where it meant a variety of things

generally related to command or law on the one hand and obedience or

duty on the other.16

During the time of the Brahmanas the word has come

to acquire two secondary meanings, an appropriate course of conduct and,

more specifically, the sacrificer‘s staying at night near a grahapathiyas

fire, of fasting. The Srautasutras, Grhyasutras and Dharmasutras also

refer to the virata (vrata) in this sense.

As expiations involved the observance of several strict rules of

conduct, they have been described as vratas in Manu, Yajnavalkya,

Samkha and other Smrtis. In the Mahabharata a vratas in Manu,

Yajnavalkya, Samkha and other Smrtis.17

In the Mahabharata a vrata is

a religious undertaking or a vow in which one has to observe certain

restrictions about food or general behaviour. In the Puranas the restrictive

aspects of the vrata are emphasized. It is here called tapas because it

causes hardship to the performer and niyama because the performer has

to restrain his sense organs while observing the vrata. However, it is in

the medieval Smrtis, which devote long passage to the description of the

vratas, that the Puranic conception has been fully elaborated. According

to Raghunandana, for example, a vrata is a complex ritual which involves

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several items such as snana, morning prayer, samkalpa (vow), homa,

worship of the deity in whose honour the vrata is undertaken, upavasa

(fast), feeding brahmanas, maidens and / or married women, daksina

(paying honorarium to the brahmanas) and the observance of certain rules

of conduct the period of the virata.

The non-brahmanical origin of the virata and its obiquitous

association with women is widely acknowledged18

. Some scholars even

suggest that the non-brahmanical Gods and Goddesses were introduced

into brahmanical households by young non-brahmana brides, presumably

through their virata-oriented mode of worship of these deities. Thus

Ashutosh Bhattacharya points out that according to the vernacular

Mangalakavyas of medieval Bengal, the young brides Sanaka, Behula

and Khullana worshipped Manasa and Candi, but the menfolk of the two

families, Chand Sadagara and Dhanapati, were inimical to these

indigenous local Goddesses. Generally Viratas were prevalent among

tribal people. Many tribal people involved in virata during agricultural

rituals. Even now it is prevalent among tribal all over the world.

Animism

Animism has spiritual beings as its objects, i.e. souls spirits

geniuses, demons, divinities which are all animated as conscious agents.

Animistic beliefs and practices are said to be based on three main

concepts: first, the idea of the soul secondly the concept that souls,

becoming the object of a cult and are thus transformed into spirits; and

thirdly the concept that the cult of nature is derived from the cult of

spirits.

According to Tylor19

, the idea of the soul was first suggested to

men by the badly understood spectacle of the double life they appeared to

lead on the one hand, when awake, on the other when asleep. In fact for

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the earliest men, the mental representations which they had while awake

and those of their dreams are said to have been of the same value: they

considered the second like the first, they saw in them images of external

objects whose appearance they more or less accurately reproduce. So

when they dreamt they had visited a distant place they believe that they

were really present there. But they could not go there, unless two beings

existed within them: the one, their body which had remained lying on the

ground and which they found in the same position; the other during the

time they had travelled through space. Similarly if they seemed to talk

with one of their companions, dead or alive whom they knew either dead

or alive were at a distance. Then they concluded that the other persons

were also composed of two beings: one who stayed at a distance and

other who had come to manifest himself by means of the dream. (of the

Negroes of southern Guniea) Tylor says that ‗their sleeping hours are

characterized by almost as much intercourse with the dead as their

waking hours are with the living‘) 20

From these repeated experience the

early men little by little are believed to have arrived at the idea that each

of them had a double power of leaving the organism where it resided and

of going away, roaming at distance.

This double known as soul, is at the same time believed to have

been distinguished from the perceptible being which served as external

covering by its energetic and active nature (it could cover vast distances

in an instant), as well as its malleable and plastic quality (for to leave the

body is passed out by the apertures of the organism especially the mouth

and the nose). The nose soul is also said to have been conceived in the

image of the body. There seems to have not only a close union of soul

and body, but also a partial confusion of the two.

110

Certain regions and certain organs of the organism were believed to

have a special affinity such was the case with the heart (the blood), the

lungs (the breath) and even the liver and the fat of the liver. Sometimes it

was also believed that these various material substrata were not mere

habitation of the soul; they were the soul itself seen from without. When

the blood flowed, the soul was believed to escape with it; when the breath

departed the soul departed too. The soul of the heart could not be the

same as that of breath. While they were related, they were still

distinguished and therefore had different names.

Nevertheless the soul was also believed to be distinct and

independent of the body. During this life it should leave it at any moment;

it can leave it during sleep. It might even remain absent for some time

without entailing death; however, during these absences life was

weakened and even stopped if the soul did not return home21

. But it was

especially at death that this distinction and independence manifested

themselves with the greatest clarity. While the body no longer existed and

no visible traces remained, the soul was believed to continue to live: it

was believed to lead an autonomous existence in another world. It was

also believed to lead a life absolutely analogous to the one it led in this

world; it ate and drank. When it fluttered among the branches of trees

it ate and drank. It caused rustling and cracking which even profane ears

heard. But it was believed to be invisible. Ordinary individuals were

believed to enjoy the privilege of perceiving it at only one moment of

their existence: when they were on the eve of a premature death.

Therefore this quasi-miraculous vision was considered a sinister omen22

.

Howsoever in reality this quality of body and soul might have

appeared to be, was in no way absolute. Quite on the contrary they

seemed united by the closest bonds; they were separable only imperfectly

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and with difficulty. Everything that hurt the one hurt the other. It was so

intimately associated with the life of the organism that the soul was

believed to grow with the body and decay with it. When senility set in

and the old man was no longer able to take a useful part in the life of the

community, it was thought that weakness of the body was communicated

to the soul. No longer having the same power the old man lost the right to

know the privilege and the prestige accorded to him earlier23

.

This moment arrived when the final separation was accomplished.

When this moment arrived the liberated soul was believed to take flight

for the land of souls. This land was conceived differently by various

peoples, the land of souls was more or less vaguely localized by the hills

or mountains or into the sky beyond the clouds24

.

There was a belief that in the land of souls a different treatment

was sometimes accorded to them based on the way they had conducted

themselves upon earth: those who had exactly during life on earth as

warriors or as men of righteous deeds towards their fellow beings were

not confounded with the common borders of others. A special place was

granted to them25

.

Such were the beliefs relative to the soul and its destiny in their

primitive form and reduced to their most essential traits. We must now

turn to the second characteristic on which the animistic theory is based

namely that the souls became the object of a cult and thus transformed

into spirits26

.

The basic idea on which the second characteristic is based is that

the soul is not a spirit. That is why it is said that the soul has not been the

object of any cullt. The spirit on the other hand has been the object of

various cults. But a soul was believed to become a spirit by only

transforming itself and it was thought that the fact of the death produced

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this metamorphosis. Although death was not distinguished from a

prolonged sleep among the early people in the case of death when the

body was not reanimated the idea was formed of a separation which was

taken as final when the funeral rites were over. The soul was thus

believed to be transformed from a simple vital principle animation the

body of a man into a spirit, a good or evil one or even a deity according to

the importance of the effect with which it was charged. Since it was death

which brought about this apotheosis it was to the dead to the souls of

the departed, that the first cult known to humanity was addressed. Thus

the first rites were funeral rites, the first sacrifices were food offerings

meant to satisfy the needs of the departed; the first altars were the tombs

of the dead27

.

These spirits which were once regarded as souls were also believed

to concern themselves with the life of their past companions either to aid

them or to injure them according to their sentiments which they had

shown towards them. According to the circumstances their nature made

them either very precious auxiliaries or very redoubtable adversaries.

Owing to their extreme fluidity, they could even enter into the body, and

cause all sorts of disorders there or else increase its vitality. Thus came

the habit of anything to them all this events of life which varied slightly

from the ordinary. If a person was overtaken by an attack or seized by

some sickness, it was because an evil spirit had entered into him and

brought him all this trouble. Thus the power of spirits was increased by

all, that the men attributed to them and in the end men found themselves

the prisoners of this imaginary for which they were the authors and the

models. They fell into dependence upon these spiritual forces which they

had created in their own image. If the spirits were the givers of health and

113

sickness of good and evils to this extent it was a wise to conciliate their

favour or appease them when they were irritated and hence came the

offerings, prayers, sacrifices etc..,28

The spirits which were mentioned above were of the cause of

human origin and as such they were thought to act only upon human

events but the early people also imagined other spirits to account for other

phenomena, both of animate and inanimate origin of the universe and

thus the cult of nature was subsequently formed.

For Tylor, this extension of animism was due to the peculiar

mentality of the primitive men who could not distinguish the animate and

the inanimate and consequently they were inclined to endow all things,

even inanimate ones with a nature analogous to their own. As a result of

this extension they came to believe that the souls of things that resided

especially in the phenomena of the physical world caused the movement

of water-courses, the germination of plants the reproduction of animals

etc. They then believed that they had an equal need of the spirits which

appeared to animated these things and came to implore their assistance

with offerings and prayers29

.

However according to Herbert Spencer whose point differs from

Tylor‘s. The extension of the belief in spitits of men to those of nature‘s

phenomena, was due to a confusion in the use of language, i.e. in the

primitive societies it was common custom to give to each individual

either at his birth or later, the names of some animal, plant, star, or natural

objects. The early men, however, soon lost sight of the fact that these

names were only figures of speech (mostly metaphors) and taking them

literally they ended by believing that an ancestor named ‗Tiger‘ or Jackal‘

was really a tiger or jackal. Thus according to Spencer, the cult of

which the ancestor was the object up to that time was changed over to the

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animal with which he was thereafter confounded as the same substitution

went on for the plants and all other natural phenomena, the religion of

nature took the place of the old religion of the dead. Besides the

fundamental confusion involving the literal interpretation of metaphorical

names, Spencer mentions others: The animal which frequented the

surroundings of the tombs or dwelling of men were taken for their

reincarnated souls, and adored under the title or again the mountain which

tradition made the cradle of the races was finally taken for the ancestor of

the race; it was thought that men were descended from it, because their

ancestors appeared coming from it and it was consequently treated as an

ancestor itself30

.

Let us, now turn our attention to some significant evidence in the

Pulaiya belief system which might usefully be interpreted with reference

to several aspects of the theory of animism as outlined able.

Ancester Worship

Among Pulayas ancestor worship is prevalent. Their souls are also

worshipped. In the village deity worship, ancestor worship also

interspersed. Pulayas believed that their ancestor had lived with them

after death and they give respect. According to them the people are

protected by the spirits of the ancestors. During festival dances their

ancestors will also dance with the souls or bodies of the dead with the

height upto the sky. Their feet seldom touch the earth. During the village

deity worship their ancestors were invited to participate in the festival31

.

Death Ceremony

Among the Pulayas death ceremonies are peculiar ones. They will

dispose the dead in burial pit. Paadai is made up of bamboo and pinari

tree. It is in simple shape. For muppan (Head man) and pusari (Priest)

they will make paadai like ratha. For others it is made like bed. During

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burial ceremony all things are also buried with the dead body. At

Kilpoonachi knife is kept. Dead man‘s wife‘s mangala sutra is removed

and tied on the erukam plant32

. Since erukkam is a milky plant the

mangalya is tied on this. Karumadhi is ended with alms giving. In this

ritual food is mixed with chicken curry. If the food was eaten by crows,

the soul is appeased with fulfillment. If the food was not eaten by the

crows, the soul is not appeased according to the pulaya beliefs. This alms

giving ceremony is done first in the house. Then at funeral ground, it is

performed.

Poolathur

At Poolathur the death ceremony is with some differences. Here

dress, sickle, cigarette and tobacco were buried with dead body. They will

make three scratches on the head and three scratches in the mouth of the

dead body by using thorns. It is done for warding off the soul. For all the

expenditures money is collected from villagers33

.

Thonimalai (Interview with [No.85])

At Thonimalai if a person die, that news will be sent to 32 villages

where his relatives living. The news is taken by the Kolkarar with a pole

to all villages. On seeing the Kolkarar in their settlements, the people will

realize that he had brought a death news from his settlement. Due to the

advanced technologies, the death news are conveyed through the

cellphones nowadays.

After pouring water on the dead body, it is placed in the house.

This is called as ‗Saathuthal‘. A new cloth is given to the wife of the dead

person from his mother‘s home. The mangalya soothira is untied by the

headman or by the elder people. It is their hereditary right. After

removing the mangalya soothira it is placed in a box. On the third day it

is placed for worship and once again placed in the box.

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Some dresses are thrown into the burial pit. The remaining dresses

are kept in the house. Those dresses are used by his kith and kins.

At Poomalai no utensils or knives are placed in the burial pit. The

widow‘s mangalya soothira is tied on the branch of a milky tree. The

reason behind this is, it is believed that as the milk comes from the tree

eternally, the kith and kins of the dead person also live with prosperity.

The widower and widow can marry several wives and husbands

respectively. The male will never take their children with them.

Communal Solidority

On the thirtieth day karumadhi is conducted which is called as

vishesha sami kumpiduthal (special worship). In this worship only family

people take part34

.

Thalinji

All the death ceremonies were conducted in this village also. The

materials buried with the dead body are varied. Here wine, Kanja (an

intoxicating leaf) are added with the above mentioned materials, on

thirtieth day karumati is conducted. At this ceremony brother in law give

dothies to the kith and kins of the deceased one35

.

Mavadappu

The paadai is simple one. But for the muppan (head man) and

pusari (priest) padai is made like ratha (cart). Small hoe, spade, crowbar,

walking stick and pair of chapals are buried with deadman. These are

kept in the right side of the body. The pulaiya people believe that these

were used by the soul in the upper world. On the night before karumaathi

paddy was poured in the big pot with water. After sometimes a handful

of paddy is taken by every body. Then the paddy is husked. After

husking, the rice is boiled. The boiled rice is poured on the plantain leaf.

117

Fig. 34 : (i) Herostones (17th Century) at Pulaya settlement near

Thalinji

(ii) Stone for sharpening the swords of the

palace guardians (Thalinji)

It is offered to the dead. It is called as nilal padaiyal (offering for soul).

After the offering ceremony the food was eaten by all the people

assembled there.

Pacchaipaarppu

It is alms giving ritual. In this ritual they place three stones on the

river bank. Then they will worship them. Just like this at the junction of

the three roads they will keep three stones and worship with alms giving.

Place where three stones were kept is called as paeru which means

wealth. In this place the spirit of the dead is living according to their

belief. The spirits are called as viittu karuppu (spirit in the house) and

kaattukkaruppu (spirit in the forest). This spirit will eat the alms

according to Pulaya belief. The spirit which had gone to forest will never

return. If they want the presence of the spirit in the house the pugai

thannir (water of spirit) will be sprinkled. This water is mixed with milk,

dung and urine of the cow. After sprinkling of the water they will come

out of the house. Some people will enter the house and prepare the food

which is called Veetu Soru (food from house). This food includes chicken

curry, boiled rice and ball made of ragi flour.

Seven plantain leaf plates are kept. Seven thilagas or 16 thilagas

are marked. In front of the plantain leaves food and clothes which were

liked by the dead, (dothi if the dead were male and saree if the dead were

female, with turmeric mark on four sides) are kept. Also paddy and water

are kept. They will worship the spirit. At that time they whispered ―veetu

muni kaatukku poganum (the spirit in the house must go to forest) and

kaatu muni veetukku varanum (forest spirit must come to house). They

believed that the spirit (nilal) which gone to forest shall return.36

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If a person is died the burial of dead is made by the whole village.

The death message is conveyed to the relatives on the other hills. The

messenger goes with a stick ‗vallaiyam‘. If he was seen with this

stick the people will realize that some body has died. Three parallel lines

were drawn with ash which symbolized the dead. Also red chilli and a

piece of burnt wood are kept at the entrance of the settlement for

announcing the death news. Another way for announcing death news is,

inserting the two branches of kalkuchimaram (nilal maram) in front of

the house. After burying the dead body these branches are cut into the

pieces and thrown away.

They never eat the sundaikay and green leaves upto the day of

karumathy. In the karumathy ritual 7 mullikays, 7 fired wood pieces and

paddy umi are mixed and kept in seven packets. These packets and seven

bangles made up of korai grass are kept into the ritual of pachai paarppu.

Peculiar Custom at Kallakinaru (Interview with [No.105])

On the day of the funeral ritual, rice, vegetable curry, rasam and

mutton curry are kept on the plantain leaf from where the soul had

departed. In addition to this, coconut, fruits, betel leaves, arecanut and

also the desired food of the departed soul were placed. Rice is mixed with

mutton curry and placed on a plate as three balls. Then camphor is placed

on the bark of the plantain and worshipped. Two brothers and one

brother-in-law must eat this food. When they are about to eat the first

ball, they produce a sound. On hearing this, the other people will throw

their first ball in one direction. This is repeated for the second and third

balls. Now the three balls were taken to three different directions. After

this ceremony, all the people along with those three members move to

Mandhaiveli (cattle ground). There feast is given to all.

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Fig. 35 (i) The person (Kuppan) who wards off goblin and

demon near Kattalai Maariamman and Saappalamman

(Kodanthur)

(ii) People from plains waiting for the person who wards off

demon and goblin (Kodanthur)

(iii) Winnow with cowries, coins, paddy, ring chain with seven

rings or sixteen rings. These are kept in front of the person

who wards off demon and goblin (Kodanthur)

(iv) Iron chain for warding off goblin (Kodanthur)

Then ‗Urumal Kattu Seer‘ (Placing head gear) is performed. In this

ceremony, the dead person‘s son shaves his head. Then the dead person‘s

brother-in-laws will place the dhoti, comb, betel leaves and arecanut on

the mat.

Later the three persons are made to sit on the mat. Each person is

combed, dhoti is tied on their heads along with the betel leaves, arecanut

and comb. After this, they are sent into the dead person‘s house. After

closing the

door, the people other than the three persons will move out. The three

persons will roll here and there inside their house. This is done until their

head gear gets loosen. If the head gear is loosen quickly, it means that the

soul has rested in peace.

Another way of knowing this is done at the funeral ground. Then

ash and water along with grains are placed at the head of the tomb. If the

water is intact or the foot prints of any bird or animal is seen (it shows a

bird or animal drank the water), it means that the soul has not rested in

peace. In turn they will place a lamp and a calf for 30 days. After the

completion of 30 days people begin to live in the dead person‘s house.

Kurumalai

Here for children, separate funeral ground is used. After the death

priests and poleman were worshipped as God. All the utensils were also

buried with dead. Mangalya is also buried with dead. Burial pit is called

as ‗par‘ (a land measure) 37

.

Goblin

Among Pulayas some witch crafts are prevailing then and now.

The separate priests are there for warding off goblin (Fig. 35(i)). One

priest says that the goblin was discovered by astrology. After locating the

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Fig. 36 (i) Fortune teller in front of Kattalai Maariamman.

He tells fortunes to please people with the help of cowrie

(Kodanthur)

(ii) Fortune teller with the sticks which have the power

of fortune telling (Kodanthur)

goblin paddy is kept in the winnow. An iron chain is kept on the paddy

(Fig. 35 (iii, iv)). He will catch the goblin within the iron rings in the

chain. After smearing sacred ash on the forehead goblin which influenced

in the person runs away38

. People from various places visit here for

warding off goblin (Fig. 35 (ii)).

Another person says that the winnow with full of paddy is kept

infront of the person who is influenced by goblin. The chain on the paddy

is with several signs (7, 12, 13 and 23). Then the priest begins the ritual

of warding off goblin with sprinkling of sacred ash on that person. Also

the priest whispers some mantras. Then he touches the body with the iron

chain from head to feet. At that time the goblin which is in the body is

ensnared in the iron chain. Then the priest will cut some hairs and ties

them on a nail. This nail is fixed on the tree Picrocarpus marsupium.

The paddy on the winnow is husked and cooked by the family of the

person. The boiled rice was offered to the soul of the ancestors. They

believe that the souls of the ancestors protects the family member, from

goblins. Then the priest gives sacred ashes to the person for smearing it

for three days, each day for three times. The person smears the sacred

ash39

.

The soul of the dead goes to the God. During alms giving

ceremony soul returns. During their life they liked some kind of food. If

those foods were offered, the soul has returned back. At that time the soul

is thin. Pulayas calls the soul of dead as ―mutukkar avi‖ or ―mutuvar

avi‖40

(elder person some). They will call the souls. ―O Gods, person

gone, person becoming, person fallen in the deep well, person washed

away by river, fallen the water falls, person died when he was on boat,

person in the small lake all of you visit our house for taking food‖41

. They

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Fig. 37 (i) Pouring turmeric water on the priest at

Cross road (Thirumoorthi Hill)

(ii) Priest sucking blood from hen at Cross-road

(Thirumoorthi Hills)

came to the food offering according to the pulaiya belief. They will pray

for them (souls) in the house to protect the persons who are living in the

house. With the souls of the dead mutukkar aavi also visits.

Kuriparthal (Fortune Telling)

Pulayas want to know the fortune in any act (marriage, occupation

for warding off goblin). So they approach the fortune tellers. Fortune

tellers use the paddy, (Fig. 36 (i, ii)) cowry, tamarind nut and castor nut

for fortune telling. They also use the flower, for knowing fortune. They

keep the white flower and red flower in separate packets. Then they will

ask a child to take a flower. If white flowers were taken by the child it

denotes that the God gives its acceptance for their ventures. If the red

flowers were received it is considered as negative.

Cross Road Cult

Cross road cult is a worldwide phenomenon. It was prevalent in

ancient Greek, Roman and other civilizations. Also in ancient literature

cross road cult was mentioned. Even now cross road cult is prevalent

among village folks and aborigines. Ancient Tamil literature mentions

about cross road cult. When Nakkirar mentions about abodes of lord

Muruga the cross road is included in this list.42

Malaipatukatam, one of

the ten idylls mention about a hero stone at cross road (kavalai).43

More

than twenty times cross road was mentioned in Sangam literature. At

cross some rituals and sacrifices were performed. In mirchakatika, a

Sanskrit drama, the hero questioned the vidusaka about the sacrifice at

cross road. With this D.D.Kosambi made a contribution about cross road

cult.44

In this article he discusses about cross road cult which is a living

tradition of cross road cults. He also utilized the data from field work. He

concluded that the cross road cult was hailed from tribal life. With this

it will be nice to analyze the cross road cult among Pulayas, particularly

122

during Goddess festival they are performing the cross road cult.45

(Fig. 37

(i, ii)) According to folk belief and tribal belief the sins and God‘s curse

will go away from individual. Even now many village folk from

Coimbatore region perform rituals at cross road during marriage rituals. It

is also for warding off evil spirits and for protecting from evil eyes46

.

If a pulaya goes to distance places they will do some rituals, when

they are returning, whenever he enters on the border of his hill he will

take the kodikalli plant in bundle and rounds it above his head and throws

it at the three road junction. Then he walks upon this bundle. According

to pulayas belief the bad omen from other places cannot follow after this

rituals.

Blood Sacrifice at Temple [Interview with Pandi (No.108)]

At Kallakinaru some peculiar rituals are seen in Blood sacrifice at

temple.

Before sacrificing the blood, rice boiling ritual is performed. On

this urn, sacred ash, sandal paste and kumkum tilagams are applied.

Another pot is decorated with these thilagas. Then these utensils were

kept on the mud stove. After boiling rituals were over, they begin the

sacrificing rituals. For shaking the head of the goat, they never sprinkle

the water. They use only the sacred ash. After intensive fast, the sacred

ash is sprinkled on the head of the goat. When the goat shakes its head,

they cut the head of the goat. After this they cut the front right leg and

insert it into its mouth. It is called as a ‗Sacrifice to the goat‘ (Aatukku

Kaavu Koduthal).

On a plate boiled rice and blood of the sacrificed goat are placed.

Then the temple is circumambulated with the body of the goat. During

goat sacrificing no one should speak. It is believed that, if any body

speaks the ‗Aramala Kaalan‘ (God of death) will come in the form of bee,

123

and will kill that person. Then all the people leave the temple. After

throwing the boiled rice and blood of the goat in three directions, the

priest also goes from the temple without seeing back. He will come back

to the border of the village. There mutton curry is made. Feast is given to

everyone. Then the people circumambulate one by one for three times.

At the end priest throws the mutton pieces in three directions. When the

throwing ceremony is being performed, he never sees the direction in

which the flesh is thrown. All the people return to the village without

seeing back. No one even crosses the place where the sacrifice was

conducted for the next 3 days.

Why Blood Sacrifice

The goat sacrifice and pouring of its blood have some purposes.

The purpose of a somewhat similar ceremony among certain tribes in

Central Australia is said to be that by means of pouring out the blood of

the animals, the spirits of the animal were driven out in all directions, and

thus increasing the number of animals. From the blood which has served

to make the animal they said to vivifying principles to go forth, which

animate the embryos of the new generation and prevent the spikes from

disappearing. For the people in Central Australia, it is Kangaroo which is

the favourite animal of sacrifice47

, whereas the ram is chosen by the

Pulayas, the hill folk.

It is labelled as positive cult48

. According to Durkhiem, a cult is a

system of diverse rites, festivals and ceremonies, which all have this

characteristic, that they reaper periodically. They fullfil the need which

the believer feels of strengthening and reaffirming, at regular intervals of

times, the bind which unites him to the sacred things upon which he

depends. That is why one speaks of marriage rites but not of a marriage

cult, of birth rite but not of a cult of the new born child, it is because of

124

the events on the occasion of which these rites take place implies no

periodicity. In the same way, there is no cult of ancestors except when

sacrifices are made on the tombs from time to time, when libations are

made there is no certain more or less specific dates or when festivals are

regularly celebrated in honour of the dead.

Derkheim had underscored that death of ordinary beings did not

have the power of deification for those rites that formed an ancestor cult.

The personages represented in the rites relating to the ancestor cult

of those people were considered to have exercised super human power

while they were living. They were adorned with ornaments. These

decorations and worships did not come to them merely from the fact that

they were ancestors. But a divinity was always attributed to them.

Importance of Number Seven

Among Pulayas number seven (7) is auspicious one. In every

ritual, seven betel leaves, seven arecanuts, seven bars, seven pots of water

in every ritual seven times, seven kannimar (virgin Goddesses), in

puberty ritual, seven time dip into the water to mention a few49

. The

seven virgin worship is prevalent in all the villages in Coimbatore region.

Divinity of number seven (7) is discovered from Indus excavation. On

one seal a mother Goddess is depicted in standing between the pisal

posture branches50

. Under this Goddess seven female figures are seen.

These figures might have been the proto form of seven virgins. Many

reference about number 7 are preserved as per the tradition and literature.

Seven Families for Rituals

Among pulayas at Easalthittu seven families were conferred the

right of killing the goat in sacrifice. After shaking the head of the goat it

was killed. Mutton of this animal is shared equally. Seldom they hide any

amount of mutton. If they hide this it is a sin. Once upon a time one of the

125

seven members of this group had hidden the mutton of sacrificed goat.

There erupted a quarrel among them. The group which discovered this

theft left the village and settled at Palamalai. Rituals as festival sacrifice

in the ritual are given to particular families. None other people should do

this. Even in betrothal, particular family members are allowed to give

arecanut and betel leaves to the participant. No other person should give

this.

Even in Tamil literary tradition number seven is important one.

Tolkappiyar mentions five fold divisions in love situation51

. But he added

two more situations for making up seven fold divisions. According to

Tamil literary traditions first seven patrons, middle seven patrons and last

seven patrons had lived. More than hundred patrons were mentioned in

Sangam literature. But twenty one (7X3) patrons had got special

mentions52

. Seven upper worlds and seven lower worlds (hells). All these

evidences show that number seven is an important one.

According to Cauldwel number seven is a round up number for

Dravidian people53

. For Ariyans decimal system is an important one. But

Dravidians followed other wise.

Bathing Ceremony to ward off Pollution

For Pulayas puberty pollution is worst among pollutions. All the

pollutions became nil when turmeric water is poured or sprinkled upon

the persons. Age attained girl is purified by taking bath in water (river or

tank) for seven times. Each time she is smeared with turmeric paste and

cow dung before she dip into water. The bathing ceremony is not a new

one. It‘s root could be traced in the Indus civilization. A big tank was

excavated at Mohanjadharo which was used for great bath54

. In South

India many temples have a tank which is called as tirtha kulam

(holy water tank)55

. When a king taking the ceremony at bath he get the

126

rejuvenation. People think that bathing in the holy water would get

freedom from sins. Against this historical background the bathing

ceremony is to be viewed. They take this bath in holy water to get rid of

from pollution. For all purifications, water is the best source.

Ward off Pollution in Child Birth at Poomalai

(Interview with [No.97])

On the seventh day of the child birth, entering the house is

performed as a ritual. Seven cups are made of Aasa/Aasaan leaves. Seven

sticks are inserted in the cups. If the child is male, toy gun, sickle, bow

and arrows made by bamboo bark are placed in the plate. If the child is

female, pestle and winnow are placed. Then mother‘s milk, rice, curry,

rasam, garlic, palmyra jaggery are mixed and placed in the seven cups.

The waist cloth of the child is torn into seven pieces and placed in the

winnow, and this is made as a waist thread for the child. Both mother and

child are given bath. After this, they are taken to worship their God

named ‗Siruthadi Kallan‘. They will throw a handful of rice and water in

three directions. Then they will return to the courtyard and will do the

same ritual. The sacred ash is smeared on the forehead of the mother and

child. The thread will tied on the child‘s waist. Then both the child and

mother are allowed to enter the house.

In the third or fourth month, black bangles and white beads are

worn on the hands and neck of the child. After three days, these bangles

and beads are broken and thrown in the trident cross road.

Iron in Rituals

Iron is important in the Pulaya life. They keep the iron near age

attained girl for warding off goblin56

. People all over Tamilnadu keep

iron rod for keeping goblin at bay. During Sangam period iron lance

was taken with the Pandya king when he visited wounded soldiers at war

127

Fig. 38 : Bark of tree, medicine for tooth ache

(Kodanthur)

Fig. 39 : Juice distilled from the bark, above mentioned

(Kodanthur)

Fig. 40 : Leaves (Sarkarai Kolli) which are used

for sugar patients (Kodanthur)

Fig. 41 : A scrap (Mathi tree) which is used

for tooth ache (Kurumalai)

camp57

. In the megalithic burials lot of iron implements were kept. These

were used by the deceased during life time. According to some scholars,

they were buried for the use of the deceased soldiers. But the purpose of

the burying the iron objects were emerged from the belief that iron could

keep away the goblin from touching the flesh of the soldiers58

. These

goblin were wandering to eat the flesh. Even now people take the iron

rod whenever they are taking mutton curry to distance place. Also people

keep the iron rod during delivery time to protect the new born child and

mother from goblin. All these deeds must be originated from Iron Age.

Folk Medicine

Pulayan use the herbal plants for many diseases. For dog bites they

use the herbal plants. After delivery they give tamarind curry which

consists of ginger, cumin, pepper and fenugreek. After boiling the curry is

given to the women after delivery. For many diseases they drink the

rasam made up of paluvakirai and pepper. For cough they drink crab

rasam. For head ache they show their face on the steam which is made up

of some herbal plant boiling in water. Sarkarai Kolli is used for sugar

patients (Fig. 40)

Mudupattai leaves are used for stomach pain. It is also used for

cow if it suffers from breast diseases. Virali leaf is used for head ache.

Omavalli leaf boiled after grinding with cumin and onion is consumed for

stomach ache. For injuries they apply cowdung and boiled oil. A kind of

scrap is used for tooth ache (Fig. 38, 39, 41)

Onion is used as medicine for any type of fever. Bark of

perunkarand in red tree are used for making juice. Then garlic, pepper

and salt are added to this juice. If it were consumed, the stomach ache is

subsided. For cough they use kolinjikay juice which is prepared by the

above method.

128

Fig. 42 Pulayas food – Bamboo paddy (Mavadappu)

At Thonimalai a leaf, the name of which is kept in secret is used

for all diseases (Thonimalai Kaimarunthu). About this a strong belief is

prevalent among pulayas. According to this story once upon a time some

pulayas went for hunting games. They killed a wild pig. They took the

pork which is bundled with some twigs. As soon as they returned home

they unlocked the twigs. On seeing the leaves of the twig with pork, they

believed that the leaves had medicinal value. From these leaves they

prepared medicine. People at Kodanthur give a long list of herbal

medicines. Bark of Venkai pal, Sapindus lauribalins, Cinnanankad a

kind of stone is used for poisonous bites. Sakkarai Kolli is used for sugar

patients. Chinni leaves are the medicine for fever. Bark of mathi tree is

boiled and applied for tooth ache.

Food Habit

People from Mavadappu take ragi kali (ball made up of ragi flour)

with tamarind paste. Morankay is used as a masala. Also they make the

paste (Chatni) with baby bees, morankay and wild chilly. They included

eleven types of roots in their main food items. Kolkavanai root is

consumed for thirst. Some wild fruits are also included in their food.

Honey, roots, plantain roots, many kinds of millets and many kinds

of leaves are included in the food habits of pulayas of Thonimalai. Tender

stems of bamboo were cut into pieces and boiled till it becomes turmeric

colour. Then these pieces were mixed with onion, green chilly, green

leaves, turmeric and chilly powder and boiled. They considered it as a

healthy food. They include bamboo paddy in their menu (Fig. 42).

Herostones - Pulayas and Tamil Traditions

Pulayas have been worshiping the stones which are to be

considered as herostones. Pulayas are cattle keepers. The owners of the

cattle herds are living in plains of Kongu region. Among the Gods some

129

Fig. 43 : Pulaya ladies always take their children

on their back (Kuzhipatti)

Fig. 44 : House with walls which are made up of mud,

bamboo and stone (Kodanthur)

Fig. 45 : Mortar and stone for making

batter and curry paste (Kodanthur)

Fig. 46 : Wooden mortar and wooden pestle

(Kodanthur)

Fig. 47 : Rings which are worn by Pulaya men

(Thirumoorthi Hills)

Fig. 48 : Pulaya ladies with researcher who take

her through dense forest to their village (Kurumalai)

Fig. 49 : Researcher in the Pulaya settlement (Kurumalai)

Fig. 50 : Hut on the tree for guarding their fields from

wild animals (Kuzhipatti)

Fig. 50 : Hut on the tree for guarding their fields

from the wild animals (Mavadappu)

Fig. 51 : Wooden comb which is used for combing

by Pulaya Ladies (Kuzhipatti)

Fig. 52 : Staple foods like Ragi, lemon, Amla,

Tomato and pea (Kuzhipatti)

are deified heroes of the Pulayas.59

These heroes are descending from

paradise for receiving alms given by the people in the yearly worship.60

They say that their ancestors came to their houses on their order. Tribal

people have the power to order their Gods. This matter is discussed in the

ancestor worship.61

Here the vivid descriptions are given about herostone

worship during early historic period. Even during prehistoric period

aboriginal people were worshipping heroes in the cave paintings62

.

Among Pulayas those heroes were their kings. Some caves with hero‘s

paintings are called as Raja alai (king‘s cave) by the Pulayas of this

region63

.

Nadukals (Hero Stones)

The basic theme connected with hero stones in Tamil Nadu is cattle

lifting or cattle retrieving. In Tamil Nadu, the earliest evidence on hero

stone is found in Sangam literature64

. Now the archaeological data

discovered goes back to IVth

century B.C.65

Thus, the availability of the

Sangam period hero stones are helpful in applying the descriptive data

of the Sangam literature to the contemporery memorial stones. Though

the tradition continued for a considerable period, there is a possibility of

minor changes in that tradition in the following centuries.

Keeping this in mind, an attempt is made here to explore the true

nature of the Sangam literary data. The study carried out so far on hero

stones were generally restricted to sangam literature and its grammar.

Tolkappiyam, the earliest Tamil grammar, speaks of the rites

performed during the erection of the memorial as:

fhl;rp fhy; Nfhs; ePh;g;gil eLfy; rPh;jF rpwg;gpd; ngUk;gil tho;j;jy;

(Tolkappiyam porul) verse, 6.

130

The rites kaatchi, kaalkol, nirpadai, nadukal, perumpadai and

vaalttal are in order. It is to be observed here that the Tolkappiyam does

not mention sculptural representation or inscription. The later

commentators explained this passage as the quest for a suitable stone, the

marking of the figure of the dead person on it, and its ceremonial bath.

Nirupadai would then refer to the ceremonial washing or purification of

the few picked bones left after exposure at a much later date for its

ceremonial burial, and nadukal, the erection of the stone (menhir) over it.

This was to be followed by perumpadai, the great offering, perhaps with

heaps of cooked rice (perum-soru in other contexts) and other food, and

by valttu-praise or adoration, perhaps with song (and dance). The custom

of worship and offering perumpadai or perum-soru offer the first time, or

periodically thereafter, in honour or memory of the dead will be clear

from other differences that are found in Agananuru, Purananuru and

Pattinappalai. One can follow the Tholkappiyam.66

However, in order to find out something of the significance of the

various aspects of the original ceremony, one must see what those six

stages were. The object of the rites which were supposed to take place in

the first phase, namely, finding the block of quartz or stone for the

ceremony in or around the jungle-clad hill would seem to have been to

preserve the sacredness of the glorious ancestor. One may only surmise

on the basis of evidence cited by Durkheim with regard to certain similar

ceremonies among the tribes of central Australia67

.

Probably on account of this sacred character of the hills, the

journey was undertaken by the survivors in search of the ‗stone‘. Perhaps,

after traversing some distance of the rugged country, they arrived at a

spot where they will find a suitable block of quartz68

.

131

Then, in the second stage of the ceremony, as they dug up the

ground and detach the block of stone, the drum was beaten loudly, and

the stone was lifted and carried away. In the third phase, they either

sprinkle water over the sacred rock, or they dip it in the stream. (The

object of similar rite among the people of Australia mentioned above is

said to have been to create rain or to augment the productive virtues of

the rock.) Then in the fourth phase, the name of the hero fallen in battle

was inscribed on the stone which was then erected. Libations of ram‘s

blood and liquor were made, and the stone was also decorated with

peacock feathers (pea-cock has also been regarded as sacred to Murugan,

the God of the hill-folk). In the fifth phase of the ceremony, those who

participated in it lamented and praised the hero‘s achievement. At this

time, their thoughts were naturally centered upon their common beliefs,

their common traditions, the memory of their great ancestral heroes, and

the collective ideal of which they were the incarnation. The individual

participants themselves probably profited from the ceremony. For the

spark of a social being which each bore within him necessarily

participated in the collective reawakening. The individual‘s soul was

regenerated too, by being dipped again (as the stone, at which they stood

gazing, was dipped earlier in the life-giving waters) in the source from

which its life came; consequently it felt itself stronger, fully master of

itself.

The final phase of the ceremony was designed to consolidate this

feeling, by embodying the symbolic stone, by raising probably a shelter

which soon developed into a temple or a permanent place of worship to

which many people came to pray, while women see that the flame of the

lamp set up was alive throughout the evening.

132

Then there were the periodical festivals around the shrine which

soon came to be known as potiyil. i.e. places where everyone assembled.

The exigencies of material life did not allow the participants to remain in

congregation indefinitely. So they scattered only to assemble again and

again when they again felt the need of this, the essential constituent of the

cults like the cult of ancestral hero worship was the cycle of feasts or

festivals were revivified. Society itself was able to revivify the sentiment

by assembling again. This explains the tendency towards periodicity of

feasts and festivals; the rhythm of social life, and the results from it.

Thus it would imply clearly that in the simplest stage of religion

such as the pure ancestral hero worship it was the spiritual being not the

stone which came in for all the veneration and adoration of the survivors.

Yet, in course of time, just in proportion as the soul evolved into the

spiritual being, so would seem the hero stone to have evolved into the

fetish or idol. Once the idea of sacredness of certain stones become firmly

fixed in the minds of the people, the stones are more or less rudely carved

first into the semblances of human figure and then worshipped.

Some Aspects of Pulaya‟s Life

Pulaya house is constructed with bamboo and mud. It is the

traditional house of pulayas. (Fig. 43, 44, 49) A single rock mortar and

grinding stone (Fig. 45) is used by everyone as a common property. Even

now they use wooden mortar and wodden pestle for husking (Fig. 46).

Some pulayas wear the rings with linga and lion‘s face. They may

represent Siva and Durga. (Fig. 47) All Pulaya ladies are courage enough

to move into the dense forest (Fig. 48) even during night without the help

of the male, as women in Nagaland who are moving with men during

night travel in the dense forest as protector. In the field they make the hut

on the top of the tree as watching tower, to protect their fields from the

133

wild animals. (Fig. 50) The researcher is climbing over the hut. This

could be seen in (Fig. 109) Wooden Comb is in use (Fig. 51). Their staple

food is ragi and other kind of millets. (Fig. 52)

Among Pulayas many customs are prevalent. Here very few

customs are analysed. Since agriculture was under the control of woman,

the rain making power was vested with woman. Till date rain making

ritual is in their control. Since they are in tribal stage, this ritual is under

the realm of women. Tatooing has a strong impact on Pulayas. Virata had

originated from tribal life. Hence it is lingering till date. Many ancient

cults like cross road cult shows the life of the pulayas. Many beliefs about

goblin soul and minor deities still have strong impact upon the pulayas.

From above discussions in the foregoing pages, it was shown how

the belief in the existence of ‗a double‘ – the soul – led to the further

belief that from a simple vital principle animating the body of heroic

man, it became a spiritual being or even a deity. It was also noted that

since it was death which brought about the transformation, it was to the

glorious dead, the first religious rites were addressed at the memorial

stones erected it heir honour.

Besides, there was also another belief that the souls of men and

women, which in each generation quitted the bodies and went to the

‗other world‘, returned after a certain length of time to reincarnate

themselves, and these were the cause of conception and birth. (Thus

among the Tamils, there has been the custom of giving the newly-born

child the name of its grandfather or grandmother, if it borns sometimes

after the elder‘s death, a belief is followed that the latest member of a

family who died, comes back to life in the person of the first child born in

that family.)

134

REFERENCES – CHAPTER - IV

1. Interview with Ayyappan (No.126) on 15.5.2011 (Lower Poonachi).

2. Thiruvempavai, South Indian Saiva Siddhartha Literary Publications, Madras,

1965, verse 15.

3. JRAS XIII, p. 9452.

4. JANSB XII, p.921.

5. Ibid.

6. Ibid.

7. BV, VI pp. 175-176; JGRS, VI. pp 22-7.

8. Ibid.

9. J.G. Frazer, The Golden Bough, London, 1949, p.71.

10. W. Crooke, (Popular Religion and Folklore of Northern India), Westminster,

1896, p.10.

11. Interview with Ramathal (No.132) on 25.5.2011 (Lower Poonachi).

12. Interview with Ponnusamy (No.39) on 21.6.2011 (Thirumoorthi Hills).

13. Interview with Pachayappan (No.184) on 8.2.2012 (Kurumalai).

14. Interview with Thadagan (No.72) on 28.9.2012 (Mavadappu).

15. Interview with Vellachi (No.35) on 10.5.2011 (Thalinji).

16. Kunal Chakrabarti, Religious Process: The Puranas and the Making of the

Regional Tradition; Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 2001, p.235.

17. Ibid. (Quotation from S.R. Dass, A Study of the Vrata Rites of Bengal in Man in

India, vol. 32, No.3, 1952, p.216)

18. Ibid, p.238.

19. Taylor, Primitive culture, Newyork, 1874, Ch XI – XVIII, (Quoted by

S. Singaravelu, Social Life of the Tamils the Classical Period, Kaula Lampur,

1966), p.111-114.

20. Ibid, p. 443.

21. S. Singaravelu, op. cit., p. 112.

22. Ibid.

23. Ibid, pp. 112-113.

24. Ibid, pp. 113-114.

25. Taylor, op. cit., p. 481.

135

26. Ibid.

27. S. Singaravelu, op. cit., p. 114.

28. Herbert Spencer, Principle of Sociology, Newyork, 1936, p. 126.

29. S. Singaravelu, op. cit., p.115.

30. Herbert Spencer, loc. cit.

31. Interview with Nagappan (No. 3) on 28.12.2010 (Kodanthur).

32. Interview with Kaliyammal (No.128) on 15.5.2011 (Lower Poonachi).

33. Interview with Mangili (No. 122) on 6.10.2012 (Poolathur).

34. Interview with Rajan (No. 32) on 10.05.2011 (Thalinji).

35. Interview with Muthusamy (No. 25) on 25.3.2010 (Thalinji).

36. Interview with Lakshmanan (No. 56) on 8.6.2011 (Mavadappu).

37. Interview with Kali (No. 178) on 24.05.2011 (Kurumalai).

38. Above person.

39. Interview with Kittan (No. 169) on 23.7.2010 (Kurumalai).

40. Above person.

41. Interview with Shanthi (No.181) on 8.2.2012 (Kurumalai).

42. Thirumurugarruppadai, line, 225.

43. Malaipadukadam, line, 465.

44. D.D. Kosambi Myth and Reality, Popular Prakasam, Bombay, 1962, See At

Cross Road. Pp.62-82.

45. Interview with Murugammal (No. 38) on 27.5.2011 (Thirumoorthi Hills).

46. Interview with R. Poongundran on 20.12.2012

47. S. Singaravelu, op. cit., p. 109.

48. Durkheim, Emile, The Elementary Forms of the Religious Life – Translated

from French-edited by J.W. Swain, Newyork, 1961. p. 366.

49. Interview with Saappuli (No. 189) on 28.09.2012 (Kurumalai).

50. Shereen Ratnagar, Understanding of Harappa Civilization in the greater Indus

Valley, Thuliga Publishers, New Delhi, 2002, p.106.

51. Tholkappiyam, Porul, Agath., Verse 3.

52. Purananuru, Verse. 188.

53. Robert Cauldwell, A Comparitive Grammar of Dravidian Languages (Tamil),

Chennai – 17, 2004, pp. 335-337.

54. Shereen Ratnagar, op. cit., p.92.

136

55. Kumbakonam mahamaha tank where festival of bath has took place every

twelve year.

56. Interview with Palanisamy (No.66) on 5.10.2012 (Mavadappu).

57. Nedunalvadai, Line, 176.

58. Discussion with R. Poongundran, Asst. Director (Rtd) Dept of Archaeology,

Madurai.

59. Interview with Thangavel (No. 158) on 16.04.2011 (Esal Thattu).

60. Above person

61. Infra, p. 51.

62. Interview with Narayanamoorthy, State Bank Officer, Palani, Dindigul District.

63. Above person.

64. Agananuru, Verse. 39.

65. The Hindu, 06.03.2006.

66. S. Singaravelu, op. cit., pp. 133-135.

67. Ibid, (Quotation) All the rituals for herostone erection taken from these pages.

68. Ibid, pp.134-135.

137