CHAPTER III

A PROFILE OF SLUM LIFE OF GWALIOR CITY:

The study starts with the establishment of a broader

profile of life pattern of slum dwellers of Gwalior city.

In order to achieve the objectives and follow design of

the study this chapter deals with the historical,

physical, socio-cultural, socio-economic and political

aspects of the slum way of life in the context of health

dimensions.

1. A HISTORICAL PROFILE OF MURIYA PAHAR AND KAMPOO SLUM:

Muriya Pahar:

According to the key respondent, Mr. Prabhakar

Sharma, 45 years of age, the Muriya Pahar area was

entirely jungle(forest). Only one Mandir(temple)- namely

"Nehrwali Mata Ki Mandir" was there on the top of the

Pahar {hill) . The Mandir was constructed by the then

Maharaja(king) of the state, Gwalior about 10-11 decades

ago. There was a big deep well within the Mandir complex.

92

It was dug out during the construction of the Mandir.

Early in 1950, it was found that there were about 5-7

families residing in this Pahari Jungle around the Mandir

and that old well. The well water, on the top of the

small hill was the main attraction of the local

inhabitants. The old residents of this "Pahari

kshet ra" (hi 11 area) were known as "Pahari Jat" (caste) or

'Pardi' ethnic group and descend group of "Bundelkhandia",

"Gaur", "Dungar Pari a" and "Mugia". By occupation they

were traditionally involved in collection of herbal

medicinal plants and used to prepare some kind of

"Jaributia" as herbal medicine for curing different types

of diseases. They used to go to market with these

~edicine and sell by face to face contact with customers.

Thus, they had to travel different places for certain

period of time.

Key respondent, Mr. Sanjoy Srivastava, S.B.I

Employee, stated the historical importance of the area

that there was a "Sakhia Vilas" (recreational rest house)

of the Maharaja on the east boundary of the "Pahari

Kshetra"(hilly area). More than 100 years ago, there was a

deep canal like river connecting from "Rajmahal" {palace)

to the "Sakhia Vilas". It was dug by the then Maharaja

Madhav Rao Sindhia in 1857. The purpose Has for rest and

93

recreation of Maharaja. During those days Maharaja used to

enjoy boating into the canal and hunting at the nearby

Jungles staying at Sakhia Vilas. Now a skeleton of that

old Vilas and hunting spot are still existing near by

cancer hospital of this area as the empirical evidences of

history.

Mr. Khuman Kholi, 76 years of age, narrated th2

historical determinants. As stated by him, there were few

"Zaminders"(land lords) who had separately owned over the

past decades. They were namely Udasi Babu, Ramchandra

Patel, Bhagle and Ghosi and others. Actually the "Pahari

kshet ra" was a plot of waste land of Maharaja, but the

adjuscent areas which is slightly plain area by nature and

cultivable land were under thP possession of the above­

mentioned Land Lords (Zamindars). According to Mr. K.S.

Kushwah, another key respondent who has been staying in

this locality since 1964, the lower portion of "Pahari

Kshetra" i.e. about one hector of plain cultivable land

was under the ownership of Mr. Ramchandra Patel. But other

parts of the land of same type, a stated by Mr. Prabhakar

Sharma, were owned by Mr. Durga Prasad, who was a big milk

businessman as well as the Zamindar of the area, and Mr.

Ratan Singh and Mr. Naine Singh, both belonged to Bhagle

community.

94

It was pointed out that, though Forest Department

started aforestation activities but the plain land area

was sold out or leased out to the brick making(brick kiln)

industry. After the exploitation of land for brick the

areas were again sold out to the D A B School authority.

Finally, D A B school authority also could not establish

t~ir school complex because of leveling the pits which

was a costly affairs for them. Later on, some kind of

plantation works were initiated by the forest department.

This area was actually under the control of Revenue

Department. There was mutual contact between Forest and

Revenue Departments of the government for the legal

actions of the area.

In the 1950s the plain area of this Pahari Kshetra

came under Nazul, -Tahshildar used to collect revenue of

the area.

Respondent Mr. Khuman Kohli stated that the rural

people started migrating to this area basically for

economic reasons. It was a kind of inter-district

migration. There were about 100 people who migrated to

this locality from Rewa district of the State. Due to

poverty they had to leave their rural area and started

struggling for existence in the urban settings staying in

the Pahari Kshetra.

95

About 50-60 Jatav families had gradually settled

down in this locality over a period of time. There was a

caste conflict between the Jatav people and Rajput(Thakur)

in the Parasani area which is about 8 kms. away on the

east from this Pahari Kshetra. The conflict was on the

issue of 140 Bigha land that was captured by the Thakurs.

Poor Jatav communities field a court case for justice but

the Thakurs were so powerful and finally forced the Jatavs

to leave the land area.

is still awaited.

The final verdict of the court

Beside these people, there were few households

owned by Koli and Ghosi by caste in the Pahari Kshetra.

They migrated from the rural area. Koli people had weaving

occupation ~nd Ghosi people had their cattle rearing

occupation. At present, Kalis have shifted from their

traditional occupation to the Bidi making activities and

Ghosis shifted to milk business in the locality.

There was a small human settlement in the area

where the Kamala Bai T.B. Hospital is existing at present.

The local inhabitants were forced to displace and started

settling down at Muriya Pahari Kshetra. About 100 families

shifted to the Pahari Kshetra from the hospital area.

Among these migrated families about 20-25 were Koli and

rest of them were Kushwah by ethnicity.

96

At the same time, Mr. Ajit Yogi had become the

Member of Parliament(Rajya Sabha) from the Congress Party

for this constituency. By the intervention of the

political action this Pahari Kshet:ra had been notified as

"Pust:ani Jaiga"/or Zamin, as stated by Mr. Dixit:.

Knowing the facts of the locality the relatives of

the residents and other people started coming to the

locality for settlement:. Some people had purchased plots

from the "Jot:e Zamin"(land revenue) and most: of the people

started encroaching or capturing plots of land which were

under the revenue and forest department. Thus, the

population concentration and their settlement started

increasing at: the Pahari Kshetra.

Kampoo:

According to Mr. Babu Lal, there were few local

inhabitants in this basti. During 1936-37 it was called

as "Berah" (waste land for animal) . Later on the name of

this locality had been changed from 'Berah' to Sekhandar

Kampoo. The local inhabitants were basically poor people.

Majority of them were Jat:av ethnic groups whose

traditional occupation was to look after horses of the

Maharaja(King). The concentration of the ~oor Jat:av people

97

carne up into the existence because there was a big fort of

"Suraksha Bahini" (Security force) of the Maharaja close

by.

As believed by Mr. Gopal Singh, 57 years old,

four caste groups used to stay in this locality. They were

about 20 Jatav families, 7 Muslim families, 5 Brahmin

families, and about 4 Rajput families. Again, as statedly

Babu Lal, there were 3 Aggarwal families who migrated

from Rajasthan and the Muslims migrated from Pakistan. He

also pointed out that among the poor, there were one

Kalahar family, 5 Kasai families, one Lohar family, 5-6

Dhobi families.

From the occupational points of view, the Muslims

were in the security forr ·s as "Dewan", (clerk),

"Dafadar" (assistant) and "Subedar" (supervisor). Brahmins

were in "Puja archana" (worship) and Jatavs were in the

security forces as "safaiwala"(cleaner) and care taker of

horses and "tangawala". After the security forces of the

Maharajas were disbounded these people became jobless, and

settled down at this locality as poorer sect ion of the

society.

As believed by the local people, Mr. Sikandar Shah

was staying at "Ernlinaka" which was a big residential

98

complex constructed by the then Maharaja and adjuscent to

this locality. His residential complex was surrounded by

security forces of the Maharaja. Sikandar was a Christian

by religion. But by profession he was a contractor. During

those days, he had a good relationship with Maharaja

Madhav Rao Sindhia, father of Juvaj i Rao Sindhia. During

the period of Maharani Lakshmi Bai he could manage his

good reputation which later on spread all over the Gwalior

State. Some time, he used to advise Maharaja in different

fields of administration. He did not have any Zamindari or

any other possession of land area except his residential

complex. Calculating the impact of the world war II

Sikandar Shah sold out his residential complex to Mr. Rao

Sa tpal Singh Sekharwar, and left the plac1 for ever.

However, at that time, Mr. Jagannath Prasad,

father of Mr. Babulal was a Zamindar of five villages

such as (i) Ajaypura, (ii) Maheshpura, (iii) Naya Gaon,

(iv) Ghati Gaon. Maha Raja Jeevaji Rao Sir.dhia provided

him one pistol and one gun for his personal security

purpose. There are two arms still lying with his son

Babu Lal who has been staying in this basti.

After independence, during 1947 to 1950 when the

"Rajtantra" (Princely States) was on che verge to be

abolished and merged with Union Government of India, the

99

Zamindari system also started declining. All the Suraksha

Bahini controlled by the Raja and Maharaja were merged

with the Indian Army. Considering the utility and

speciality, some of them who were not merged terminated.

In this processes, the Jatav people who used to look after

horses of the Maharaja's forces were affected. There was

nothing like pension benefits or other kind of

rehabilitation action programme/scheme for these deprived

group of people. They were in turn, forced to struggle for

existence settling down in this locality.

But the Zamindars or rich people, just after

loosing their Zamindari system initiated some kind of

business. For example, Mr. Jagannath Prasad, after his

Zamindari declined, started money lending business with

the local residents. Since then, he has been continued

this money lending business in the locality. Apart from

this, the family has now, Bidi making activities as side

business.

According to Mr. Omprakash Pathak, working as a

Reader in DSP office, Gwalior, the area was fully meant

for armed forces. Since the local people used to call

the fort as Kampoo, the name of the area commonly known

as 'Kampoo'. Now people say that "we are inhabitants of

Kampoo area" .

100

There was another historical dimension for the

local people in the Kampoo area. It was commonly said that

the area was mostly inhabited by the Jatav community

members. During their past habitances, once they had some

ethnic identity problems. It was also said that once the

local Jatav people came to know about the aggression of

Jatav Vir, Putli Bai who was the social reformer. Actually

Putli Bai had a strong belief against "modernisation of

the tradition". As stated by the local people,e, Putli Bai

came to know that the people of the Kampoo locality

started changing their traditional ethnicity i.e., their

name and surname etc. She wanted to challenge them not to

do so.

However, presuming her attack over this

concentration of the Jatav community the residents

specially the Jatav (Harizan) people had left the houses

keeping out their valuable goods and materials with the

local rich people. The fear of attack was that. Those who

would not follow her ideology, would be killed and their

existence would be destroyed on the spot.

In fact, after this social upheaval, the displaced

Jatav people came back to their residences and wanted to

get back these goods and materials that were left with the

rich people. But the rich refused to return those things

101

back to the poor Jatav people. This was another starting

point of victimisation of the poor Harizan people in the

Kampoo area.

2 . PHYSICAL STRUCTURE OF THE SLUMS:

2.1. General Layout of the Slums:

From the physical existence of the slums point of

view it was observed that Muriya Pahar slum area is

situated in a distance of about 3-4 kms. on the south west

from the Gwalior Railway station and at a distance of

about 5 to 6 kms. on the south-east from central city

area. The location of the basti is surrounded by the

Jhansi Road(-High Way) on the east, Gwalior Medical

College boundary on the west, and Kamala Bai T.B. Hospital

on the south. Muriya Pahari Kshetra is fallen under ward

No. 33 in the Zone No.14 enlisted by the Municipal

Corporation, Gwalior.

Similarly Kampoo basti area is situated in a

distance of about 2 to 3 kms. on the south at the

periphery from the Central City -Bara area. This basti is

basically surrounded by the 14-Police Battalion Barack on

the east just other side of the road, Ajay pura and

Virpura village areas on the south, Dokalpura village area

102

on the west and Seth Ki Goth and Kalimandir area on the

north. Kampoo basti comes under ward No.46 and Area Zone

No.ll enlisted in the administrative reports of Gwalior

Municipal Corporation.

2.2. Mohallas and Lanes of the Slums:

In order to understand existing settlement pattern

of the slums, it was observed that Muriya Pahar slum is

comprised of six "Mohallas" or galis. These Mohallas are

inter-connected with each other approaching by six lanes

of different types. The mohallas are locally called as

galis. It serves both purposes -gal is as the

identification of mohallas and lanes as the kachha road

communication. However gali No. I is located :>n the south

west boundary of the basti and its lane starts from the

middle of the west boundary of the basti. It ends at the

east boundary taking turn of the entire southern boundary

of the basti. It was the first lane constructed at the

beginning of the basti. Though it is till now kachha,

the heavy vehicles can easily pass it through. The slum

dwellers built their houses both side of the lane. Gali

No.2 is parallelly established at the inner side from the

gali No.I. The lane situation of this gali is quite narrow

and kachha. There is no capacity to approach any vehicle

103

on the way. Gali No.3 is centrally located and equally

old. But its lane condition is much better than other. It

has been made with stone plates which is locally called as

Farash Vichaya. It starts from west gate and ends at

east boundary of the basti. The main purpose of this lane

was to approach the old temple, on the top of the hill.

It is a quite broader lane~ any type of vehicle can easily

approach. Gali No.4 is constructed at northern part of

the basti from the central point of gali No.3. The lane of

this gali is quite zigzag, on the slopping from the hill

top and splited into different subways narrowing down

towards the gali No.5.

Wherea; Gali No.5 itself starts from the west

gate of the basti and ends at the east boundary taking

turn to the entire northern boundary of the basti. Half

of the lane of this gali is quite broad and easily usable

with any vehicle. The other half is very narrow and

Kachha. Gali No.;6 starts from the end point of the gali

No.5, on the east and its extended towards Jhansi road.

The lane condition of this gali is seen as pathway. There

is no formation of proper lane so far, because the gali

is linked up with unauthorised settlement which has come

up very recently.

104

But the Kampoo basti area is not a Pahari Kshetra

like Muriya Pahar. It is a plain area settlement beside

the pol ice 1 ine road. Kampoo bast i comprises broadly

three mohallas, though it has some sub-mohallas also.

However, they are connected each other by lanes. Almost

all lanes are very narrow. Any heavy vehicle can not

approach to. Entire Kampoo basti is looked like a long

settlement from north to south. Some residential

settlements are extended from the main lane towards west

of the basti Sub-mohallas or sub-lanes are seen

independent. In fact, on the north, there are three sub­

lanes which joined at Kali Mandir road originated from the

main central Kampoo area. This area is called Mus 1 im

mohalla. The condition of the lanes is narrow and Kachha.

The extensions from central Kampoo main lane towards the

west and open field area are known as Jatav mohalla. But

the short and·narrow lanes are mudy and with some stone

bricks laid down long before. Similarly, the entire main

lane from north to south boundary of the bast is

constructed with big flat stone bricks, long time back.

There is no scope for vehicles to on the lane and sub-

lane of the basti. The Central basti area starts from the

end point of the north basti area and straightly goes to

105

the south basti area. Basically central and south basti

area settlement are the same from north to south, only it

is divided into two parts. The entire Kampoo basti is

concentrated at the opposite side of the police line road.

2.3. Housing Pattern:

Most of the houses (i.e. , more than 3/4) of the

slums are pacca construction. The number of kachha houses

are very few. In between, there are also some mixed type

house-buildings in the locality. Pacca houses are

basically constructed as concrete with cement. These

houses are mostly constructed with flat stone plates roof

concrete with cement plaster, brick walls and puccca

floor. Kachha houses are two categories (i) flat stone for

both roofs and walls without any cement, and (ii) mud

walls with stone roof and mud walls with plastic roofs.

Mixed house buildings are basically constructed by -- ( i)

either cemented brick walls, floors and tin roof and stone

roof without cement (ii) Or mud floor with cemented walls

and roof.

In fact, in the region of Gwalior, the flat stone

pieces are quite cheaply and easily available in

comparison with other house materials. The flat stone

106

plates are also being marketed in other parts of state

from this region. That is why people use this material

for their house construction.

Apart from this, most of the buildings are having

more than one room. The average size of the rooms is about

10'/12' (feet). At least proper ventilation is there in the

front side of the room. It is also observed thc?t most of

the houses are having two rooms, usually one at the front

side and another as the inner part of the house. Most of

people do not have separate kitchen room. They do cooking

either in the extension part of the room if constructed so

or in the same room where they live. Some people have, of

course, separate small kitchen room. Some people do

their cooking outside the room and keep their utensils,

and other materials in the living room itself. Present

house ownership and types of houses are given in the

following table:

107

Table No.3: Type of House and its Ownership

Muriya Pahar Categories

N (200) %

Types of houses

- Pace a 150 75 -- Kachha 40· 20 - Mixed . 10 5

Ownership of houses

Own house 169 84.5 Rented.house 31 15.5

Kampoo

N(lOO) %

76 76 19 19

5 5

93 93 7 7

Total Percentage Number of the TN

TN(300) %

226 75.3

59 19.6

15 5

262 87.3 38 12.6

According to the table No.3, it is clear that both

the slums comprised of 75.3 per cent pacca houses, 19.6

per cent kachha horises and only 5 per cent mi~ed houses.

There was no difference between both the slum situation

specially in the context of the types of houses and its

construction.

But regarding the ownership of house in the

Kampoo area, the residents could have a higher number of

house ownership i.e., 93 per cent compared to the Muriya

Pahar slum. Whereas, the overall house ownership on their

own was 87.3 per cent for the both slum. Only 12 . 6 per

cent were tenant in the slum J..,ocation. It also shows

108

that number of tenants(15.5%) in Muriya Pahar were just

double from the tenants(?%) residing at Kampoo area.

2.4. Water facilities:

During 1979-80 Nagar Nigam(Municipal Corporation,

Gwalior) constructed one big water tank at the top of the

hill near to the old well which was the central place of

the Pahari Kshetra. One .pump set had also been installed.

After repairing the old well, the water tank became

functional. In the initial stage when this water

facility made available, only nine(9) tap connections were

provided to the local people.

·rn 1981, commensurate with the demands of the

people and basic requirements of water, Gwalior Nagar

Nigam provided three ( 3) bore wells at three different

parts of the Pahari Kshetra. They . were installed

separately at, Mata Ki Mandir area (hill top) i.e. gali

No.3, Brick Bhatti Plain Land area i.e., gali No.5 and

Ghassiganj area i.e. south east corner of gali No.1 and 2.

After making these water sources available, the water

crisis of the basti had almost been solved. Actually the

local people had tough time to get their residential water

pipe connection from Public Health Engineering(PHE)

Department. AJ-1 bore wells were connected with pipe

109

lines. Somehow the local residents managed to get water

connection at home after bribing to the PHE personnel. Now

almost all residents are having water taps at home.

Whereas at the Kampoo basti area, 4 (four) deep

tube-wells were made available by the Nagar Nigam for

reducing water problems. There was also one very old bore-

-well in· the basti _area. However, ~he deep tube-wells with

pump sets were provi-ded in different times at different

locations. First one was located at Kali Mandir mohalla in

1980, the second one at Patiawala Mohalla in 1990, the ~-------- --~-- ---·-~·~·--~~ -·

third and · fourth were located at Muslim Mohalla and

Gaddawala Jatav Mohalla in 1992. Apart from these water '--- ~ -~==--...,_ ~

sources, there was ano~her big tube well proviped in 1973

at Police Park just across the road which does not come

under the basti area but people collect· water from that

o'ne also. Basically this t_ube. well was meant only for 13

police battalion.

Here in the ·Kampoo locality, most of the residents

were also having water pipe connection at home. Those who

did not have tap facility at home, used to collect water

directly from the tube well. Beside, there were about

ten (10) wells installed by the local residents

themselves.

110

So far the water sources and its facilities are

concerned it is noted that the Muriya Pahari basti is

slightly better than the Kampoo area, though the sources

of water was bore-well. Water management was better in

the Muriya Pahar. Whereas, having deep tube-well sources

of water, the management and distribution system of water

was quite poor in the Kampoo.basti. It was because most

of the t~me pump sets used to go out of order and more

over the people of the weaker section in the loca.lity

could not afford water tap connection at home due to

economic reason. However, the following table gives a

picture in this regard.

Table No. 4:

Sources of Drinking Water and its Possession:

Muriya Pahar Kampoo Total Percentage Categories No.of of TN

N(200) % N(100) % TN(300) (%)

Sources of drinking water - Tap water 196 98 96 96 292 97 - Well water 4 2 2 2 6 2 - Hand pump water 2 2. 2 0.6

Possession of water sources - Own 187 93.5 82 82 269 89.6 - Common 13 6.5 18 18 31 10.3

l.l.l.

Table No. 4 shows that all most all the slum

residents i.e., 97 per cent were having tap water as the

source of drinking water. There were few residents i.e. 2

per cent who used to have their drinking water from well

and·only 0.6% used to have drinking water from hand pump.

Regarding possession of water sources, it is

noted that about 89.6% of the ·resident did have their own

tap water connection and other type of water facilities.

The ~umber of common sources of water was slightly higher

in Kampoo area i.e.! 18% compared to Muriya Pahari i.e.,

6.5%. Bore-well water supply was being done at P~hari

basti while the deep tube- well water supply were given to

the Kampoo area.

Indeed,

were confined

some. problems regarding the water sources

among the weaker section of the slum

residents .. It was observed in the Muriya Pahar that about

12 family ~ouseholds belonging to the harijan community·

did not have any proper sources of dr:i.nk:ing . water. They

used to collect drinking water from other's owned sources.

Ravi, who belonged to the harij an community stated that

they individually used to pay Rs. 20/- per month to Mrs.

Bhargava for the drinking water. They were forced to

wait for tap water until the water requirement of Bhargava

112

•

family was fulfilled. In fact, such water problems

sometimes used to make their life more vulnerable.

During the summer, water supply pressure used to

decline in tap connections. As a result the residents

compelled to face water shortage. This water scarcity was

not much problem for the people who have better economic

condition. Theq could manage water using motor or pump

set. But, the poorer section were the victims of such

problems because, they were not having big container for

water storage. On the other hand most of the poor people

possessed single tap connection . During the scarcity of

. water they were forced to go public tap and used to wait

in the queue to fill up their container. Earlier male

members were not found in the queue for such situation.

But now-a-days they are also collecting water when such

water crisis occurs.

· These problems were there at Muriya Pahar. Mainly

the women had to get down from the hill top for water

collection. For water they had to leave their children

at home, some times without supervision. Sometime, they

had to take their little children along with them walking

for water collection. These people did not have

alternative sources of water, wh~le the better off

sectiqns could easily manage.water problems in the basti.

113

But in the Kampoo area; water problem is less

compared to Muriya Pahar. Apart from Municipal water

supply, the residents c·ould get water supply from the

local deep tube-well pump houses. Naturally during the

crisis period, they used to

local and municipal sources.

manage water from both

Of course, houses with no

tap connection were the victims of such situation.

2. 5. Economic Classes and Sources of Drinking Water:·

Whatever the conditions in getting safe drinking

water, slum ·dwellers deliberated that they are gett·ing

water requirements from three sources --tap water, deep

tube-well water and hand pump water.

Table No. 5 shows·. that 97 .14% o:t; well of slum

dwellers had tap water facility, 97.52% of not so poor

people had tap water, and. 97.05% of poor .. people also had

tpe same tap water facility· at the slum situation. There

were nothing much variation between both the slums in this

regard. From these findings it could be stated that the

slum residents irrespective of their economic levels used

to have less water problem except poor.harijan people.

114

Table No.5:

Drinking Water Sources and Economic Classes: ·

Murlya Pahar 'Kampoo Both the slums Total

................................ --............ -.............. ·············-············-············-············· ·············-············-············-············· Number

Categories Well of! Not so Poor Very Well of! Not so Poor Very Well of! Not so .Poor Very (TN)

poor poor poor poor poor poor

(49) (81) (~4) (6) (21) (40). (38) (1) (70) (121) (102) (7) (300)

·····················-··········~·-···············-············-············-·-·················<········-············-····:·····••.-:·-:-···········-············-············-············-·-·············

Tap Water 47 80 63 6 21 38 36 1 68 118 99 7 292

95.91 98.76 98.43 100 100 95 94.73 100 97.14 97.52 97.05 100

Deep Tubewell 2 1 2 2 2 6

4.09 1.24 1.57 2.5 '2.63 2.85 1.65 1.96

Hand Pump 2

114 a

Percentage

of TN(%)

.....................

97.33

2

0.67

2.6. Electricity Facilities:

In.1968, ·the electrification started in the Muriya

Pahar basti area in order to facilate pump set installed

at the top of the hill. At that time only five

electrical posts were provided up to the 'Neherwali Mata

Ka Mandir' Only five households applied for the

1clectrical connection in the residences. Subsequently they

were given the same. Later on, according t_o the gradual

growth and expansion of the settlement and the demands of

the people, electrical connect~ons were given to the

residents of tMe basti. At present, almost all residents

are now hav·ing electricity facilities in their houses,

though they had to bribe· the personnel of electricity

department for ensuring electricity connection.

On the other hand, Kampoo area did not face that

much problems of electricity because there were

electricity connection in the Police battalion since its

inception. According to a key respondent, whoever had

applied for electricity connection at the residence

depositing requisite amount· into the electricity Board

office, they got their electricity connection within two

months. He also pointed out, that at present. about 80% of

the residents were having electricity facilities. Only

those people ~ho cannot afford the expenditure, are not

115

having electricity facility. The following table gives

its clarity in two slum areas:

Table No. 6:

Electricity Facilities:

Muriya Pahar Kampoo Total Percentage Categories No.of of TN

N(200) % N(100) % TN(300) (%)

Electricit::l Facilities Yes 191 95.5 80 80 271 90.3 No 9 4.5 20 20 29 9.6

Table No. 6 shows that 9'0. 3 % of the total

residents were having electricity facilities in the slum

areas. Among them, 95.5% were in Muriya Pahari Basti while

there were 80% in Kampoo area. Though the elec~rification

started late, Muriy? Pahar had taken more advantages than

Kampoo slum. It was also noted that because of economic

reasons of the residents, the utilization pattern of

electricity facilities available was slightly lower in

Kampoo than Muriya Pahar slum.

116

2.7. Latrine facilities:

Toilet facility is one of the basic amenities in r

the slum. Earlier there were no latrine facilities in the

Pahari Kshetra. People used to go for defecation into

jungle/forest nearby. At that time, there were some

problems occurred specially with the women who went to the

jungle for defecation. In this copnect{on few rape cases

took place in the jungles. This problem was even brought

to notice of polic~ and administration. To fulfill the

demands of the Muriya Pahar basti, Nagar Nigam, Gwalior,

took initiative for installation of public latrine in the

basti area. In ·1984- 85, two public latrine of six seater

facilities were provided at the central i.e. , top of

Pahari Kshetra: This two latrine were always in.working

condition. However, in 1988-89 another 8 (eight) seater

.Public latrine was installed at the brick klin area i.e.,

near to gali No.5. Due to little distance and water

problems, this latrine was not always functional.

In fact, by· the time, the residents of the

·locality had already constructed their individual bore-

hole latrine at their houses. Beside, there were some

scavenging l·atrines installed on their own. Because,

borehole latrine was quite costly about Rs.1000/- to

117

1200/- during ·that time. Later on, people started

constructing pacca sanitary latrines and even pacca bore

hole latrines. Municipal corporation had also launched a

programme for latrine construction providing loan and

subsidy facility to the interested beneficiaries.

In the case of Kampoo area, there were latrine

facilities earlier. People used to go for defecation at

the open air field. Of course, the b~ck side of the basti

was a vast open field of agricultural land. However, in

1985 there was one 8 seater public latrine installed by

Nagar Nigam (M. C., Gwalior) at Harijan Mohalla. At

present, it is not functional because lack of water

facilities available for the cleaning purpose. In fact, at

the individ~al level, the residents had constructed their

sanitary latrine, pacca bore-hole latrine. There were also

scavenging latrines installed by the individuals. Only

few beneficiaries had taken financial assistance from

Nagar Nigam for constructing sanitary latrine at home.

Actually Municipal Corporation loan facilities were given

only to those people who had bribed something to the

officers of M.C, Gwalior. Otherwise, poor people were not

given any loan or subsidy facilities to construct a

sanitary latrine. That is why people from poorer section

were forced to go for defecation in the open air. The

118

nature of latrj.ne facilities and its possession at the

slum levels are shown in the following table:

Table No. 7:

Types of Latrine and its Possession:

Muriya Pahar Kampoo Total Percentage

Categories Number of TN

N(200) % N (100) % TN(300) (%)

Types of Latrine

Facilities

Pacca Sanitary 31 15.5 20 20 51 17

Pacca Borehole ~9 44.5 41 41 130 43.3

Mixed Scavenging 30 15 8 8 38 12.6

Open Field 50 25 31 31 81. 27

Possession of

Latrines:

-Own only for family 122 61 55 55 177 59

~coMmon shared with

other family members 78 39 45 45 123 41

Table No. 7 clearly shows that there were three

types of latrine facilities available in the slum areas

apart from the open air field. About 17% of residents were

having sanitary pacca latrine. 43.3% of the residents had

pacca bore hole latrines. And 12.6% were having mixed type

119

scavenging latrine facilities. In addition, about 27%

household used to go for defecation in the open field.

Compared to· the sanitary latrines available in Muriya

Pahar basti, there were slightly more sanitary latrines in

Kampoo basti. At the same time scavenging latrines were

also less in number at Kampoo locality compared to the

Muriya Paharr Kshetra.

However, it could be no~ed here that the total .

ownership of latrine in Muriya Pahar was slightly

higher ( 61%) than that (55%) of Kampoo basti. · But among

the common latrine users, Muriya Pahar was havix:g 39%

which is less number compared to Kampoo basti (45%) .

From this observation it could be noted that the

slum areas. still have probl-ems of latrine facilities. More

than 40% of the residents are· forced to -share common

latr-ine. It may be due to cGnsumption and non-

implementation of sanitary programme of Nagar Nigam. Due

to widespread poverty in slums the people would not afford

to possess a latrine in their houses.

2.8. Sanitation:

Sanitation is directly affecting the life

condition of the slum dwell-ers. It has been observed that

120

there was no specific place in both the slums where the

residents could dump the garbage. In such circumstances

people were forced to use the unwanted open space as their

-dumping grounds. There were so many packets of such dumps

in both the slums. There was no practices to destroy the

garbages accumulated in the dumps. It used to get

destroyed in the nat1,.1ral process and by the consumption

of the stay animals. Now-a-days some waste materials from

the dumps were being collected by rag-pickers. Since there

was no systematic way out to accumulate waste garbages and

its disposal, some times the dumps emit fowl smell and

spread some ·of the communicable diseases among the slum

communities.

Anyhow, at the Kampoo locality the youth

organisation used to do some kind of social services

includiqg·cleaning up the garbages and drainage once in a

~lue moon. But such things were not even existed in Muriya

Pahar basti. ·Both the basti residents, some time, were

compelled to putt in several requests or pay some money to

the safaikarmachari of M.C. Gwalior to clean up the waste

dirty things when it used to be actually intolerable

condition at the. locality. Althoug~, the Municipal workers

used to visit Kampoo area once in two or three months just

only to clean the main road, not basti area.

121

Besides, in both the slums it was observed that

the lanes and road were not clean at all. One had to be

very careful to step forward particularly on the zigzag

narrow path ways because of defecation spread here and

there. Of course, some of the lanes and roads within the

slums were clean· enough. But those dirty parts of the

lanes give quite a fot of bad impression on the sanitation

side of the slum situation. In fact, it was found that

particularly the segments in which mostly the under­

privileged castes like p~or h~rijan, Jatav(so called lower

caste people) were concentrated were specially exposed

with bad san~tation. Their children used to defecate here

and there on the open space, specially on the lane and

near to drainage. Such situation was mostly extended by

stray animals, ·dogs, and pigs towards more vulnerable and

prone to diseases. However, in such a situation including

public latrine and open air space, the residents had to

stay on the queue because they did not have any . other

alternative for defecation. In the case of open field and

jungle, specially the women had to face problems like rape

and molesta·t ion.

122

2.9. Economic Classes and Latrine Facilities:

Since the economic condition and purchasing power

of the people determine their status and mode of living

situation, having proper latrine facility for the family

members has direct impact on tQeir health status.

Therefore, different economic groups had different levels

of their health status.

According to table No. 8, it has been observed

that the well off sections of the slum dwellers 77.14% had

borehole or safetic tank latrine, 9. 99% had sanitary

lat~ine, 2.85% had scavenging and 9.99% also had to go for

open air or space for defeca.tion. Similarly, among the

section of not so poor 18.18% had sanitary, 49.58%

borehole, 12.39% scavenging and 19.83% had to go open

space for defecation·. Amon:g the poor section of the slum

dwellers it was quite interesting that 21.56% had sanitary

latrine facilities, 15.68% borehole, 17.64% scavenging and

49.09% had to go open space for defecation. Besides, among

the very poor section, 42.85% had scavenging latrine

facilities and 57.15% had to go open air/space for

defecation.

123

Latrine Facilities and Economic Classes:

Muriya Pahar Kampoo Both the slums Total Percentage

················-···········--············-············· ·············-············-············-············· ................ ___________________ .. _____ ,. _________ .. ____

Number of TN(%)

Categories Well off Not so Poor Very Well off Not so Poor Very Well off Not so Poor Very (TN)

poor poor poor poor poor poor

(49) '(81) (64) (6) (21) (40) (38) (1) (70) (121) (102) (7) (300) ......................... ________________ ... ____________ ................................................... --............................... ________ . ________ .. ___ ,. _____ . _______ .. ______________ .. ____ . _______ ., ___________________ .........................

Sanitary 4 12 15 3 10 7 7 22 22 51 17

8.16 14.81 23.43 14.29 25 18.42 9.99 18.18 21.56

Borehole 39 42 8 15 18 8 54 60 16 130 43.33

79.59 51.85 12.5 71.42 45 21.08 77.14 49.58 15.68

Seavenging 2 13 13 2 2 5 2 15 18 3 38 12.67

4.08 16.04 20.31 33.34 5 13.15 100 2.85 12.39 17.64 42.85

Open Air 4 14 28 4 3 10 18 7 24 46 4 81 27

8.16 17.28 43 75 66.66 14.29 25 47.36 9 ~9 19.83 45.09 57.15 ...................... _________ . ____________ ... _ .... _ ............................. ___________ , ______________________________________________________________________ .. _.,._ ....... _ ............. -------·········

·················

123 a

From these findings it is quite clear that the

poor people had greater use of sanitary latrine compared

to other economic groups including well off section

because they had greater use of public latrine constructed

by Nagar Nigam(M.C) and subsidised sanitary latrine

provided by Nagar Nigam. Of course, at the same manner

going to upen space for defecation was also greater as

compared to other economic groups. On the other hand very

poor section had a greater use of open space and

scavenging respectively than the other economic groups.

There was nothing much difference on this trend between

both the slums:

2.10. Drainage System:

While Muriya Pahar basti settlement has been

established over the hilly area, the implications of the

drainage system are totally different from other plain

area based slums. Muriya Pahar has got some special

feature in drainage system. Specially, during the rainy

season it becomes clean naturally because of its stiff

slope. And even in the other seasons, the waste and dirty

water in the open kachha nali (drain) that is narrowly

made by the residents for the~r individual purposes does

not get stagnated anywhere at the basti.

dirty water goes down to outside the bast~.

124

However, the

Apart from this natural advantage on account of

the drainage system, there were some problems. It was

noticed that the kids or children are used to defecate on

the open kachha nalis. Therefore, it always gives foul

smelling. Not only that dirty flies spread some virus from

the kachha dirty drainage to the people specially during

the unfavourable climatic conditions. Dirty drain water is

usunlly stagnated at the periphery low land areas.

However, some pockets of some lanes are having pacca

drainage systems made by the people residing 1n those

areas. For example, gali No. 3 and 4 were consisted of

such type of the pacca drainage system. At the gali No.3

it was initiated by the Nagar Nigam authority after taking

into community efforts of that gali. Regarding overall

drainage system, there was nothing such programme from the

Nagar Nigam.

In the case of Kampoo slum situation the entire

picture about drainage system was different. Since the

local settlement is on the plain area, the problems of

kachha drain were very dangerous for the residents. In

this connection the area was •Jery dirty and prone to

disease epidemics. Therefore, in 1982 Municipal

Corporation (Nagar Nigam) provided pacca covered drainage

for the entire Kampoo slum. Since, there was nobody to

125

look after the proper functioning of the drainage syste~

provided and even the local people were not that much

aware or their rP.sponsibilities to keep the drainage

system functioning, it had become almost non- functional

within two- three years. However, the local young people,

specially under the initiation and supervision of "Jan

Kalyan Yuvak Sangha" there were some social service

activities called "Basti Safai Aviyan. They used to do

this only when the drain water gets logged or stagnated

and spreads foul smelling due to rain or overflowing.

From the both slum, it is observed that Muriya

Pahar was almost not provided drainage system covering the

entire settlement whereas, M.C. Gwalior provided pacca

draina"' system to the Kampoo slum. But at present, the

problems related to the drainage system are more or less

same at both the slums though its nature of drainage

system is different. Community efforts,s even at

individual level have recently been initiated for long

term perspective on the drainage system in Murya Pahar,

while it was a short time effort performed by the youth

organisations occasion-wise in Kampoo slum. However, the

following table gives the picture of household drainage

system in the slum.

126

Table No. 9:

Drainage System Within the Residence:

Muriya Pahar Kampoo Total Percentage Categories Number of TN

N (200) % N ( 100) % TN!300) (%)

-Pacca drainage 34 17 16 16 50 16.6 -Kachha drainage 164 82 82 82 24f 82 -Mixed type drainage 2 1 2 2 4 1 . 3

Table No. 9 shows that the slum dwellers were come

across three types of drainage systems within their

residential complex. Majority, about 82% of the houses

were comprised with kachha drainage system. While only

16.6% were t acil i tated with pacca drainage system in

their houses. Only 1.3% exposed with mixed type drainage.

However, there is no differences between both the slums

regarding drainage system within the residential areas

2.11. Shops and Markets:

In order to fulfill the needs and demands of the

residents, a number of shops of different things and goods

had been established for day to day life activities in the

slums over a period of time.

(1) Fair price shop(ration shop}: There were two ration

shops established just at the main entrance of Muriya

127

Pahar slum. G.S. Sekharwar was the owner of one shop.

Gupta was for other.

slum.

Such shop was not there in Kampoo

( 2) Grocery shops/general store: About 2 5 11 Anaj ki Dana

ki Dokan 11 (general store) were in the entire Muriya Pahar,

while only 15 such shops were available in Kampoo slum.

Some people used to call such shops as 11 Parchuni Ki

Dokans 11• The owners of these shops were mostly Bania

caste people and they were quite rich in the slums. Ratan

Gupta, Shyam Lal, Daya Ram, Suriya Prakash were known

shopkeepers.

(3) Meat Shops: About 10 meat shops were found available

in Muriya Pahar while there was no meat shop in Karr.poo

slum. Almost all such shopkeepers were muslim by religion.

They were locally known as 'Kasai' . Among them, Abdul

Khan, Ranjan Chacha were known to everybody.

(4) Tailoring shops: There were about 50 tailors in

Muriya Pahar and about 5 tailors in Kampoo slum. This

tailoring business was basically individual based. Some of

them had opened their tailoring centres at the places

where public gathering is continuous like main entrance of

128

Muriya Pahar and road side area of Kampoo basti. These

people were basically economically poor,

backward castes and muslims.

belonged to

(5) Tea Stall: There were about 25 tea stalls in Muriya

Pahar and about 7 tea stalls in Kampoo slum. In the Muriya

Pahar they we~e mostly located at the main entrance of the

basti. Because, there was regular gathering of the people:

Similarly in Kampoo the tea stalls were established on the

main road side, because there were constant flows of the

people from outside slum and regular gathering of the

local people. These tea stalls used to provide tea and

snacks throughout the day starting from early in the

morning to the late night. These tea stalls were one kind

of entertaining centres of the local people. Most of

the owners of these tea stall were poor people belong to

backward castes. On an average they could earn Rs.SO/- to

100/- per day depending upon the attitudes of the people.

Bhagwan Singh, Ram Singh, Ganpath, Kalicharan were some of

them.

( 6) Pan Shop: About 20 pan shops were found in Muriya

Pahar and only 3 pan shops were in Kampoo. These pan shops

129

were also established at the roadside and the public

places like tea stalls. Bidi, cigarette, pan, pan masala,

tobacco (khaini) and such other things were used to be

available at these pan shops. Now -a-days, soft drinks

like limca, Gold Spot, Pepsi etc. were also being made

available in some of the pan shops.; Some of the shops

could sell about Rs.l00-250/- and could earn 20 % profit

which was their daily earning, some of the owners were

namely Surender, Tapan, Raj Kumar, Rakesh Kumar, Bablu

etc.

(7) Ata Ki Chakki: There were about 20 chak.kis in Muriya

Pahar and about 4 chakkis in Kampoo slum. Some of the

chakkis were owned by the grocery shop keepers. And while

others were dispersed all over the slum locality. They

used to provide facilities of grinding grains - specially

wheat. G.S. Shekhaswar, Ratanlal, Dayarani were some of

the owners of these Chakkis.

( 8) Hair Cutting Shop: About 25 hair cutting shops were

in Muriya Pahar and about 5 such shops were in Kampoo

slum. These shops were owned by the Nai caste people only.

Most of the hair cutting shop owners were migrant people

130

from Bihar state. In Muriya Pahar, most of hair cutting

shops were established at the entrance of the basti. The

owner used to do their business mostly in the rented

rooms. They could earn about Rs. 50/- to 60/- per day

depending upon the customers need and demands. Among the

barbers, Prakash Kumar, Ratan Kumar, Hira Lal, Ganesh and

others were locally known to the people.

( 9) Cycle repairing shops: There were about 5 cycle

repairing shops in Muriya Pahar and about 2 such shops in

Kampoo slum. They were owned mainly by the poor people.

Puncture similar any problems of cycle used to be

repaired. They used to earn about Rs.20/- to 30/- per

day. Kanailal, Swapan, Suraj, Pratap and others were quite

known in this regard.

(10) Kawadiwala shop: About 10 kawadiwala shops were

opened in Muriya Pahar only. Here in such shops the owners

used to purchase waste materials from rag pickers who used

to collect such things from all over the slum and even

other parts of the city. The owners used to store such

raw materials and sold it to the recycling factory agents.

Ramesh and Suresh were known kawadiwala.

131

(11) Vegetable shops: There were about 20 vendors in

Muriya Pahar and about 5 vendors in Kampoo slum. They used

bring sabji from the "sabii mandi" (vegetable market) and

used to sell those putting on 'Thela' at the road side.

Some of them managed their permanent place to sell

vegetables regularly. Among the sabjiwala Misirilal,

Krishna, Buluchand, Kanailal, Subegram and others were

known to the local people.

(12) Sweet shop: There were two "Mi thai ki Dokan" (sweet

shop) in Kampoo slum and about three such shops in Muriya

Pahar. These were not well established shops. Some few

items of sweets were available in these shops. "Kaka Ki

Mithai" shop was quite popular in Kampoo and "Dayaram Ki

Sweet" in Muriya Pahar slum.

(13) Wine shop: There were two registered local wine

shops in the slums. One was in Muriya Pahar owned by Gopal

Singh Shekharwar and other in the Kampoo slum owned by

Dwarka Prasad. Both of them were very rich people in the

slums. In these shops both foreign and country liquor were

available. Earlier people used to purchased only country

liquor, but now even the poor slum dwellers shifted to the

foreign liquor. There was no sitting arrangement to

consume wine in the shop itself.

132

(14) Market: Since there was no proper market place as

such, the residents of Muriya Pahar used to buy the1 r

vegetables and other daily consumable goods from the main

entrance of the basti where most of the shops were

located. For purchasing and marketing other items like,

cloth, home amenities etc., they had to go to the city

market. Similarly, there was no market in Kampoo slum. The

residents had to go out to main city market for purchasing

other items required for day to day like. (15) Medicine

shops: There were no medicine shops as such in both the

slums. Since there were about 10 private practitioners in

the locality residents of Muriya Pahar could get common

medicine from them. Apart from this, across the boundary

of the basti, there were number of medicine shops behind

the G .G. Medical College. But the residents of Kampoo

basti, could get some common medicine from the RMPs

located in the basti itself. Otherwise they had to go the

city.

2.12. Schools and Educational Establishments:

Commensurate with the educational institutions, it

has been observed that there were two Governmental schools

133

up to class VIII standard in the Muriya Pahar basti area.

Apart from this two schools there were about a total of

9(nine) non-governmental private schools existing in the

slums. These were such as:

(1) Gopal Vidyalaya up to class - XII

(2) J.P. Vidyalaya up to class- X

(3) Sangita Vidyalaya upto class - VIII

(4) Azad Convent upto class - VIII

(5) Satya Prakash School upto class - VIII

(6) Usha Convent upto class - VIII

(7) Darsan Vidyalaya upto class - VIII

(8) S. Memorial School upto class - VIII

(9) Adarsa Vidyalaya upto class - VIII

There were at least one such private school

running at every gali of the basti. The students were not

only from the basti itself, but also ·from other

neighbouring localities.

The situation of the educational institutions was

almost similar in the Kampoo basti. There was one

government school and eight (8) non-government private

schools established all over the basti area. They were

basically as follows:

134

(1) Government Middle School, Kampoo.

(2) Ariyan Public School upto class -VIII

(3) Sarvodaya Bal Mandir Vidyalaya upto class -VIII

(4) Gour Modern School upto class -VIII

(5) Vadram Herobhai Memorial School upto class -v

(6) National School upto class-XI

(7) Ankur Vidya Pith upto class-VIII

(8) Guru Santi Baba Vidya Pith upto class -VIII

(9) Nutan Bal Vidyualaya upto class -VIII

The students enrolled in these schools were not

only from the Kampoo basti itself, but also from the

outside basti area.

2.13. Temples and Religious Centres:

There were one famous and an old temple namely,

'Neharwali Mata ki Mandir' and 'Sankar Mandir' These two

Mandirs' construction was pacca by nature and worshiping

was regular. Besides these, there were many small

religious spots like small mandirs constructed and looked

after by the individual residents for their own purposes.

But in the case of Kampoo basti, there was no such

public temple within its boundary. Only one public Kali

135

Mata ki Mandir which was old and very popular situated

just on the border area of the basti. But there were some

small religious centres like mandir established by the

individuals.

3. SOCIO-DEMOGRAPHIC PROFILE OF THE SLUMS:

3.1. Households:

According to the field survey it was found that

there were about a total of 1022 households as the family

units in the Muriya Pahar slum and about a total 444

households in the Kampoo slum area. The households of

Muriya Pahar were distributed as 133 households in the

gali No.1, about 125 households in the gali No.2, 132

households in the gali No.3, about 143 households in the

gali No.4, about 441 households in the gali No.5, and 48

households in the gali No.6. From this classification of

the settlement pattern it could easily be said that gali

No.5 was the biggest settlement in the entire basti

itself.

Similarly, in the Kampoo area there were about 175

households in the north Kampoo basti, 166 households in

the Central Kampoo and 103 households in the main road or

south Kampoo area. In this basti the northern part was

136

havi:1g 2-3 sub-lanes. As a result, it was having larger

concentration of the population.

However, 200 households, from the Muriya Pahar and

100 households from the Kampoo basti -being a total of 300

households were interviewed as the basic units of the

study. Thus, these 300 households also became the sample

units and sources of primary data collected for the study

after having a detail base line survey of the two slum

areas.

137

having 2-3 sub-lanes. As a result, it was having larger

concentration of the population.

However, 200 households, from the Muriya Pahar and

100 households from the Kampoo basti -being a total of 300

households were interviewed as the basic units of the

study. Thus, these 300 households also became the sample

units and sources of primary data collected for the study

after having a detail base line survey of the two slum

areas.

3.2. Population:

Commensurate with the survey it was found that

there were about a total of 4,914 population in the Muriya

Pahar and about a total of 2674 population in the Kampoo

basti area. Consistent with galis or lanes it was found

that there were 866 population in gali No. I, about 723

population in gali No.2, about 876 population in gali

No.3, about 686 population in gali No.4, about 1563

population in gali No.5 and about a total of 260

population in the gali No.6 in the Muriya Pahar slum.

Similarly, there were about a total of 1097

population in north Kampoo basti, about 962 population in

137

central Kampoo area and about a total of 615 population in

the main road and south Kampoo area.

A total of 300 households surveyed from both the

slums covered ·a total of 1757 population which constitutes

the total sample population. This is shown in the

following tables.

Table No. 10:

Population and its Sex Ratio

Muriya Pahar Kampoo Total Number Percentage Categories (TN) of TN(%)

N N

Male 628 55.8 338 53.4 966 54.9

Female 497 44.2 294 46.5 791 45.1

Total 1125 (100) 632 (100) 1757 ( 100)

Table No. 1D shows that Muriya Pahar consisted of

55.8% ma~e ·and- 44.2% female out of a total of 1125 ·

population found in the survey of household census.

. ' · Similarly Kampoo basti comprised· of 53 .4% male and 46· .. s

female <;>ut ~f. a t"o-tar of 63.2 pop\llation. BOt'h the-" slum as· .

a whole ·coristituted 54.5% male and 45.1% female out of a

total of · 1757 popula.tion computed from the household

census surveyed.

138

Table No. l.l.:

Frequency Distribution of Age Groups

Murya Pahar Kampoo Total Categories Number

Percen­tage of

TN(%) N %' N % (TN)

(1125) (632) (1757)

-Below 12 months 13 1.1 13 2.0 26 1.4

-1 yr to below 5 yrs 118 10.4 68 10.7 186 10.5 -6 yr_s to 14 years 304 27.0 171 27.0 475 27.0 -15 yrs to 24 years 246 21.8 121 19.1 367 15.1 -25 yrs to 34 years 142 12.6 85 13.4 227 12.9

-35 yrs to 44 years 130 11.5 78 12.3 208 11.8 -45 yrs to 54 years 93 8.2 53 8.3 146 8.3 -55 yrs to 64 years 58 5.1 24 3.7 82 4.6 -65 yrs and above 21 1.8 19 3.0 40 2.2

Accorcil.ng_ . to table No. 11, there were no

d-ifferences in ·~est of the categories between both the

. slums. On.ly 'few .. ca-tegories had .significant variation

. oetween the two · slums. .Th~y were noted that 1. 1% · w~re

. below 12 years of. age iri Muriya Pahar while it was 2. 0% in

Kampoo ·area. _Slmilar.ly: s.: 1% were between 55 to 64 years of . .. - - - ~

age in Muriya Pahar while it was 3. 7% in Kampoo area.

Again 1.8% was above 65 years of age in Muriya Pahar while

it was 3.0% in Kampoo basti area.

From the above findings it could be noted that the

population below 12 years of age were just double in the

139

Kampoo compared to the Muriya Pahar basti. Similarly above

65 years of aged population was also two times more in the

Kampoo area. Whereas in the contrast finding of age group

between 55 to 64 years was higher in Muriya Pahar than

Kampoo area:

3.3. Religion:

Regarding religious background of the slum

dwellers 0 it could be stated that there were mainly four

religious groups in both the slums. They were namely,

Hindu, Muslim, Sikh and Christian. Religious background

·was found in the households surveyed at the slums shown in

table No. 10

_categories_

Hindu Muslim Sikh Christian

·111uriya

N(200)·

179 16

4

1

Table No. 12 : ·

Religion of the Residents

I>a:tiar Kampoo T<;>tal Percen--. ·Number tage of

% N (100) % TN (30.0l (%)

.89. 5 98 98 277 92.3 8 2 2 18 6 2 4 1.3 0.5 1 0.3

140

3. 4. Caste Background of the Slum Residents:

Within the Hindu religion there are different

caste groups of the population living in this human

concentration. The caste hierarchy and ethnic identity has

also been a continual process in the urban slums of the

Indian cities. In the study population it was found that

there were different caste groups having a kind of close

interactional relationship, through which the slum

dwellers were able to perpetuate their way of life in the

complex urban social system.

In Muriya Pahar it was found that they were

comprised as Brahmin (Pandit), Rajput (Thakur), Bania,

Kayastha, Kushwah (Kachi), Sahu (Teli), Ghosi (Goala),

Jatav (Harijan) ,

Bhangi (Harijan)

Lohar, Dhobi, Pardi (Pahari Tribe),

Some caste groups were specially

concentrated at the particular galis or 'mohallas'.

These people were mostly underprivileged section i.e.,

harijan and pardi tribe. Whereas the forward caste groups

did not have particular place of their settlement. They

were basically dispersed at different localities.

In the Kampoo slum, caste composition was almost

similar to Muriya Pahar. In fact, they were categorised as

141

Jatav(Harijan), Brahmin(pandit), Rajput(Thakur), Kushwah

(Kachi), Bania, Bhagle, Kumar, Koli(Tili), Sahu(Teli),

Dhanuk(Dehuri), Bhangi or Mathor(Harijan), Rathor(Nai).

There were also muslim population that were not included

into Hindu caste hierarchy. All the caste groups were

scattered in their settlement except Jatav and Bhangis who

were settled in the particular mohallas. In fact in this

slum jatav population dominated numerically.

From the interaction between the castes it was

noted that earlier there were IlO open conflicts,

confrontations and contrast in relation caste issues

except a kind of hidden feelings that modestly reflected

in the behaviour. In the Muriya Pahar, there was some

short of conflict between Jatav community and upper caste

people. As a result 'Sankar Mandir' was built up beside

'Neherwali Mati Ki Mandir'. But for the economic

activities there was no such kind of conflicts and

confrontations. On the other hand being Jatav people

dominated there was no open caste conflict in Kampoo slum.

Early 1990s there was big confrontation between forward

castes and backward castes in Muriya Pahar. It was

basically the impact of Mondal Commission at the slum

situation. Otherwise all caste people were having normal

way of life in the slum settings.

142

However, the caste groups mentioned above were

classified into three major categories -excluding muslims

and others (1) General Upper Caste was comprised of

Pandit, Thakur, Kayastha, Bania (2) Other Backward Castes

was mostly comprised of Kachi, Teli, Lahar, Kumar, Dhanuk

etc. (3) Scheduled Caste and Tribe was comprised of jatav,

Bhangi and Pardi tribe. This broader classification of the

caste groups is shown in the following table:

Table No. 13:

Distribution of Caste Background of the Slum Dwellers

Muriya Pahar Kampoo Total Pet-cent age Categories Number of TN

N(200) \ N ( 100) \ TN(300) ( \)

-General upper 90 45 27 27 117 39 caste

-Other backward 4 1 20.5 24 24 65 21.7 caste

-Scheduled caste 52 26 40 40 92 30.7 and tribe

-Muslims and 17 8.5 9 9 26 8.6 others

From this table no. 13 of caste background it

could be noted that the scheduled caste people were

majority according to the percentage in Kampoo area

compared to the population of Muriya Pahar. On the other

143

hand there were also less percentage of general upper

caste people in Kampoo area than Muriya Pahar.

3.5. Caste and Family Composition:

According to the responses of the key respondents

it was observed that the caste wise distribution of the

families in Muriya Pahar which are more or less same with

the sample were noticed as about 70 Brahmin ( Pandit) , 150

Raj put (Thakur), 225 Jatav and Harijan (SC), 60 Pardi

tribe (ST), 50 Muslim, 60 Sahu (OBC), 200 Kushwah (OBC), 40

Bania, 50 Kayastha, 35 Dhobi(OBC), 25 Ghoshi(OBC), 20

Lohar (OBC), about 5 Christian families, 25 Koli and 15

Kumar families. However, these distributions of the

families were also found in the Kampoo area as 150

Jatav(SC) families, 15 Brahmin(Pandit), 30 Rajput(Thakur),

50 Kushwah(Kachi), 10 Dhanuk(OBC), 15 Kumar, 20 Koli, 20

Mathor(Bhangi-SC), 10 Rather, 4 Bhagle, 50 Muslim, 15

Bania, 20 Sahu and 25 Khalik(Kasai) in the entire basti

area. Besides these caste backgrounds a broad

classification of the family as a whole was observed from

the sample households surveyed. It has been shown in the

following table.

144

3. 6. Family Structure and Family Size:

According to the sample population, the family

structure and family size were observed as the following

manners.

Table No. 14:

Types of Family

Muriya Pahar Kampoo Total Per-centage Categories Number of TN

N(200) % N ( 100) \ TN(300) (%)

-Nuclear family 121 60.5 64 64 185 & 1. 7

-Joint family 69 34.5 33 33 102 34 -Extended family 10 5 3 3 13 4 . 3

Table No. 14 shows that among the households, the

types of family structure were comprised as 61.7% nuclear

family, 34% joint family and only 4.3 % extended families

in both the slums. There was no such difference between

both the slums. But it could be understood that the slum

population adopted nuclear family structure which was the

highest percentage compared to the other types of

families. However the size of the families could be seen

in the next table given below:

145

Table No. 15:

Size of the Family

Muriya Pahar Kampoo Total Percentage Categories Number of TN

N(200) % N (100) % TN (300) (%)

-Only one member family 8 4 1 1 9 3 -Two member family 15 7.5 2 2 17 5.6 -Three member family 15 7.5 13 13 28 9.3 -Four member family 31 15.5 14 14 45 15 -Five member family 35 17.5 12 12 47 15.6 -Six member family 29 14.5 23 23 52 17.3 -Seven member family 28 14 14 14 42 14 -Eight member family 18 9 7 7 25 8.3 -Nine member family 10 5 4 4 14 4.6 -Ten member family 3 1.5 5 5 8 2.6 -Eleven member family 3 1.5 3 1

-Twelve member & above 5 2.5 5 5 10 3.2

As can be seen from the above tables the half of

the families come in the groups as 3 to 9 members

families. However, 5. 8 members were the average family

size of the slums. It is observed that the family size and

its differential were significantly larger in Kampoo

compared to the Muriya Pahar. In the same manner the

marital status of the slum population could be seen in

table no. 16.

146

Categories

-Married -Unmarried -Widow

Table No. l.6:

Marital Status of the Population

Muriya Pahar

N % ( 1125)

510 45.3 587 52.1

27 2.4

Kampoo

N

(632)

262

349 21

41.4 53.2

3.3

Total Number

TN (1757)

772

936 48

Percentage of TN

(%)

43.9 53.8 2.7

-Divorced/separated 1 o .. 8 1 0.05

In the distribution of slum population it was

fourtd that there were about 186 married couples. Thus, a

total of 772 married persons were seen in the households

surveyed at both the slum areas. In this context, the

widow and separated or divorced persons were calculated

separately. They were not included in the category of

married ·persons . How.ever such persons have been shown as

age group distribution given in table No. 17.

Table No. l.7 Age Group Distribution of Married People

Muriya Pahar Kampoo Total Percen-Categories Number tage of

N (510) % N(262) % TN(772) TN(·%)

-15 to 24 yrs of age 182 35.6 83 31.8 265 34.3 -25 to 34 yrs of age 105 20.6 58 22.3 165 21.2 -35 to 44 yrs. of age 96 18.8 54 20.5 151 19.5 -45 to 54 yrs of age 69 13.5 37 14.1 104 13.6 -55 to 64 yrs of age 43 8.5 17 6.3 59 7.7 -65 plus year of age 15 3.0 13 5.0 28 3.7

147

There was not much variation regarding the age

wise distribution of the married people in both the slums.

Only little difference was found as 35.6% between 15 to

24 years of age in . Muriya Pahar compared to 31.8% in

Kampoo basti. On the other hand 65 plus years of age group

was slightly higher in Kampoo area than Muriya Pahar.

3.7. Education and its Levels:

As believed by the key respondents and in step with

the existing school establishments -both private and

govern~ent it was found that the slums were motivated in

promoting the formal education. Within a decade or so a

·number of school establishments increased the interests,

demands and needs of education of people at the slums.

However, the level of educational status of the slum

dwellers may be seen in table 16.

Table No. 18:

Levels of Education

Muriya Pahar Kampoo Total Percentage Categories Number of TN

N % N % TN (%} (1125} (623) (1757}

-Below 5 yrs of age 131 11.6 81 12.8 212 12.0 -Illiterate 346 30.7 169 26.7 515 29.3 -Upto Primary 300 26.6 182 28.7 482 27.4 -Upto Middle 129 11.4 77 12.1 206 11.7 -Upto Class X

and Class XII 135 11.9 87 13.7 222 12.6 -Upto Graduation &

above qualification 84 7.3 36 5.6 120 6.7

148

Table No. 18 shows that 12. 0% of the total

population were below 5 years of age in the slum

situations~ This·population were basically the children.

So, their educational level were not being considered.

excluding them about 29.3% of the population were

illiterate. Apart from this two parameters the educational

level of the slum areas were found as 27.4% upto primary

education, 11.7% upto middle, 12.6% upto class-X and Class

XIV and 6.7% upto graduation and above qualifications.

In comparison between both the slums it was

constituted that the rate of illiteracy was higher in

Muriya Pahar (30.7) than Kampoo basti. While other

categories, as the l~vels of education of the population

were more or less same in bqth the slums.

3.8. Formal Educational Status of the Families:

Along with individual educational status it was

also quite significant that how the formal educational

status of the households were pertained towards the

overall education and its levels at the slums. Here, the

educational level of the head of the household could be

stimulated by others education for any action based on

149

educational knowledge in the complex social system. It

could also differentiate. the change in education between

parents and children or new generation.

Table No. 19:

Formal Educational Status· of Family/households

Muriya Pahar Categories

N (200) %

-Illiterate family 14 7 -Anybody upto Primary in the family 12 6

-Anybody upto middle in tbe family 26 13

-Anybody upto class X and Class XII in the family 81 40.5

-Anybody updat~ graduation and above qualifications in the family 67 33.5

Kampoo Total Percentage Number of TN

N(100) % TN(300 (%)

7 7 21 7

13 13 25 8.4

10 10 36 12

35 35 116 36.6

35 35 102 34

Consistent with to table No. 19, it could be

noted that 7% o.f the families were illiterate. 8.4% got

their education upto primary level. 12 % of the families

had member of middle level education. 36.6% of the total

families had the member of class X and class XII level

education, 34% of the families had member of graduation

and above qualifications.

150

There were little differences of the educational

levels between the slums. Primary education was higher

(13%) in Kampoo than (only 6%) in Muriya Pahar. Class X

and Class XII level education was higher(40.5%) in Muriya

Pahar than (35%) in Kampoo. Similarly graduation and above

level education were slightly higher (35%) in Kampoo area

compared to (33.5%) Muriya Pahar slum.

3.9. Educational Status of Head of the Households:

Si~ce fa~ily or household was the basic unit of

the study, the educational status of its head of the

family in particula~ was very important for human

development within the . slum · situation. Educational

background of the head of the household was one of the

indicators in assessing social dynamics. This also used to

provide the information regarding education levels between

head and other members of the family.

Table No. 20 Education of Head of the Households

Muriya Pahar Kampoo Total Categories Number

N(200) ~ N(lOO) ~ TN(300)

-Illiterate 64 32 33 33 97 -Primary 27 13.5 12 12 39 -Middle 39 19.5 25- 25 64 -Class X & class XII 36 . 18 15 15 51 -Graduation and above

qualification 34 17 15 15 49

151

Percentage of TN (~)

32.3 13 21.3 17

16.3

Table No. 20, shows that 32.3% of the heads of the

households were illiterate. 13% were upto primary level of

education. 21.3% had middle level education. 17% of the

household heads had class X and class XII or inter level

education. 163% of the heads of the families had

graduation and above qualification as education in the

slums. There were nothing much differences in both the

slum situation.

3.10. Education and Economic Status of Heads of the Households:

It was obserVed that educational background of the

heads of household depended upon their economic

.condition(which is discu~sed later. on). Both education and

,economic status have direct effect on the overall

development of the family in particular and the group or '

community in general. But here, economic conditions of the

heads of the households have been analysed on the basis of

the·ir educational background.

According to the table no. 21, it was perceived

that the heads of the households in both the slums had

educational level .of different categories such as

illiterate, primary, middle, class X and class XII,

graduate and above. Among the total illiterate heads of

152

Table 21: Economic Status and Educational Level of Head ol the Households:

Muriya Pahar Kampoo Both the slums

Categories

Very poor

Illiterate Primary Middle

(64) (27) (39)

3

4.68 3.7

Class X-XII Graduate Illiterate Primar) Middle Class X·XII Graduate

and above and above

(36) (34) (33) (t2) (25) (15) (15)

2.7 2.94 8 33

Illite·

rates

(97)

3

3.09

Primary Middle

(39)

2

5.12

(34)

Class X·X.II Graduate

and above

(51) (49)

t.96 2.04'

················································-··································-················ ···········-···-·····-·························-... ················ ............................................................ ______________________ .......... .

152 a

the households, there were 15.46% well off, 40.20% not so

poor, 41.23% poor and only. 3.09% very poor. For the heads

having primary education, there were 15. 35% well off,

30.76% not so poor, 48.71% poor and 5.12% very poor. Among

the heads having middle level education, there were 14.06%

well off, 46.87% not so poor, 39.06% poor. For the heads

possessing class X and XII level education, there were

29.41% well off, 49.01 % not so poor, 19.60% poor and

1. 96% very poor. Among the heads of the households who

have posses~ed graduation and above level education, there

were 65.30% well off, 26.53% not so poor and 6.12% poor

and 2.04% very poor.

From the above findings it could be stated that

most of the graduate and above level education holding

heads of the households had relatively better economic

status. Similarly, the illiterate heads and the heads

having primary;and middle level. education were persistent

mostly in accordance with the type of economic status from

lower to higher directions.

3.11. Caste Background and Educational Status of Head of the Households:

Apart from the general statements regarding caste

background of the respondents discussed earlier, it was

also found that there were some differences between the

153

Table 22: Caste Background and Educational Level

.................................................. -................................................... ·····················-··········································· ··'·············-····································-···············-················ Muriya Pahar Kampoo Both the slums

Categories Illiterate Primary Middle Class X-XII Graduate Illiterate Primary Middle Class X-XII Graduate

and above and above

(64) (27) (39) (36) (34) (33) ( 12) (25) (15) (15)

Illite· Primary .

rates

(97) . (39)

Middle Class X-XII Graduate

and above

(34) (51) (49)

.................................. ···················-······· ...... :. .............................. ·- .......... 0 .... .. • .. ...... • .................... ·····-··························-················ ................................................................. - ...................................... .

• Scheduled Caste

• Scheduled Tribe

• Backward Caste

· General Caste

· Muslims/Others

21 7

32.81 25.92

2

3.12

13 8

20.31 29.62

19 9

29.68 33.33

9 3

14.06 11.11

9

23.07

2.56

6

•15.38

20

51.28

3

7.69

8

22.22

9

·25

17

47.22

2

5.55

4

91.36

5

14 7

25

73 52

················································-··················································

15 2

45.45 16.16

10 5

30.3 41.66

2 2

606 1666

6

18 18

3

25

153 a

13

52

3

12

9

36

5

33.33

4

26.66

6

40

5

33.33

. 2

43.33

8

53.33

36

37.11

2

2.06

23

23.71

21

21.64

15

15.46

9

23.07

13

33.33

11

28.2

6

15.36

22

34.37

1.56

9

14.06

29

45.31

3

4.68

13

25.49

13

25.49

23

45.02

2

3.92

9

18.36

7 I

14.28

33

67.34

caste background and educational status of heads of the

households.

Table no. 22 shows that among the illiterate heads

of the household there were 37.11% scheduled caste, 2.06%

scheduled tribe, 23.71% backward castes and 21.64% g.eneral

upper castes. Besides, 15.46 % were Muslims.

For the group of primary level educational

background, there were 23.07% scheduled caste, 33.33%

Backward Castes, and 28.20% general upper castes. In this

group of educational background 15.36% were Muslims.

Within the group of middle level education there

were 34.37%· Scheduled Castes, 1.56% Scheduled Tribes,

14.06% Backward Castes and 48.31% general upper castes.

Besides, 4.68% were Muslims.

But for the head of the households having

education upto" class X and class XII there were 25.49%

Scheduled Castes, 25.49% Other Backward Castes and.48.09%

general upper castes. In this group of educational

background of the people 3.92% were also Muslims.

Among.the heads of the household having education

upto post-graduation and above level, there were 18.36%

Scheduled Castes, 14.28 %Other Backward Castes and 67.34%

general upper castes.

154

From this table it could be noted that general

upper caste heads of the households were able to increase

their educational levels towards higher eduG.ation. But

·this was just opposite among the Scheduled Caste heads of

households. For the Backward Caste the trend was at the

medium level.

As believed by the key respondent Mr. Babulal

Bijal, in the Muriya Pahar basti area the residents,

except Pandit caste group, were on the verge of declining

their levels of formal education. This was because of

economic reasons. Specially the poor people of the basti

were forced to seh'd their children of school going age

for earning money. Thus; they could supplement something

to their family income. To them economic factors were

much more important than the school education. On the

other side, it was also stated that "economic power of the

residents has now become the crucial factor for formal

education. Even the students would not be given their

pass certificates if the parents have not paid some money

to the teachers specially in ~he private schools of the

locality. It has become popular trend in the basti. As a

result, poor people have almost stopped sending their

children to the school. Thus, a kind of negative value

regarding education has been orientated among the poorer

155

sections of the basti area." Again those who could afford

such expenditure on education of the children, have been

continuing the education- for their children even in the

private schools. Such people were more in the Muriya Pahar

basti. As a result the private schools were established in

a greater extent compared to the schools of the

government.

In the light of education, the key respondents

stated that Kampoo basti area was quite advanced. The

enrolled students were not only from the basti itself but

also from outside the slum. According to key respondent

Mrs. Urmila, owner of a private school, "since there were

no scope of getting any job in the government sector it

would be better to employ own self establishing a priva·te

school which would be serving both the purposes as source

of income and indirectly carrying on some social services

in promoting education among the children of poorer

sections in the slum areas". She pointed out that in her

school only "the children belonging to scheduled caste and

other backward caste were given admission, because this

section of underprivileged children can not go to the

schools which requires more investment". She also pointed

out that "without private tuition no student could pass

the examination in the government school. But the poor

156

parents are interested to send their children to the

school. At the same time, the way of schooling is

eventually forced to drop sending their children to the

school. Therefore, school drop out rate among the

underprivileged weaker section are quite high compared to

other privileged section of people even at the slum

situation. Till then there is a positive trend towards the

education amongst the underprivileged sections in the

locality".

As believed by other key respondents, harijan

students were neglected in the government schools. Due to

this reason the parents of such caste groups used to send

their children to tje economical private schools. At

present there were also a trend of arranging private tutor

for the child. In this context people were very much

aware of education and its implication in the society.

Common rates of the tuition fees were furnished as Rs.lO/­

to 15/- per month for class -I to class-V students for one

hour daily, Rs.25/- to 30/- per month for the students of

class VIII to class X. But those who were not able to

afford this type of expenditure, send their children to

earn money. Thus, most of the drop out students got

involved in earning money as the additional earning

sources in the family.

157

The key respondents of the Kampoo basti had also

made some suggestion regarding education at the slum

situations. According to them, "Government should take

proper care of the education specially the formal

education and should provide school facilities at the

slum areas. For these areas education in the school

should be free of cost including books, uniforms, tuition

fees, and even hostel expenditures. Apart from this, the

parents belonging harijan or SC and ST communities should

be given some kind of income generation activities by

which they can bring their economic stability in their

families. Thus, there would be developing positive norms

regarding the values of education removing demoralised

attitude that have been injected in them by their poverty

and by extreme money based education systems. While about

15% of the SC students are going to the school even in

such vulnerable conditions of their families". The

respondents also pointed out that apart from the economic

conditions of the slum people and whatever the attitudes

developed over a period of time, in the Kampoo slum areas

were doing much better in promoting education at all

levels. As a result, this locality was mushroomed with a

number of private schools.

158

In fact, the slums were presently comprised with

29.5% of total student community. Among thes students it

was found that there were 27.9% students in Muriya Pahar

and 30.3% students in Kampoo area.

4. ECONOMIC STRUCTURE AND SLUM CONDITION:

The structural pattern of the economic conditions

of slum residents was studied by the multi-variate facets,

such as landholdings, occupation, wage structure etc. The

physical examination of such dimensions provided data to

understand the existing pattern of economic conditions of

the people in these slums. In this context those aspects

would be discussed here accordingly.

4.1. Land Holding Pattern:

In the social history of the Muriya Pahar basti

settlement it was found that there were only few tribal

inhabitants known as Pardi-Pahari Jat dwelling in the

Jungle area. Later on, other groups of people gradually

started settling down in the basti. Over a period of time,

the settlement pattern of the basti changed towards

heterogenous conditions increasing the number of house-

159

buildings and dividing the,plots of land into sub-plots

for individual's possession. While on the other hand, the

settlement pattern of Kampoo basti was based on Jote

Jamin. Here in the basti, was nothing like resettlement

operation of action taken in the Muriya Pahar. In fact I

some of the displaced persons were given Patta that is the

legal right of a small plot of land provided by the

Settlement Department of the government. Some residents

purchased their plots of land from Jote Jamin while others

settled down illegally neither purchased land nor

possesseo any patta as the right of the plots. However,

the posses~ion cof the plots of ·rand for both the slum - .

si'tua·tion :is ·shown· in table 23 .·

Table No.· 23 :.

Possession of· Plo~s of ~and ·

Muriya Pahar Kampoo _Total Percentage Categories Number of TN

·N·(200) %' ~ N(lOO) %' TN (300) ( %') . ·-

Nil)no·_larycl~ }~ -~ ~ 6 3' 2 2 8 2.6 -Upto 24 sq.> F·4H>It" 22 11. 20 20 42 14 -25 to "40, s'q\:' !111····-.;: 40 20 33 33 73 24.3 -41 to 60 sq<;'J-;_·-: ·

. 32 16 17 17 49 16.3 :i

-61 to 8~~ _;,_;:.~..:.; 14 7 2 2 16 . 5.3 -80 sq. f- · :. pl-us 84 42 26 26 110 36.6 -No responses 2 1 2 0.6

160

From the table 23 it is also clear that there were

differences between both the slums. In Kampoo basti the

owners of upto 24 sq. f..e_eJ plots of land were higher.

(20%) than Muriya Pahar basti(ll %) . Similarly the owners

. r . - fL.. of 25 to 40 sq. l~- were also higher (33%) than Muriya

Pahar (20%). But in Muriya Pahar basti area, the owners of

more than 80- sq. -J..e~ of the plots of land were higher

(42%) compared the Kampoo basti area (26%)

It shows that in the Muriya Pahar area the

residents are much more comfortable from the land

acquiring point of view.. It implies two things firstly,

the residents are richer in Muriya Pahar-than Kampoo basti

and secondly, houses are much better than the houses in

Kampoo area.

4.2. Occupational Pattern:

According to the-key respondents the household

occupation were classified into different categories in

the slum situation.

( 1) Services(Government and private both): In this

category most of the people were employed as fourth and

third grade. The were mainly backward and SC castes

engaged as Chowkidar, Peon, Clerk etc. Next to this, there

161

were school teachers and govt. employees. Besides, there

were few people engaged in other jobs like police,

etc.

bank

( 2) Business (small scale) : The people in this category

were mostly owning business establishment like grocery

shops, (owned by Bania castes) tea stalls, tailoring

(owned by the muslims) Ata ki Chakki, etc. Apart from

this, few upper caste individuals initiated some small

scale entrepreneurships like carpet, shoe, bidi etc.

( 3) Professionals (doctors, engineers, lawyers, etc.)

This group of people was not considered either service

classes or business categories. Because they possessed

their specialised way of earning capacity. It could say,

that this professional category of slum dwellers was quite

independent and practicing their specialised knowledge and

skills on their own. They were mainly upper castes.

(4) Thelawala (Vegetable sellers): A group of people was

engaged in the vegetable selling business in the slums.

Taking a Thela (van) of vegetables to the certain location

in the basti area, they regularly used to sell

vegetables. Some of them used to sell some seasonal fruits

in the same manner. In this category of occupation

mostly poor people were engaged. They could earn some

money daily just to meet their household requirements.

162

That's all. Because, in this small business the local

venders were unable to invest much capital. As a result,

they were unable to make profit. Most of the Thelawala

were backward castes and harijans.

(5) Tailoring: There were some people who were engaged in

tailoring business in the basti. Basically they used to

stitch new shirts and pants, trousers and other garments

for both male and female. They also used to repair old

garments or cloths. Thus, they could lead their

livelihood. Mostly they were Kachi castes and muslims.

(6) Blacksmiths : Very few people were having blacksmith

occupation. They used to make some essential tools

required for domestic use. According to them these tools

were sold out at basti level as well as outside. They

were hard workers but compared to their nature of work

they were not getting cost value of their products. In

this occupation they . were forced to manage their family

life. They were basically lahar caste(OBC).

( 7) By- cycle repairing shops: There were some

individuals engaged in repairing by-cycle. They opened

some type of shops for it in the locality. This kind of

activities was based on the demands of felt needs of the

people, because majority of the residents were having by­

cycles. However, in this occupation, there was not much

163

profit, this was one kind of daily wage activity. Without

fixed amount of money per day.

this category of occupation.

Uncertainty was there for

( 8) Carpentry: Some people were engaged in furniture

making activities staying in the slums. Among them some

used to do it on the contract basis. They used to take

contract and provide the finished wooden materials to the

building constructors. However, in this category of

occupation workers were usually given monthly payment as

their wages.

( 9) Nai (Barber) There were some individuals engaged in

hair cutting business in the slums. At the present

situation they used to cut hair either in the saloon what

they established on their own or as wage earner(monthly).

Some of them used to cut hair of the people sitting on the

road. In fact, these Barbers were having hand to mouth

existence.

(10) Pujari Pandit: There were very few individuals

engaged in worshiping activities. This category of

occupation was almost not there in Kampoo area because of

not having popular temple(mandir) within the basti. It was

found in Muriya Pahar because of two popular mandirs.

This occupation on the economic point of view has declined

more than before.

164

(11) Dhabi (washerman): Both the slums were constituted

with some washermen belonging to Dhabi caste. But very

few of them were engaged in washing, cleaning and pressing

cloths at the basti level. This category of occupation did

not have economic stability.

( 12) Jaribut t iwala (herbal medicine sellers) : Only Pardi

community members in Muriya Pahar basti were the

jaributtiwala. They had been traditionally carrying on

their occupation as herbal medicine sellers. It was their

main sources of income. But this occupation had

gradually declined because the deforestation and lack of

forest products.

( 13) Dai: There were some women engaged in conducting

delivery at the local level in both the slum areas. Some

of them were having this category of occupation as their

main sources of family incomes.

(14) Kalin(carpetl making: There were some people engaged

in carpet making activities in both the slums. Recently in

Muriya Pahar basti it stopped but the same were

mushrooming in the Kampoo basti area. In this category of

activities all manpower eligible in the family were

involved. This would be discussed separately on the

discussion of local industries.

165

I

(15) Bidi-making: Bidi making workers were found more in

Kampoo basti than Muriya Pahar. Here in this occupation

also, all the working hands of the family were involved.

This work is gradually increasing at this basti locality.

( 16) Shoe-making: Only the Harijan community specially

Mochi people were engaged in shoe making business in

Kampoo basti area. It was not found in Muriya Pahar basti.

They were also very few people. From economic point of

view, this category of occupation could provide only hand

to mouth existence. That was all their main sources of

family income at the basti.

( 17) Auto- rickshaw-wala: Driving auto-rickshaw regularly

was found as main sources of some family's income in

Muriya Pahar basti. It was not there in Kampoo basti area.

The drivers used to rent out auto rickshaw from the

owner for the whole day as their earning activities and

used to return auto- rickshaw back to the owner in the

evening with rent charges. In fact, in this category of

occupational activities, the work fo·ce used to earn

reasonably good amount for their daily expenditure.

(18) Tanga-wala; In the case of tanga-wala activities in

both the slums it was found that some cf them had their

own tanga and horses and others used to rent out tanga and

166

horse from the owners for the entire day as earning

activities. This tanga-wala could not compete their daily

earning with auto- rickshaw-wala. However, they were able

to manage their daily expenditure. They were found more in

Kampoo basti than Muriya Pahar.

(19) Bullock cart-rider Particularly in the Muriya

Pahar basti there were a few individuals whose main

earning sources were their bullock cart. It was not there

in Kampoo basti. In this category of occupation, people

were somehow managed to survive in the slum situation.

(20) Construction labour: In both the slums there were

three types of construction labourers working in the slums

as well as outside slums. This category of work force was

much more than most of the other categories of

occupational activities. They are classified as skill,

unskill and semi-skill labourers. In the skill type e.g.,

Rajmistry whose wage rate is two time more than semi­

skilled labourers. Semi-skilled are called as construction

labourers and unskilled as helpers. These workers were

basically agricultural labour forces migrated in the slum

areas. During the agricultural season some of them go

back to the villages for agriculture work. After

harvesting season, again they come back as unskilled

labourers. They are basically engaged in house building

167

construction, road construction, pacca drainage and

wall(boundary) construction etc. About 15 to 20 days are

their mandays in a month. They get their wages monthly-

wise according to the days worked. However, in this

category of occupation skilled labourers are quite well

paid wagers. They can manage something more than their

regular family expenditure. Whereas the others are only

hand to mouth earners. At the lean period, they face quite

a lot of problems. Then they are forced to work as

domestic workers for others at the cheap rate of daily

wage. This will be discussed separately.

(21) Collection of fire wood and Broom making; This

category of occupation was seen as secondary sources of

income in Muriya Pahar basti only. Here few women were

engaged in collection of fire wood for selling them as

cooking fuel and making brooms out of coconut leaf for

selling them in the market. They were basically having

very lower profile of their economic conditions in the

slum. Sometime, they had to face tough time to manage

their livelihood at the basti.

(22) Maid servant: Again in this category of occupational

activities only the female workers were involved. It was

their secondary sources of income. They used to work two

times a day at the family households of well off sections

168

in the slum as well as outside the slums. They used to

get their monthly payment. Sometime they could also manage

some gifts from the employer. However, the distribution of

all other occupational categories mentioned above has been

shown in table No. 24.

Table No. 24

Occupation-wise Distribution of the Total Households

Muriya Pahar Categories

N %"

Services(Private and Government) Professionals(Doctor

433

Engineers,Lawyers) 20 Established business 93 Thelawala(vending business) 30 Tailoring business 28 Blacksmith 4 Cycle repairing shops 6 Carpentry(furniture) 17 Barber(Hair saloon) 12 Pujari(Pandit) 6 Dhobi(washerman) 11 Jaributiwala(herbal medicine sellers) Dai Carpet(Kalin making labour) Bidi-making labour Shoe-making labour Auto-rickshaw-driver Tanga-wala Bullock cart-wala Construction labour Collecting fire wood Maid servant Other activities

Total

so 5

10

2S 10

5 22S

s 18 10

1022

42.3

1.9 9.0

2.9 2.7 0.3 o.s

1.6 1.1 0.5 1.0

4.8 0.4

0.9

2.4 0.9 0.4

22.0 0.4 1.7 0.9

(100)

169

Kampoo Total Percen­Number centage

N %" TN TN (%")

138

8 70

35 12

2 1S

5 2

5

3

2S 20 15 s

20 2

so

s 7

31.0 571

1. 8 28 15.7 163

7.8 6S 2.7 40

4

0. 4 8 3.3 32 1.1 17 0. 4 8 1.1 16

so 0.6 8

5.6 25 4.S 30 3.3 1S 1.1 30 4.S 30 0.4 7

11.2 27S s

1.1 23 1. 5 17

444 ( 100) ::..466

38.9

1.9 11.1

4.4 2.7 0.2 0.5

2.1 1.1 0.5 1.0

3.4 0.5

1.7 2.0 1.0 2.0 2.0 0.4

18.7 0.3 1.5 1.1

(100)

The above-mentioned categories of occupational

activities are grouped into the following major classified

areas and surveyed the households accor~iingly. Thus, it

was found that there were a total of about 466 working

forces in the slum out of the total 300 households

surveyed. In the same manner out of the total households

there were about 506 students community, 374 housewives

and 411 non-working forces. But the dependency(non-earning

hand) rate in the household of both the slums was very

high (2j.3%). However, it could be seen in the table of

the broad occupational categories given below:

Table No. 25

Broad Categories of Occupation

Muriya Pahar Kampoo Total Percentage Categories Number of TN

N %' N %' (TN) ( %')

(1125) (632) (1757)

-No work 267 23.7 144 22.7 411 23.3 -Labourer 83 7.3 53 8.3 136 7.7 -Petty business 75 6.6 57 9.0 132 7.5 -Services(private

and Govt.) 133 11.8 52 8.2 185 10.5 -Retired persons 7 0.6 6 0.9 13 0.7 -Student community 314 27.9 192 30.3 506 29.5 -House-wife 246 21.8 128 20.2 374 21.2

170

Table No. 25 shows that regarding the occupational

activities there were not many differences in the slums

particularly on account of broad categories. But there

were some differences noticed between the slums. Labourer

and petty busin~ss categories of occupation were higher in

Kampoo area while the service category of occupation was

more in Muriya Pahar basti.

4.3. Wage Structure and Labour Forces:

In the wage structure, only the daily earning

labour forces have been taken into consideration in the

slums. In this context the service class has been

excluded in the discussion. Besides, established business

class has also been excluded due to its· highly complex

income and earning potentialities. Only the people whose

family expenditure are based on their manual labour and on

the mode of daily work activities belonging lower income

groups were given due importance regarding their wages in

relation to their occupations. Thus, it was noticed that

such labour forces were having different rates of their

daily wages in the slum areas.

According to the key respondents, it was noted

that the labourers working in construction of houses

roads, lanes, drainage etc. used to get wages on the basis

171

of their skill and training or experiences of work. It was

found that the skilled labourers .were called as Karigar or

Mistry. The usual rate of their daily wage was about

Rs.70/- to 80/- per day. Total working days of this

category of workers were about 20 days in a month. The

respondents also pointed out that they were about 15 to 20

% of the total labour forces involved in construction work

activities. This category of workers had always been

demanded by the construction contractors. However, beside

them, there were semi-skilled labourers who used to get

only Rs.35/- to 40/- per day as their wage, about 15-20

days in a month. They were forced to pay Rs. 5/- to the

Thikadar regularly for making working days available for

them. Similarly there were some unskilled workers whose

daily wage rate was about Rs.20/- to 30/- per day having

no certainty to work regularly like other categories of

workers. They were fully controlled by the Thikadars, and

sometimes became the victims of different types of

exploitation.

situations.

This was observed from both the slum

Apart from the construction labourers, there were

a group of workers in Muriya Pahar who used to work in the

VIKKY FACTORY It was about 3-4 kms away from the basti.

In the factory only women workers were involved for

172

washing and cleaning old wine bottles. The female workers

could get only Rs.20/- to 25/- per day. There was about

8 hours working time schedule and about 20 days in a

month. Similarly some male workers were forced to go for

work from Kampoo basti to MALANPUR FACTORY adjacent to

Bhind district and border area of Gwalior district. It was

a stone processing factory. The workers used to get

Rs.30/- to 35/- per day. The availability of working

mandays were depended upon the factory owners. Actually

flat stone pieces and different type of stone chips were

to be processed in the factory.

There were also some workers involved in the local

construction and domestic activities as the casual

labourers. Actually, they were engaged in this local

manual labour activities at the rate of Rs.25/- to 30/­

per day, when they were unable to get themselves enrolled

in the large scale working establishment like factory,

constructing buildings etc ..

In fact, Kalin(Carpet) making labourers used to

get their wages only after completion of the final work or

product. In the Kalin making activities the

entrepreneurs used to provide instruction, purchase the

raw materials for the workers. Anyhow, they were able to

complete the work of one carpet within 20-30 days,

173

depending upon the nature and design of work and even the

size of the carpet. Considering all these, they used to

get Rs.2000/- to 5000/- per. final product as their wage

margins. Thus, for the single manpower, the rate of making

carpet was varied to a great extent from Rs.16/- to 45/­

per day. But, there was no limitation of working period

and times. According to the responses of the labourers

regarding Kalin making activities, they were not getting

any benefits, only the agents and business men of such

products were having all the profits of this local small

scale entrepreneurship in the slum area. The labourers

were engaged in this activities only for their survival.

Those who were engaged in Bidi making activities

used get Rs .18/- per 1000/- bidi. In this occupational

activities mostly female workers were involved. It was

their secondary·occupation as they pointed out. Children

were also doing this job on part time basis. Thus, they

could earn Rs.4/~ to 12/- per day. Some of the families

were totally depended on this activities. A skilled female

worker could earn at least Rs .18/- per day beside her

domestic household work in the family.

Shoe-making labourers of Kampoo basti area used to

earn Rs.10/- to 15/- per pair of shoes. A skilled workers

could make at least 4-5 pair of shoes per day. Few

174

individuals used to purchase the raw materials from the

market and prepared those shoes at home and finally

finished products of shoes ·were given to the Mahajan in

the main market of the city. But most of the workers in

this category were getting raw materials along with the

instructions from the Mahaj an only. The workers used to

get only their wages at the rate of the per pair of shoes.

Carpentry labourers were managed to get work from

the contractors and used to make the furnitures at home or

on the spot of the construction. The daily wage rate of

this category of workers was about Rs.30/- to 40/- per

day. For the skilled workers in this occupation, there was

a rate of about Rs.80/- to 100/- per day. There was also a

problem for this group. Actually when the mandays were

not available, they had to face a lot of problems to run

their family expenditure in the slum situation. Most of

the time, they were usually engaged in the work of

furniture making. At the lean period, they used to sell

their additional products in the market.

Auto-rickshaw wala were mostly found in Muriya

Pahar basti. They used to earn about Rs.40/- to 60/- per

day as their daily wages. Because most of the auto­

rickshaw wala were running their autos on hired basis.

After meeting up the fuel expenditure and hiring charge of

175

the auto, they could normally save the money as their

daily wages. During the festivals and "Tewhar", they used

to earn more money per day.

Tangawala used to get about Rs.30/- to 40/- and to

50/- per day. It was found that some of them were having

Tanga and horse of their own and some use to take them on

hire basis. They were slightly more in Kampoo area

compared to Muriya Pahar basti. Another interesting thing

regarding occupational activities that a group of women in

Muriya Pahar area used to go to Jungles, about 6-7 km away

for collection of fire wood. After collecting those, they

used to make a bundle of around 30-40 kgs and sold it out

at the rate of Rs.35/- only. In this they used to spend

their whole the day. Similarly bullock cart-wala could get

only about Rs.20/- to 30/- per day, with uncertainty of

its regularity. But the maid servants were getting about

Rs.SOO/- to 700/- per month.

However, vegetable and fruits seller/Thelawala

could earn on an average Rs.SO/- to 80/- per day, as they

pointed out. Rest of the occupational categories were not

provided clear cut wage structure as they mentioned.

Similarly, there were no clear cut demarcation of their

income amongst the professional and businessmen and

service class. As it has been mentioned maximum of the

176

service holders were in private sector and mainly fourth

class staff and lower levels of pay scales.

4.4. Child Labour

According to the key respondents there were a

sizable number of child labourers working on the casual

basis in the basti area. They were mostly engaged in the

small scale entrepreneurships and business activities. In

the Muriya Pahar, most of the children were engaged in

vehicle repairing centres and in the shape as helping

hands or assistants. Where as in Kampoo area, the child

labourers were engaged in Bidi making, Kalin making and

shoe making activities. It was also pointed out that these

children were mostly school drop-outs due to poor economic

conditions of the parents. And they were now helping hands

and additional earning members of the family.

4.5. Women Labourers:

The key respondents pointed out that there were

about 200 women from the Muriya Pahar basti working in

different occupational categories as daily wage labourer.

They were mostly engaged in construction activities, Ice

factory, Sarab (wine) factory at the outside basti, maid

servants etc. Beside these, women from the poorer

177

sections ( Praj apath families) were engaged in fire wood

collection from the nearby jungles. While in the service

sectors, the engagement of the women from this basti was

less than the above mentioned daily wage earners.

But in the Kampoo basti area, majority of the

women labourers were engaged in Bidi, Kalin(carpet) making

activities. According to the key respondent, the

construction labourer were less than the Bidi and Kalin

making labourers.

4.6. Possession of Household Amenities:

Despite the facts of occupational categories and

the wage structure of the underprivileged labour classes,

in the slum there were also the owners of 4 trucks, 3

cars, 1 Jeep, about 100 scooter and 10 telephones in

Muriya Pahar; and two(2) trucks, 5 tractors, 5 cars, about

30 scooters and even 30 tangas in Kampoo basti area.

However, apart from this, the possession of household

amenities from the sample population gives another picture

of understanding the levels of economic conditions of the

slum dwell.ers. The nature and pattern of some of the

household amenities possessed by the slum residents on

their own at the given situation has been shown in the

table given below:

178

Table No. 26:

Possession of Household Amenities and Facilities

Muriya Pahar Kampoo Total Percentage Categories Number of TN

N(200) % N(100) % TN(300) (%)

-Electricity facility 191 95.5 80 80 271 90.3

-Black and white TV set 138 69 66 66 204 68

-Coloured TV set 4 2 3 3 7 2.3

-VCR Set •. - 2 2 2 0.6

-Radio and transistor 66 33 43 43 119 38.6

-Tape recorder 42 21 20 20 62 20.6

-Stereo set 5 2.5 3 3 8 2.6

-Telephone 1 0.5 1 0.3

-Fan facility 180 90 73 73 253 84

-Cooler facility 50 25 27 27 77 25

-Refrigerator 20 10 7 7 27 9

-Gas cylinder 52 26 27 27 79 26.3

-Electric heater 3 1.5 5 5 8 2.6

Table No. 26 shows that almost all households were

facilitated by electricity in the slums. Recreational as

well as modern satellite connected audio-visual facilities

were also found existing at the locality. About 68

percent of the respondents could purchase black and white

television sets, and only 2.3 percent bought coloured TV

179

sets in the slum localities. Apart from these, there were

found VCR sets with 0.6 percent, radio and transistor sets

with 38.6 percent, tape recorders with 20.6 percent, fan

facilities with 84 percent, cooler facilities with 25

percent, refrigerator

cylinder for cooking

facilities with 9 percent, gas

with 26.3

electrical heater for cooking with

total respondents interviewed.

percent and

2. 6 percent

lastly

of the

From the above observations it could be seen that

there were very little. variations on certain items between

both the slums. Among them, facility of electricity was 80

percent in Kampoo basti, while it was 95.5 percent in

Muriya Pahar. Similarly for transistor and radio it was

33 percent in Muriya Pahar and 43 percent in Kampoo basti.

Rest of the items of household amenities were more or less

same in both the slum situations. Modern households

amenities were found available because of the urban

impact upon the slum dwellers.

4.7. Expenditure Pattern:

From the discussion on the aspect of household

amenities it has indicated that the slum dwellers were

having their purchasing power. Since, collecting data on

180

the income activities at the individual or family level is

very difficult, the gross expenditure pattern of the

people that is always available has provided an overview

of the possible levels of income at the basti area. Such

an expenditure pattern of the slum dweller is shown in

table 26.

Table No. 27

Monthly Expenditure on Food Stuff and Education

Muriya Pahar Items and amounts

N(200) %

A: Food stuff or ration expenditure:

Upto Rs. 500/- 186 93 -Rs. 500/- to 1000/- 14 7

8: Exp~ndi!;;!.!r~ on Education;

- Up to Rs.200/- 93 46.5

- Rs.201/-to 400/- 16 8

- Rs.400/-& above 14 7

- Not known/no responses 77 38.5

Kampoo

N(100) %

96 96 4 4

46 46

12 12

6 6

36 36

Total Number TN(300)

282 18

139

28

20

113

Percentage of TN

(%)

94 6

46.3

9.3

6.6

37.6

According to Table No. 27, it is observed that

about 94 percent of the respondents used to spend upto

Rs.SOO/- per month for their monthly consumption of food

stuff. Only 6 percent used to spend Rs. 501/- to 1000/-

per month for the same. There was not much differences

181

between both the slums in the expenditure pattern on the

monthly ration consumption.

Part B. of the ·table No. 25 indicates that about

46.3 percent of the total respondents pointed out their

monthly expenditure on education for their children upto

Rs. 200/-. 9. 3 percent of the respondents used to spend

Rs.201/- to 400/- per month. 6.6 percent used to spend

Rs. 400/- and above per month for the education of their

children. At the same time it is also found that there was

37.6 percent of respondents who did not comment on their

expenditure pattern for the education because they had to

send their children for work instead of school.

From the above findings it could be noted that

there was no much variation of expenditure pattern on

education as such between both the slums. But most of the

people used to spend Rs.200/- as maximum per month

expenditure on the education for their children. While,

37.6 percent did not give their opinion on the expenditure

pattern on education. Apart from the above mentioned

expenditure patterns, there were some other expenditure

shown in table 26.

182

Table No. 28

Monthly Expenditure on Medicine and Other Items:

Muriya Pahar

Items and amounts

N(200)

House rent expenditure:

- Nothing/none/NA 172 86

- Upto R.200/- 23 11.5

- Rs.201/-to 400/- 3 1.5

- Rs.400/-& above 3 1.5

- Not known/no idea 1 0.5

Wat!ilr and electr.icit~

for two months:

- Nothing/none 30 15

- Upto Rs.50/- 61 30.5

- Rs.51/- to 100/- 65 32.5

- Rs.101/-to 150/- 22 11

- Rs.151/-& above 3 1.5

- Not known/no idea 19 9.5

Medicine Expenditure

- Nothing/nil 67 33.5

- Upto Rs.100/- 67 33.5

- Rs.101/-to 250/- 23 21.5

- Rs.250/-and above 43 21.5

Other expenditure:

- Not mentioned 199 99.5 - Rs.201/-to 400/-- Rs.400/-& above 1 0.5

J.83

Kampoo Total Percen-

Number tage of

N(100) %' TN(300) TN(%)

89 89 261 87

3 3 24 8

1 1 4 1.3

1 1 4 1.4

6 6 7 2.3

12 12 42 14

27 27 88 29

36 36 101 33.6

7 7 29 9.6

6 6 9 3

12 12 31 10.3

33 33 100 33.3

37 37 104 34.6

12 12 35 11.6

18 18 61 20.3

97 97 296 98.6

3 3 3 1

1 0.3

House rent expenditure has been shown in the B

part of table No. 26. It indicates that almost all i.e. 87

percent I of the residents did not pay anything as their

house rent expenditure. It implies that they have their

own housing accommodation in the slum.

Water and electricity bills for two months has

been shown in the part C of table No. 26. It gives a

picture that except few(l4 percent) most of the people

used to pay water and electricity bills. The higher

percentage of the respondents(33.6) had to pay Rs.Sl/- to

100/- per two months as their water consumption and

electricity expenditure. It is also noticed that there was

nothing much variations between the slums and categories

of .their expendit~re pattern.

Monthly expenditure on medicine is shown in the

table no 26 I that in the slum situation 33.3 percent of

the total respondents did not have any expenditure either

due to lack of expenditure capacity or not having any

sickness. About 34.6 percent used to spend at least

Rs.lOO/- per month for medicine. 34.6 percent of the total

respondents had expenditure from Rs.lOl/- to Rs.250/- per

month on medicine and 20.3 percent of respondents used to

spend more than Rs.250/- for the same. This two categories

of expenditure pattern had quite significant implications

than other items shown in the table. There was no inter

184

slum variation of expenditure on medicine as such.

Other expenditure has also been shown in table No.

26. it indicates that almost all the respondents did not

mention their other expenditure pattern as such.

4.8. Certain Social Expenditure:

Apaz.:.t from the regular expenditure, there were

some occasional expenditure which could be termed as

social expenditure in the broader context of human living

at the modern complex social system. In the slum areas,

the social expenditure of the residents were pointed out

in table 29.

Table No. 29

Certain Social Expenditure(annual) of the Slum Dwellers:

Muriya Pahar Kampoo Categories & amounts

N(200)

Marri§!g~ ~xg~ngi~!.!r~

- Not applicable 190 - Upto Rs.15,000/- 4 - 15000/-& above 6

Birthda~ ~XQ~ngit!.!r~;

- Not applicable 199 - Rs.3000/-& above 1

Death ritual exQediter:

- Not applicable - Upto Rs.1000/-- Rs.3000/-& above

199 1

185

" N(100)

95 91 2 2 3 7

99.5 99 0.5 1

99.5 99 0.5

1

%

91 2 7

99 1

99

1

Total Number

TN(300)

281 6

13

298 2

298 1 1

Percen-tage of TN(%)

93.6 2 4.3

99.3 0.6

99.3 0.3 0.3

Table No. 29 shows that the social expenditure of

the slum residents (some of the families under sample)

interviewed was found on certain social aspects like

marriage ceremony, birth day party and death rituals for a

period of last one year. Regarding marriage it was found

that 93.6 percent of the respondents did not do any

expenditure for past one year. Rs .15, 000/- was spent by

only 2 percent of the households, and Rs .15, 000/- and

above by 4. 3 percent of the total respondents. But on

account of birthday ceremony only 0.6 percent of the total

respondents spent Rs.3,000/- and above, while 99.3 percent

did not have any expenditure on this aspect. Regarding

death rituals, only 0.3 percent spent upto Rs.1000/- and

0.3 percent spent Rs.3,000/- and above during last one

year. Rest of the respondents did not have any expenditure

on this aspects.

From these findings mentioned above it could be

noted that there was no distinction between the slums

regarding social expenditure. At the same manner, almost

all the people residing in the slum did not have social

expenditure because of either no marriage ceremony and no

death rituals took place during last one year.

186

4.9. Savings Pattern:

Since human development is the inherent product of·

mainly economic aspects of the people, the nature of

income, expenditure and savings of the people play crucial

role in any given situation. In this context, income

savings has much more implications than other economic

factors for future development of the people. The saving

pattern of the slum residents is shown in table 30.

Table No. 30 Monthly Income Savings Pattern

Categories & amount

Postal Savings

-Not applicable -Upto Rs.600/--Rs.601/-& above -No responses

Bank Savings

-Not applicable -Upto Rs.500/--Rs.501/-to 1000/--Rs.1,500/-& above

Muriya Pahar Kampoo Total Percen­Number tage of

N(100) \ TN(300) TN(\) N (200) \

180 12

3 5

158 23 13

6

90 87 6 12 1. 5 1 2.5

79 79 11.5 18 6.5 2 3 1

87 12

1

79 18

2 1

2()7 24

4

5

237 41 15

7

89 8 1.3 1.6

79 13.6

5 2.3

In table No. 30, it is observed that there were 89

percent of the total respondents who did not have any

monthly income savings in post office at all. For the

187

monthly income savings in post office there was upto

Rs.600/- savings by 8 percent of the total respondents in

the slum areas and Rs: 600/- and above by 1. 3 percent of

the respondents. Apart from them there were 1. 6 percent

who did not response anything regarding their monthly

savings at the slum situation. From this observation it

has also been noticed Rs. 200/ -per month savings holders

of post office was higher in Kampoo basti(8 percent) than

Muriya Pahar(1.5 percent). There were nothing much

differences between the slums on rest of the categories of

monthly income savings in the post office.

Regarding monthly income savings in the Bank 79

percent of the respondents did not have anything as their

savings. There were 13 . 6 percent· who used to save upto

Rs.500 per month in Bank, Rs.501/- to 1,000/- by 5 percent

and above 1500/- per month by 2.3 percent of the

respondents. Here in the Bank savings, upto Rs.500/- per

month savings holders were higher in Kampoo basti area(18

percent) than the Muriya Pahar basti(11.5 percent). While

Rs.501/- to 1,000/- and above Rs.1,500/-monthly saving

holders were higher in Muriya Pahar than Kampoo basti

areas. 89% of the people in the slums do not have postal

savings and 79% bank savings. This is yet another

indication of this hard to month existence.

188

From both postal and Banking saving observation it

could be noted here that about 20 percent of the slum

residents used to have banking saving monthly while .it

was about 11 percent for postal savings.

4.10. Investment Pattern:

In the micro economic activities, people used to

invest from their savings. This investment usually leads

to the human development with comforts in any situation.

In this regard the investment pattern of the slum

residents can be seen in different categories mentioned

in table 31. Table 31:

Yearly Investment Pattern of the Slum Residents.

Muriya Pahar Categories & amount

N(200) t

House Construction:

- Not applicable 188 - Up to Rs. 15000/- 3 - Rs. 15000/- and above 9

Land Purchasing:

- Not applicable - Up to Rs. 10,000/-- Rs. 20,000/- & above

Vehicle Purchasing:

199

1

- Not applicable 197 - Up to 10,000/- to

15,000/-- Rs. 15,000/- and above 3

Cattle Purchasing:

- Not applicable 199 - Rs. 15,000/- and above 1

Others Investment:

- Not applicable 197 - Up to Rs. 5000/- 1 - Rs. 5000/- to 10000/- 2

94 1.5 4.5

99.5

.0.5

98.5

1.5

99.5 OS

98.5 0.5 1

189

Kamp.oo

N(100)

98 2

98 1 1

99 1

98 2

100

Total Percen­Number tage of

t TN(300) TN(t)

98 2

98 1 1

99 1

98 2

100

286 5 9

297 1 2

296 1

3

297 3

297 1 2

95.3 1.6 3

99 0.3 0.6

98.6 0.3

1

99 1

99 0.3 0.6

Table no. 31, shows that there were yearly

investments on different categories of household

activities in the slum situation. Regarding house

construction, 95.3 percent of the respondents did not do

any investment for a period of last one year. Those who

did some investment in house construction were 4.6

percent. The investment amounts were upto Rs. 5,000/- by

1 percent, Rs. 5000/- to 10,000/- by 0.3 percent, Rs.

10,000/- to 15,000/- by 0,3 percent and Rs. 15,000/- and

above by 3 percent of the total respondents. From this

observation it could be said that the investment in house

construction was higher in Muriya Pahar than Kampoo basti

area during last one year.

Regarding investment on land purchasing only one

percent was found during the last one year. The amount of

investment were upto Rs. 10,000/- by 0.3 percent and Rs.

20,000/- and above by 0.6 percent of the respondents. In

both the slums, there was no differences.

Similarly on vehicle purchasing only 1. 3 percent

of the total respondents did some investment. The amount

of investment were Rs. 10,000/- to 15,000/- by 0.3 percent

and Rs. 15,000/- and above by 1 percent of the respondents

only. There was also no significant variation between the

slums.

190

In the case of cattle purchasing there was only 1

percent of the total respondents who did some investment.

The amount of investment was Rs. 1500/- and above.

There were also some other types of investment in

the slum area.

respondents.

That was also only 1 percent of the total

The amount of such investments was Rs.

5,001/- to 10,000/- only.

However, this investment pattern shows that during

last one year there was vary little investment. This

confirms the finding that there was very little savings.

But the trend of investment exists in the slum localities.

4.11. Loan Facilities:

According to the key respondents, at present there

was no loan facilities as such in the basti areas. Though

getting loan from the banks was well known to the slum

residents. It was also stated that it would depend on

the schemes of the government ..

In 1987-88 there was a scheme for loan from the

government. During

Pahar received loan

that about 50-60 people of Muriya

from the government through Bank.

The scheme was meant for income generation or economic

development among the slum dwellers. Thus, people could

191

get to

things

open 'purchuni' shops and initiate some other

including, animal husbandry, (buffalo) sewing

machine and manual thela (van) For purchasing a buffalo

the loan amount was Rs. 4000/- but the beneficiaries could

receive only Rs. 2000/-. Rest of the amount consumed by

the loan providers particularly loan sanction office

personnel.

There was also a scheme of providing loan to the

slum residents. It was called Pawan Putra Yojana. But it

could not be popular because, the desired beneficiaries

had to pay Rs. 6,000/- as bribes just to get sanction of

the loan through bank. It was meant for purchasing Auto

rickshow,. The respondent, also stated, that about 300 to

400 people in Muriya Pahar basti had received different

types of loan for different purposes long time ago.

The loan receiver beneficiaries were very few in

Kampoo basti area. People of the Kampoo basti pointed out

that they had not received any loan except few individuals

from Jatav Mohalla, It was for latrine construction and

Tanga purchasing. There were also some local money

lenders in the slum areas. Specially, this money lending

business was highly prevailing in Kampoo area. The

interest rate was varied person to person.

percent to Rs. 10 percent per month. The

192

It was Rs. 5

notable money

lenders --Mr. K.K. Gael, Mr. Dixit, Mr. Lala Ram Kustwah

were quite prominent in the locality. Actually they

involved in this business from the formation of the slum

and exploited people like anything.

4.12. Small Scale Local Entrepreneurship:

In the slum situation the small scale local

enterprise, .a kind of production activities initiated by

few individual ownerships or .cooperative basis. The

workers of such industries were basically local casual

labour forces regularly paid as daily wager. However, in

the Muriya Pahar basti area, Mr. Ramesh Jha had initiated

one small scale Lath workshop. Some parts of machine were

produced. in it. In this workshop about 7 casual labourer

were engaged. Mr. Hira Lal established one small Dhalai -

tools making factory. In his factory about 5 labourers

were working as casual labour. Mr. Khushwah initiated one

ICE cream factory. In his factory few wom~n labourers

were engaged.· Similarly one Bidi making enterprise was

also there in the basti. Earlier Kalin, (carpet) making

enterprise was there in the basti, but it was stopped on

the way.

193

In the case of Kampoo basti there were mainly

three small scale local enterprises.

making, Kalin making and shoe making.

They were bidi

Mr. Bhola Ram and

Vasant Ram were the owner of Lakshmi Bidi. Mr. Chotebbai

and Jethabhai were the owners of Bidi no. 27. There was

also another Sher Bidi enterprise in the basti. In these

Bidi making activities, Mrs. Bindra Bhai, Mr. Sita Ram,

Mr. Shayam Lal, Mr. Kashi Ram and Udai Sankar were some

of the notable Bidi making families at the basti area.

Regarding Kalin making enterprises, in the Kampoo basti

Mr. Babu Lal, Mr. Bishnu, Mr. Shyamlal Mr. Raju, Mr.

Narayan and Mr. Mukhesh were the initiators and they had

been carrying this carpet making activities independently.

They themselves were also engaged in the Kalin making mode

of action apart from their agent or middle men role

between the workers and mahaj ans . Beside these, there

were also shoe making enterprises in the basti. Mr. Lalta

Prasad and Mr. Kailast had established the shoe making

activities in the basti. They were also playing the role

of agent or middle man between the workers and Mahajan or

whole-sellers of the goods.

From the small scale enterprises mentioned above,

it could be pointed out that the Kampoo basti

entrepreneurs were oriented towards handicrafts while the

J.94

enterprises of the Muriya Pahar basti were being oriented

towards machinery products. However, these local

initiations were the symbols of economic development in

particular for the individual owners and development of

slum in general. Specially some kind of employment

activities were generated for the needy slum residents.

This economic activity provided the reason of self income

generation and even employment creation for others.

4.13. Un~ployment Problems:

According to the key respondents the main

unemployment problem was confined only to the educated

and qualified young people in the slums. The unqualified

work forces were not having that much problems regarding

their employment because, they were absorbed into

different kind of working activities inside and outside

the slums. The key respondent pointed out that there were

about 20 M.A. pass, 60-70 B.A. pass, 10-15 LLB pass and

400-500 metric pass young working forces in the Muriya

Pahar basti. They were eligible persons to get any type

of governmental services. Unfortunately, they were

unemployed staying in the slums.

195

The similar picture of unemployment problems was

found in the Kampoo basti. There were about 10-15 M.A.

pass, so B.A. pass, 60 H.S. pass, 70-80 Martin pass, one

LLB pass, and one MBBS pass in the entire basti area. All

of them were educationally qualified persons. But none of

them could get any chance for the services/jobs.

According to the key respondents there were very

less number of less educated unqualified persons who were

sitting idle at home. They almost all, were engaged in

different earning occupations either as casual labour

force or regularly working in the factory and business

establishment. The qualified persons had been trying to

get into the jobs but were not getting into. Some of them

started School Business on their own. Rest were uncertain

about what to do.

4.14. Problems of Poverty:

In the context of poverty it was viewed that those

slum dwellers whose earning source was daily wage basis

casual labourers and who could not get the opportunities

to prove their working potentialities as the skilled work

forces or qualified manpower in the organised sectors,

were frequently confronted the days without work in the

196

basti area. When their condition with no work and no wage

continued for couple of days, a section of such people had

to lead their vulnerable and measurable life struggling

for existence. So, such circumstances of the residents in

situation was termed as 'poverty' . There were some case

reports as evidences sited here in this regard.

In accordance with observations base.d upon

in-depth group discussion, 12 respondents from both male

(7) and female (5) belonging the Harijan community in the

Muriya Pahar basti deliberated their opinion regarding

poverty of 12 different households. The heads of those

families and households namely Mrs. Narayani, Mrs. Kalu,

Mrs. Pirthiram, Mrs. Kamal, Mr. Sunder Singh, Mr.

Misirilal, Mr~ Krishna, Mr. Bulu Chand, Mr. Kanailal, Mr.

Daya Ram and Mr. Subegram raised their voice as community

feelings. It was stated that "how painful our garibi is,

you do not know?" Actually they were very much agitating

in relation to their struggling for existences at the

basti area. They said "for water we pay Rs. 20/- per

month Mrs. Bhargav who has given. a private water tap

connection to us from her own water sources. Similarly we

pay her Rs. 20/- per month for lighting one bulb and Rs.

25/- for one fan".

197

In fact, they were daily wage earner and used to

get only Rs. 30/- to 40/- per day. But the problem was

that they used to get work on an average 3-4 days a week.

Since they did not have any savings, their life would be

very measurable and vulnerable during the lean period

without work. Such situation were very the frequent in

their life during rainy seasons, disrupting normal life in

the city and other occurrence. When they were unable to

manage their work and wages, they were forced to go the

money lenders. Some time money lenders used to give them

money with a lot of conditions and interests, some time

refused. In such a situation sometimes, female

work-forces used to go jungles near by for collection of

fire wood and sell them in the market. Thus, they could

get some money about Rs. 10/- to 15/- per day to buy some

anaj for the family members.

Regarding the education and future of their

children, they of course, had similar aspirations like the

aspirations of better off classes in the slums. They also

wanted to send their children for education but due to

their poverty they could not do anything for their

children. Though they were well known and articulated

regarding the better life in the complex society. In such

economic conditions, even some poor harijan people were

198

sending their children to the school for education. But,

they also know

school.

that there were uncertainties for those

However, in a case report it could be seen in the

context of "poverty". Being a house wife of the Harijan

community Smt. Rani described the abject of poverty among

Harijans in the Muriya Pahar basti area. She stated that

"we are poor people, who will listen our "Garibi Ki

Kahania". She said no body bothers about poor people and

their sorrow and pains in this world, government also does

whatever it is only for well off, or rich people.

Government listens to them, but not the poor and will

never do anything for the poor.

She pointed out that "you can see our condition

including housing, clothing and other household amenities

surrounded us. We are only 12 families here in this

particular isolated place of the basti. We do not have

any water facility, no electricity connection, no proper

lane no meaning to talk about poverty stricken needs and

necessities we have". She again said that ''if you do not

have money in your hand what could you do, as you know, in

the present price rates of the essential commodities".

"We can not think of education for our children, simply

because, we can not provide our children full square meals

199

twice . in a day. Even then, some of us are sending the

children to the school in such miserable situation. She

indicated that "~ou think, without money who is ready to

teach our children, we want and also have strong desire

that our children should have proper education like

others, we can not do it because of poverty".

Another lady was trying to help Rani in pointing

out the reality. She addressed according and pointed out

that "you can look at the child, how much 'roti' he is

eating, he is eating just like a man eats". The children

were basically hungry and malnourished. "They eat only

roti, nothing else. That is why they eat more" she said.

"How we can manage their food stuff, we understand and

know their requirements -- they need good food like milk,

vegetables, dal and other fruits regularly, only roti does

not fulfill all the food values what they usually require

in their body at the time of growing age" she stated.

Similar picture of poverty was also found in the

Kampoo basti area. According to the respondent Mrs. Rekha

Bhendurkar, Anganwadi worker, the children who were coming

to the centre were basically from the very poor section of

the people in the locality. Tangawala, Thelawala and

construction labourers, were the parents of these

children.· Whatever they used to earn, more than half of

200

the wages, some time, the total earning money spend in

consuming alcohol. Due to this kind of regular activity

of the male workforce, most of the house wives of such

families started working as Bidi makers in the basti. It

could be said that the ladies/women were running their

family expenditure. Those who were not involved in such

activities were having a tough time in the slum situation.

It was observed at the Anganwadi Centre that the

children who came to study and to have mid day meal in the

centre were not having proper dress. They covered their

body just by wearing dirty stoned clothes. Sister Rekha

said that these children used to suffer severe cold during

the winter season. She was hopeless because the things

were out of her capacity. As she pointed out that 11 1 have

been seeing that girl -- Nitu who belongs Jatav family and

comes every day in the centre, she does not have proper

dress but she wants to be educated 11• Then Nitu was also

interviewed. In the reply Nitu said 11 ! like to study but

teacher (sister) says that I can not continue my study

because, my age is not now permissible for the centre 11•

Actually she was six years old. But the norms of

Anganwadi centre was upto six years of age for the

children. Nitu pointed out 11 We are three sisters and

three brothers in our family. My elder brother Tiran Das

201.

recently started working in the factory as casual labour

and my mother makes Bidi no. 27. Along with me, my two

brothers and two sisters are also coming to this centre

regularly. I will continue my study if sister allows me

to study in the centre". Basically sister Rekha was very

keen to that girl Nitu because of her interest in study.

That is why she did not refuse her not to come the centre.

From the above discussion regarding poverty for

both the slums it could be stated here that there are a

section of people who are living below the poverty line.

But they do not want to remain as such in the slum

situation.

4.15. Economic Status:

The task for assessment the levels of economic

conditions of the people is quite difficult in the

heterogeneous society.

uniformity because it

There may not be clear cut

varies from individuals to

individuals

situations.

and from group to group in the given

However to understand such levels of

economic conditions of the people dwelling in the slum,

certain characteristics have been considered for different

levels-- very poor, poor, not-so-poor and well-off. Each

202

strata has been considered by certain characteristics

separately within the slum situation.

Very Poor: In the category of very poor it was found that

those people and the families who did not get two full

square meals with any other combination of eating stuff in

some days of a month just to satisfy their hunger, were

struggling for survival in a very adverse conditions at

the slums.

Poor: For the category of poor the observation was made

as those who were somehow able to manage their food to eat

without milk for their children. The clothing expenditure

was made cutting short their food eating expenditure and

no thinking of even the primary education for their

children. They were living in the Kachha houses having

common unsanitary latrine and sources of drinking water.

Their electricity expenses were included in the food

expenditure having no other things, just hand to mouth,

even sometime not having proper meals in a year.

Not So Poor: In this stratum of not so poor, only those

who were able to have enough to eat throughout the year

and having one or two sets of garments to change, were

203

living in mixed type houses with electricity connection,

own water taps and sanitary latrine. They were capable to

give higher education to their children and having non-veg

or ghee or milk products food in their occasional dither

along with TV sets, and cooler in the house. They were

also able to hold functions on their own in celebrating

marriage, birth day and death rituals in the family

inviting the relatives and other societal members.

Well-Off: Within the slum situation, this socio-economic

group only a small section of those who were getting

enough to eat drink milk regularly throughout the year,

were living cement plastered houses with mosaic floor and

roofs, electricity connections, private water taps and

water sources, sanitary flush latrine, furniture and sofa

sets, colour TV sets, Cooler /AC. , owning scooter or

vehicles. They were also having income from other

sources, capacity to employ labourers, expensive clothing

and jewelry, capacity to get sophisticated medical

services. Apart from these, there were ghee, milk

products, meat, poultry, fish etc as a part of their meals

for almost every day. For the education of their

children, they could employ tutors and send their children

to the nearby town or cities for higher education. They

204

could also celebrate any occasion at home as a large scale

inviting not only the relatives and societal members but

also social and political influential persons· in and out

side the slums. However, all four categories of slum

residents are shown in table No. 32.

Table 32:

Economic Status.

Muriya Pahar Kampoo Total No. Percentage Category (TN) of TN

N(200) % N(100) % (300) (%)

- Very poor 6 3 1 1 7 2.3

- Poor 64 32 38 38 102 34.0

- Not-so-poor 81 40.5 40 40 121 40.3

- Well off 49 24.5 21 21 70 23.3

Table no. 32 shows that :Qoth th_e slums constituted very

less number of very poor categories of people. I"lajority

of the people were in the category of poor and not so

poor. Poor people were numerically quite higher in Kampoo

basti than Muriya Pahar. It is quite significant that

about 23.3 percent of the total respondent were well-off

section even in the slum situation. From these findings

of the slum it could be again stated that the slums are

economically becoming better and developed in the city

itself. In both the slums this was found because of some

205

historical reasons.

(1) The settlement of the slums started in the open and

bigger plots of land during the tenure of Maharaja of

Gwalior state. (2) From the very beginning, all economic

classes and caste groups started their settlement in these

areas. (3) Mixed type of economic and caste interaction

could initiate their gradual development. ( 4) Increasing

population from both general growth and migration led

their life towards complex and congesting situations. (5)

later on, Nagar Nigam termed these human concentration as

'slum'.

5. SOCIAL GROUPS AND ORGANIZATIONAL STRUCTURE:

5.1. Social Class and Strata:

The respondents pointed out the important aspects

regarding the' social stratification of the residents of

the slums. According to them there were mainly two social

classes -- 'privileged' and 'underprivileged' or 'forward'

and 'backward' . The privileged class was basically the

rich or moneyed people, mostly belonged to the general

upper caste. And underprivileged class was mainly the

poor people belonging to the lower caste groups

206

specially scheduled castes, tribe and other backward caste

groups.

It was also observed that there were other

categories of people within this two major social classes.

They were mainly 'labour class•, service class, business

class. It was considered that only labourer class

belonged to the underprivileged or backward class and

others altogether belonged to privilege or forward class.

Because, forward people were having purchasing power

including better socio-economic conditions, educations,

houses and modern household amenities as maintained by the

slum standard. Whereas the backward underprivileged class

were not having such conditions,

problems existing in the slums.

to cope up their

In this class division it was also perceived that

privileged forward class only constituted with the

established businessmen, class-I&II servicemen, doctors,

lawyers, landlords, ·who rented out their houses. On the

other hand the petty or small businessmen including tea

stallers, tailors, vegetable seller; fourth class services

like chowkidar, peon, sweeper and of course the daily wage

labourers were constituted as the underprivileged backward

class at the slum situation.

From the above observations it has been compared that

207

the underprivileged people were numerically higher in

Kampoo basti than the Muriya Pahar. On the other side

privileged forward class were little higher in Muriya

Pahar than Kampoo basti.

5.2. Migration:

In the context of migration, as believed by the

respondents, in Muriya Pahar (1) the inhabitants migrated

from the rural areas due to the economic reasons at the

time of it's formation. (2) Later on, there was migration

from the other parts of the city itself due to slum

clearance programme of the government . (3) The settled

residents started pulling there relatives and relations

from both rural areas and other slums of the city. (4)

Educated people mostly service man and other businessman

started their migration to this slum from other parts of

the city. (5) Another pull factor of the basti was its

location near by Medical College.

But the forces of migration and it's nature were

totally different in Kampoo basti from Muriya Pahar.

Basically the people who were working in the security

force as caretaker of horses of maharaja started their

settlement at the basti. Before this settlement it was a

208

basti of few traditional inhabitants. The migrated people

were basically Muslim from Rewa district working in the

security bahini at that time. Some people who belonged to

Jatav community as relations or relatives of early

settlers or inhabitants working in security force of

bahini were pulled in the basti from outside the state.

Apart from this kind of migration some local people from

other parts of the city had also migrated in this Kampoo

basti. But they were very few.

It could be stated here that both the slums are

not having similar characteristics of it's migration of

the residents. Muriya Pahar has been inhabited in such a

way where still now in migration flow is going on. Because

of some economic reasons people could stay in the basti.

As a result the expansion of the basti is going on.

Whereas there is no such expansion in Kampoo basti area.

5.3. Social Organisations:

Different types of social organisations formed

were over a period of time and also some of them

disappeared in the course of time at the slum areas. The

formation of these were basically meant for to achieve

certain aspirations articulating on the basis of

209

physiological, safety, love, esteem and actualisation.

Even after the formation, some of organisation would have

been disappeared because, either they could not achieve

the goals set for or became very difficult to sustain the

common interests of the slum residents within the

organisational set up. However, some of organisations

have been described as the following manner.

5.4. Informal Groups for Physical Exercise:

There were no formal youth organisations existing

in the slums. The young boys used to carry on some of the

activities like cricket game on the street or any open

space available forming informal groups in the basti

itself. It was observed in the Muriya Pahar slum

situation. In the same manner some children were also

carrying on different types of games in the locality.

5.5 Formal Organisation at Local Level:

According to Mr. Babulal Bij al, key respondent,

there were some social organisation formed as formal

organisation at the Muriya Pahar basti for different

purposes in different times.

(1) In 1960, "Ram Nagar Sudhar Samiti", was formed

210

as formal organisation for the entire basti.

existing till today.

It has been

(2) In 1976, "Sarva Dharma Manab Kalyan Ashram"

was formed in the Pahari Kshet~a for the purpose of

religious activities. This has also been carrying on such

activities in the basti area.

(3) In 1982, "Asamanta Nibaran Sangh" was

established for the activities of secularism at the basti

level.

(4) "Naka Chandramoni Vikash Samiti" was formed

in 1988 with the perspective of slum or basti development

activities.

(5) In 1993, "Pranti Jatav Sabha" was formed to

initiate local mass mobilization against social

discrimination, deprivation and exploitation.

(6) In 1992-93 "Congress Sevadal" was formed for

the political action at the basti level.

Apart

organisations

from

there

the

were

above

also

mentioned social

some sub-groups and

sub-committees of the social organisations.

211

(1) Durgapuri Mohalla Sudhar Samiti.

(2) Muriya Pahar Vikash Samiti.

(3) Devnagar Mohalla Sudhar Samiti.

(4) Ramnagar Mohalla Sudhar Samiti.

(5) Dr. Ambedkar Mahatta Sudhar Samiti.

(6) Jana Kalyan Parisad -- Naka.

At present, Mr. Ashok Jain was the president of

Dr. Ambedkar Mohalla Sudhar Samiti, and Mr. B.L. Bezo was

the president of Muriya Pahar Vikash Samiti. According to

Dr. S.S. Parihar, there was "Bahuuddeshi Naka Chandramoni

Vikash Samiti" formed 5 years ago. Dr. Parihar himself

was the president of the Samiti. Beside the executive

members, there were about 100 members in the samiti.

According to Dr. Parihar, the charter of demands

prepared by the organisation for the slum improvement and

development activities. The samiti started mobilising the

people towards their action planned just after their

formation at the slum area. The demands were mostly put

up to the Municipal Corporation Authorities and ruling

Government machineries in the district itself. The

demands were as follows.

212

(1) Electricity facilities for the slum residents,

(2) Kharanja Karan (drainage system facilities),

(3) Main Margo Ka Farash (flat stone pieces for the foot­

ways, lanes and roads in the basti,

(4) Police security for prevention of anti-social

activities,

(5) Water tap (Nali) facilities for all residents,

(6) Flush sanitary latrine facilities for inside the

houses,

(7) Prevention of unauthorised building constructions in

the locality,

(8) Mandir (Temple) entries for all section of the peo­

ple,

Abreast of these activities, the local

organisational committees were also involved in some

welfare activities at the basti level itself. For

example, there were a Subarna Mandir Trust committee.

This committee collected contributions from the

residents and built up the Mandir Building and it's

nice complex without any monitory helps from outside

agencies. Similarly 'Sankar Mandir' was being

constructed by the Asabarna group of residents on their

own at the Muriya Pahar.

213

Indeed, the social organisation and it's function

were slightly different in the Kampoo basti area. There

were about three formal social organisations existing in

the Kampoo basti. They were as follows.

(1) Jan Kalyan Samiti - in 1988

(2) Bahu Uddesh Vikasan Samiti, in 1989 and

(3) Mohalla Suraksha Samiti - 1982.

These were formed separately for the different

purposes and actions including separate aims and

objectives as following manner.

1. Jan Kalyan Samiti: This was formed by most of the

young residents specially the young students. The main

purpose of this organisation was social welfare activities

in the basti itself. Some other activities were performed

to achieve the goal of the Samiti.

(1) Dharmik Anusthan (religious function);

(2) Nava Ratri Mela (fair on religious occasion) ;

(3) Holi Samarah (social gathering on holi); and

(4) Ganesh Utsab (ganesh puja festivals).

In addition to these programmes there were also

some other activities carried out by the organisation.

They were mostly:

214

( 1) Sram Dan (manual labour for some issues including

cleanliness of drainage systems, water logging, etc.

(2) Solving Water Problems during the summer or hot

season there was shortage of water supply and water

scarcity, they used to approach M.C.G. & PHE and used to

manage water for the residents.

(3) Electricity Problems - while the electricity deptt.

used to ignore the complains made the resident, this

organisation would take active steps and solve the

problems.

(4) Preventive Measures for anti-social activities, Rape,

molestation etc. by the police Jawans because the police

force/battalion were almost attached with the basti

situation were watched and prevented at the local level.

2. Bahu Uddesh Vikasan Samiti was basically for

the cultivators. This was the central place for the

neighbouring villages. Some of the slum people were also

involved in agricultural activities. Some residents of

the basti had some cultivable land area in the villages.

Therefore, the basti became the base for such

organisational activities to ensure the facilities· like

communication and others. However, the main objective of

the organisation was to articulate agricultural demands

like irrigation well and water facility, pump sets, loan

215

(agricultural), and Kisan Samabesh etc. From the

functional point of view, it was not that much active,

some time it could not perform any activity regarding

these issues for a year.

3. ~M:..::o:.:h.:..:a:::..:::.l.:::l""a,__--"'S""u"""r..,a""k""""'s~h..,.a:>,..____,S'""'a""n=g""a'""t ... h.:..:a""n~ was basic a 11 y

security force or watch group in the basti. Here in this

sangathan most of the young people were involved. The

main purpose of this group was to safeguard the basti from

the Thief, Docoits, Jua gamblers and such other anti

social elements. For this, there were different

sub-groups established for nightwatching.

they used to perform their duties at night.

By rotation

6. DECISION MAKING AND POWER STRUCTURE:

According to the key respondents - (Mr. Dixit)

there were no visible power structures in the slum

situations. Land d·isputes had already been disappeared

from the basti because of police and court. Family and

household disputes were also not that much in the

locality. Only the problem of the basti was that some

people could not tolerate other's progress and development

within the basti environment. Whatever the occurrence of

any disputes whichever the subject matters of day to day

2J.6

life activities, all used to go in the hands of police,

then according to the decision of the court people used to

follow. Only small family cruelties or conflicts as the

form of disputes were usually being resolved by the local

respected and influential persons. Here the group of such

persons used to check the acts of the subject from both

the parties and used to provide rational verdict sitting

altogether in a common place. He also pointed out that

among the disputes which are taken to the police, most of

the honest people were being harassed by the police as

dishonest and anti-social residents could manage the

police.

6.1. Influential Persons and their Role in the Basti:

There were some individuals who used to take

active part in resolving local family disputes in the

bastis. They were considered to be influential persons

because of their decision which is carried out by the

common residents. Sometimes, they were called in for

consultation. These persons also had some positions at

the local level . In Muriya Pahar those people were as

Shri Purusatyam Bhargava, Mr. Dixit, Mr. G.S. Sekharwar,

Mr. K.K. Bajpaie, Md. Nurahemad, Mr. Satpal Singh and Mr.

217

Matiram.

backgrounds.

Individually they were having different

Mr. Bhargava was a political leader of congress

party and known to every resident. Some people knew him

as a rich money lender. Some considered him as a social

worker. Mr. Hari Singh More was also a political leader

of congress party.

Bajpaie was a rich

He was about 72 years old. Mr. K.K.

person and engaged in private job

activities. Mr. G.S. Sekharwar was a dynamic and social

worker particularly among the underprivileged class

SC/ST/OBC classes. Whereas Mr. Satpal Singh was a tribal

and quite known not only among the Pardi tribe people but

also quite popular amongst other residents. Mr. Matiram

was quite influential person among the Jatav or Harijan

community.

These people used to play different type of role

directly or indirectly in the decision making process at

the local situation. Though there was not much for them

to solve the problems except developmental activities.

Similarly some local influential persons were

found in Kampoo Basti area. They were Mr. Omprakash

Pathak, Mr. Lalaram Kushwah, Mr. Bhagwan Das, Mr. Bablu,

Mr. Golab Rao (Kaka) . Mrs. Urmila. All of them were

known to the residents of the basti. They were called for

218

resolving any disputes and for any consultation and

suggestion. They were also directly or indirectly

i.nvolved in the development activities of the locality.

Some of them were also having different political

background. Among the party activists and socially

reputed persons, there were a group of upper caste people

who used to control social life in the locality. They

were Mr. Samaldar Jain, Mr. Golab Rao, Mr. M.K. Dixit, Mr.

R.S. Jain, Mr. S.C. Gael, Mr. B.K. Kushwah etc.

From the above discussion it has emerged that in

Muriya Pahar basti, in the process of politicization all

caste groups could have identified their leaders as the

representative. As a result, Mr. Satpal Singh has become

influential person from the Pardi Tribe community, Mr.

Matiram from the Harizan community and, lvld. Nurmohmad

from Muslim community. It shows there was no domination

of a particular caste group. But in the Kampoo area the

upper caste people used to dominate the decision making

process in the basti itself.

6.2. Political Party Supporters and Cadres:

According to Mr. Purusatyam Bhargava, a district

level congress party leader. About 50 percent of the

people used to support congress party, 30 percent

219

supported the BJP, 15 percent supported the BSP and rest 5

percent supported the CPM and other parties. At the same

manner, another key respondent Mr. Natu Singh Jadav also

stated that there were a total of 3500 voters in the

entire basti. Out of these 50 percent were congress

supporters, 35 percent BJP supporters, 10 percent BSP and

5 percent JD supporters.

There were some formal or informal individuals who

used to play their political role as party cadres in the

basti. They were: Mr. Purusatyam Bhargava, Mr. Hari Singh

More I and Mr. Satpal Singh for the congress party I Mr.

Dixit for the BJP; Mr. Babulal Bijal for JD ad Mr. G.S.

Sekharwah and Mr. Matilal for the BSP. All these people

were actively involved in the politicisation of the basti

residents particularly during the election time. Thus, it

was observed that there were 3 percent active members of

such political parties in this basti. This political

party activity was slightly different in Kampoo basti

area. According to Mr. Kalicharan, a local BJP leader,

there were about 40 percent BJP supporters 10 percent for

the JD, 40 percent for the congress party and 10 percent

for the BSP during last Municipal Election 1982. But this

picture of political support has been changed over a

decade. According to Mr. Shyam Sunder Dube. Now, about

220

30 percent of the people supported the BJP 15 and percent

for the congress party.

supported the BSP and

About 40 percent of the people

rest of the people usually

preferred for the other parties like CPM.

Here in the Kampoo basti area some persons were

actively involved in the political activities as the party

cadre. They were Mr. Kalicharan for the BJP, Mr. Bhagwan

Das for the BSP, Mr. Golab Rao Gaikwar for the congress

party. Actually this locality has fallen under the S.C.

reserved constituency. And there were also a sizable

population belonging to SC categories in the Kampoo basti.

According to the respondents there were 3 percent active

member of such political parties in the basti.

However, in the context of the political

activities, particularly for the improvement of the basti,

it was observed that the activity of congress party did

some kind of work in the Muriya Pahar basti area. But the

political situation was different in Kampoo area. BJP

activists did some developmental work in the basti.

Particularly drainage, electricity, water and lane

construction were some of the major works for the

development in both the slum situations.

Thus, it could be noted here that caste based

221

political forces were emerging in the slum localities.

Ideology and value based politics were being exposed with

the contents of exploitation, manipulation, corruption

discrimination and deprivation etc. in the slum situation.

6.3. Election and Voting Behaviour:

It was observed that during last four decades the

supporters of different political parties had changed

their political affiliation in the Muriya Pahar basti.

According to a well known social workers and very reliable

key informant - Mr. Babulal Bijal, 50 years old, in the

1960s there were about 5 percent congress supporters, 93

percent Hindu Maha Sabha supporters and about 2 percent

samajbad. Janata Party supporters in the basti. During

1970s the residents of the basti shifted their political

affiliation to, about 25 percent for the congress party

and rest 75 'percent for the BJP. Similarly, during 1980s

it was about 45 percent for the congress party and 55

percent for the BJP. But, during early 1990s again the

political scenario of the basti started changing. It was

about 50 percent for the congress party, 35 percent for

the Bharatiya Janata Party, 10 percent for BSP, 3 percent

for the CPM and about 2 percent for the JD.

222

He also stated that during the last Municipal

election the political activities of the basti were

observed in the following manner. In 1982 there were

about 2060 voters in the basti. Among them about 65 were

Kushwah, 575 Jatav, 65 harij an, 350 Muslim, about 60

Mirdha, 40 Sahu, 254 Thakur, 70 Ghosi, 110 Pandit, 115

Ojha, 150 Pardi Adhivasi, 20 Koli, 35 Kumar, 10 Nai, 50

Joshi and 86 from other caste groups. At present this

voter list has been modified for the Muriya Pahar slum

area.

In the case of Kampoo basti the election pattern

and voting behaviour of the residents were quite

different. According to the key respondent Mr.

Kalicharan, there were four candidates who fought for the

last Municipal election in 1982. However, the candidates

for the general Assembly election were Mr. Crirish Dixit

for the BJP, Mr. Jamuna Prasad for the JD, Mr. Hari Singh

Goel for the Congress Party and Mr. Bhaggu Bhagle for the

BSP. In fact, in 1982 election about 40 percent of the

residents franchised their votes for the BJP and about 40

percent for the JD.

for the BSP.

Among the rest about 10 percent

The key respondent Mr. Shyam Sunder Dube said that

223

this Kampoo basti was a den of BJP. But recently it has

become the area of BSP. In the last Municipal election in

1982, congress party candidate Mr. Hari Singh Goel was

the Municipal counselor from this area. JD, candidate Mr.

Jamuna Das (SC) got only 600 votes and Mr. Mohan Singh

Kotiam (SC) got 1_150 votes from this locality.

In fact, it was also found that some of the

residents knew the politica~ leaders who have been elected

and have contested the election s held over the recent

past. This could be seen in table 33.

Table 33:

Familiarity with the Leaders Contested for the Elections.

Muriya Pahar Category

N(200) %

Counselor or Municipality

-Yes 21 10.5 -No 179 89.5

Kampoo Total No. (TN)

N(100)% (300)

21 21 42 79 79 250

Member of Legislator Assembly (MLA)

-Yes 153 76.5 73 73 226 -No 47 23.5 27 27 74

Member of Parliament M.P.

-Yes 126 63 43 43 169 -No 74 37 57 57 131

Percentage of TN

(%)

14 86

75.3 24.6

56.3 43.6

Table no. 33 shows that 14 percent of the residents knew

224

the counselor wpo had been elected in the Municipal

election held in 1982. While 86 percent did not know the

counselor or they had forgotten the name of the counselor.

But the Member of Legislative Assembly (MLA) was quite

familiar with 75.3 percents of the resident either by name

or by face. It was because the election held in 1989.

Similarly 56.3 percent knew the Member of Parliament

(M.P.) either by name or by face.

It could be also be stated that slum dweller are

quite aware of the political activities. They are very

much concerned about their contribution, supporting the

right political party for the State and Central

Government. Even they are concerned about their under

development and backwardness at the slum situation.

With the political party ideology and their

attitudes towards the formation of the government at

different levels they took active participation on the

voting system for different elections. In this regard

they had exercised their voting rights to elect the

suitable candidate by the election processes.

shown in table 34.

225

This is

Table 34:

B.xercise of Voting Rights among the Slum Residents.

Muriya Pahar Kampoo Total No. Percentage Category (TN) of TN

N(200) % N(100) t ( 300) (t)

Vote for Last MLA Election:

- Yes 173 86.5 86 86 259 86.3

- No 27 13.5 14 14 41 13.6

Vote for Last MP Election a

Yes 173 86.5 85 85 258 86

- No 27 13.6 15 15 42 14

Vote for Last Municipal Election a

Yes 74 37 57 57 131 43.6

- No 126 63 43 43 169 56.3

Table no. 34 shows that 86.3 percent of the slum

residents had exercised their voting right for the MLA

election. Similarly 86 percent cast their votes for M.P.

election too. But only 43.6 percent had exercised their

voting rights for las~ Municipal election. Not only this, ./

in the Municipal election, there were significant

difference between both the slum situation. During that

election only 37 percent of the residents of Muriya Pahar

could exercise their voting rights for the Municipal

election in 1982. The low percentage of voters observed

in Muriya Pahar, because of its unauthorised growth.

226

l(lhereas in Kampoo basti it was 57 percent who could

exercise their vote for the Municipal election because of

permanent and authorised settlement.

From this observation it could be noted here that

the slum dwellers are very much aware of their voting

rights in both the slum situations. It also shows their

political consciousness. Either it was created by the

politicisation and mass mobilisation initiated by the

local level political activity or political cadres, or it

could have been possible by the day to day life exposures

of the residents and the socio-cultural and socio-economic

dynamics of city life pattern.

6.4. Local Power Practice and Anti-social Elements:

Some anti-social elements were found residing in

the Muriya Pahar basti. As · believed by the key

respondents they were Shri Shakhar son of Mr. Ram Dayal,

Shri Kanua Mohan, Shri Subaram who was shot dead, Shri

Shital son of a Thakur family and Mr. Kumar. They

altogether formed a gang in the basti and engaged in

different types of anti-social activities within and

outside the basti.

227

A murder case was identified in the basti. About

two years ago, it occurred relating to a 'girl• . Again

the key respondent stated that the murder cases were quite

frequent occurrences in the basti.

were mainly four subject matters:

In this regard, there

( 1) income earning

related matter in the family, (2) love affairs with girls,

(3) Daru Sarabi or alcoholic factors and (4) power

practices of the local leaders.

It was also stated that there were about SO

anti-social elements in the area. They were divided into

two groups. A group of 30 anti-social activists the local

congress leaders had taken the dominant power position in

the basti. The anti-social activists group was usually

protected and given political shelter under the congress

party banner. Similarly, on the other hand BJP party

leaders had also given political shelter to the rest 20

anti-social activists as elements of power practice in the

basti. Basically, the problems were created by the local

leaders under the political banners and the anti-social

elements were encouraged and used for the action. As a

result frequent group conflicts and even murder cases

occurred in the locality.

Infact, certain changes in this regard had taken

228

place over a period of time. One of the top anti-social

elements of the basti, Timpoo was put into the Jail since

10 years. Shekhar was also put into the jail, while

Ramnath had become old and physically paralyzed. Sera had

recently started descent living in the basti after

reforming himself.

But still, the anti-social activities were not

removed from the basti. Recently, there was a action

capturing housing plots and it's demolition initiated by

the anti-social elements. Thus, they took the possession

of the housing plots and sold it out to the other party.

This had became the usually activities of the anti-social

elements in the basti. Another key respondent , some more

names of such anti-social elements were given. They were

Rakhesh Sharma - 24 years old, Shriram Sharma - 24 years

old, Ashok Sen - 36 years old, Hariong - 23 years, Bijoy

Chaurashia 23 years, Pappu (Totla) 20 years, Ratan

Kachhi 38 years old and other 20 names. They were

mostly young people in the basti.

been to the jail.

Few of them had already

The key respondents also pointed out that 95

percent of the residents were not bothered about all these

activities and for the betterment of the people. Only 5

percent used to think about it. Among them only few

229

individuals used to take initiative for better quality of

life in the slums. But others used to oppose it

deliberately.

In the case of Kampoo basti area, the anti-social

elements and power practices by the local people were

totally different from Muriya Pahar basti. The extent of

anti-social activities were very less compared to the

Muriya Pahar. There were no such housing plot capturing

demolition and murder cases in the Kampoo basti area.

Of course, there were anti-social activities in the basti,

that was for local petty things that's all.

From these observations, it could be noted that

the decision making and power structure of the slum

situation varies from one area to another area. The old

and established slum people are not having that much

complex situation compared to the unauthorised,

semi-authorised and newly mushroomed slum areas. The main

reason of this complexity is the economic interest of the

people. There are too many ways to earn money in the

newly developed slum areas. Because, capturing the

position of the plots or house, and selling those

possessions with high prices,

vote bank, government

political interferences for

officials corruption and

manipulations in the name of development progranunes and

230

schemes, business establishments etc. are the major forces

of decision making.

6.5. Deter.minants of Power in the Day-to-day Life of Slums:

According to the key respondents, the slums

residents, particularly the poor and weaker sections, felt

that they were directly or indirectly exploited by the

local rich people and by the corruption of the government

officials at different levels.

However the key respondents of Muriya Pahar

pointed out that the local Pandits and Thakur were

economically well off and used to exploit the weaker

section in the basti. It was also mentioned that these

people were mostly political leaders of the locality and

used to exploit the poor people by the help of the local

goondas (muscle man) . For example -- one well known local

leader of a National Political Party had captured few

plots of the poor people with the help of the police.

Without making any payment, he constructed more than 12

houses in the Muriya Pahar basti area.

231

On the other hand, due to the corruption in the

government offices, the slum residents had to bribe the

officials for electricity, water taps, loan facilities

etc. These were really the extreme forms of exploitation

for the poor people. The poor people would come forward,

but the facility providers were not accessible and

available for the poor and their purposes.

The nature of exploitation were slightly different

in the Kampoo basti area. There were 4 very rich persons,

Mr. Harish Chandra Goel, Mr. Bairang Seth, Mr. Duarka

Prasad and Mr. Pahelar Singh Sekharwar.

However, the slum residents did not like these

four people because of their exploitation and activities

against the poor people.

Regarding the exploitation it could be noted here

that only the poorer sections of the slum residents are

exploited by the local rich and political leaders. The

corruption of the government machineries also blocked

certain common facilities for the poor and weaker sections

of the slum population. Alongside, there are mainly two

type of exploitation -- a) money lending with high rate of

interest and b) taking away a percentage of daily wage,

for example carpet making and construction labour wage in

the Kampoo basti and capturing the housing plots and

232

selling them out in Muriya Pahar slum.

7 • SOCIAL CHANGE AND SLUM DEVELOPMENT:

The structural and functional changes in the slum

situations took place over a period of time in the gradual

processes. Some changes were spontaneously brought in and

some were induced changes. However, some of the major

changes were observed and noted from the statements of the

- key respondents and physical verification from the real

situations of the slums. The important and significant

changes could be seen as the following manner.

Apart from the historical background of the Muriya

Pahar basti, it was noticed that in 1960, there was a

acute water crisis in the location. At that time a

committee was formed under the leadership of Mr. Babu Lal.

It was "Nagar Sudhar Sami ti" . A group of about 50-60

people rendered their "Shram Dan" (services) to clean up

the old well for provision of water to the residents.

There was also a decision after resolving the court case

between the Forest Department and the inhabitants that the

poor people could be allowed to live in the area. It was

the time, the area was called as Muriya Pahar, Chandramai

Ki Nake and Shri Ram Nagar. During this period, their

233

(residents) political affiliation were 5 percent congress,

93 percent Hindu Maha Sabha and only about 2 percent

Samajbadi Party.

In fact, in 1960 there were no significant event

for the Kampoo basti area. The basti settlement was older

than the rapidly expanded settlement of Muriya Pahar.

There was only gradual process of population growth.

In 1962-64 there was Najul -- Settlement Operation

of Revenue Department in the Muriya Pahar area. It

resulted the transformation from Jete Jamin to Abadi Mao

and population increased as about 700 in the entire

locality.

By the effort of Mr. Ramesh chandraji and Mohalla

Sudhar Samiti, Municipality sanctioned one water tank and

one pump set machine for the Pahari residents in 1968. It

was also felt by the people that the installation of water

tank on the top of the Pahar would not be able to meet the

water requirements of the residents. So there were the

demands for bore water facilities at four pockets of the

basti -- (1) Naherwali Mata area, (2) Gali no. 5 area,

(3) Front side of the Ma~a Ganji area (4) one at Gali no.

1. Infact, Mr. Ramesh Chandra Hiralal Ji had initiated

mobilizing the residents and collected some

contribution/money for digging out a big well to solve the

234

water problems. Finally it was completed.

In 1969 the old well had be repaired and made the

well about 120 feet deep. PHE Department provided the

pump set sanctioned which was called as Bajrang Naga Bore

Well Pump Set. Finally it was opined by a minister of the

then congress govt. Before this pump set, there were

10-15 buckets with long ropes used for pulling up water

from the well.

However, in 1970 the harij an families increased

from 25 to about 100 in the locality. The political

motivation of the residents increased about 25 percent

towards congress party and about 75 percent towards BJP,

it changed the earlier situations.

The rapid migration in this Muriya Pahar basti

started in 1972. Because, there was an announcement by

the Government of M.P. that there would not be any slum

demolishing activities in the state. Thus, the residents

along with new migrants dispersed or scattered all over

the basti forming about 5 (five) Mohallas lanes or galis.

At that time, there were about 60 households in gali no.

1, 40 households in gali no. 2, about 12 households in

gali no. 3, about 8 households in gali no. 4 and about 4

households in the gali no. 5.

In 1973-74, there were a total of about 390

235

households in the Muriya Pahar basti. The nature of the

population were 591 male, 589 female and 1152 children.

Thus, it was a total of 2332 population as a whole.

However, among the residents, only about 10-15 people were

given the patta of the plots of 13~ feet by 40 feet land

area. At the initial stage of settlement the pardi

inhabitants had received their patta, later on other

people were given the same. Thus, on the basis of the

legal authority and patta allotment, except Mohalla no. 5

came up on the possession of Jotesj amin. The residents

purchased their plots of land from Zamindars Mr. Patel and

later on Mohalla no. 6 came up with the illegal settlement

over the Forest Land area.

In the same duration, another "Sankar Mandir

establishment was initiated adjacent to the Neherwali Mata

Ki Mandir. It was initiated by the Association of

Underprivileged section, because the SC people were not

easily permitted to enter the Mata Mandir. One Dharam

Sala as community centre was also initiated within the

complex of Sankar Mandir. The construction of the same

building was already started by the local contractor Mr.

Chandra. Thus, it became another public place. During

this period, there was a land mark that 22 residents of

the locality were arrested by the police due to socialist

236

party activities for the Bidhan Sabha Election.

At that time, there was one deep tube well set up

in the Kampoo basti area. Although it was not meant for

the resident of the basti. But some of the basti dwellers

had to avail water facilities from this tube well.

In 1975 the entire basti population increased by

87 new households as the additional population. In the

additional population there were 87 male, 85 female and

154 children. They were a total of 326 new population for

the basti. Thus, the Muriya Pahar basti was comprised of

a total of 477 households and a total of 2658 population .

It was mainly because of the announcement regarding Patta

distribution made by the then Chief Minister, Mr. Arjun

Singh and about 168 people had received their "Patta" for

the settlement in the Muriya Pahar basti. However, there

were only seven (7} electric light posts at the gali no.

1, four (4} posts at gali no. 2, eleven (11} posts at gali

no. 3, and four (4) posts at the gali no. 5.

In 1976-77, about 112 new households as additional

settlement came up increasing the total households by 589

and the total population by 3152. This increased

population in the basti was because of slum clearance

action programmes in the city itself. About 100 harijan

families were migrated into this basti from Lalitpur

237

colony. Among these people about 40 families were given

Rs. 300/- each family as their compensation. Not only

that, about 21 families were given "Patta" and the plots

of land in this basti.

Actually in 1977 the Land Revenue Department of

the Government in the district of Gwalior started

demolishing illegal and unauthorised basti settlement

mushroomed at the peripheries over a period of time. But

the Muriya Pahar Kshetra had not been affected by those

slum clearance programme. Therefore, Revenue Department

started doing Nilam or allotments and selling the plots of

land of this basti.

By the time, in 1976, some kind of developmental

activities were already going on in the Pahari Kshetra.

Gitti Karam and Kharing Pathari Karam were completed in

some of the portions of the basti particularly at the

Mandir complex. At the same time, it was declared by the

Government as Harijan Basti and Rs. 7 lakh were sanctioned

for it's development. Two public latrines were

constructed -- one at end of the gali no. 4 and another

one at the beginning of gali no. 4. Both latrines were 8

seater -- 4 for female and 4 for male members. Beside

these developmental activities, the people who already had

the possession of the occupancy rights started selling

238

their possessions at the price of about Rs. 50/- to 100/-

for 30'/30' to 40'/40' square plots of land. Thus, the

upper caste and moneyed people started purchasing these

plots of land and slowly settled down in the Muriya Pahar

basti. Anyway Municipal corporation also started some

kind of developmental activities at the basti level.

In 1978 proper road and lane facilities work

started at the basti area. According to the respondents

it was stated that about 40-50 families were given loan

facilities. The amount of such loan was about Rs. 3400/-

for each family. This was given to the residents only

for housing construction. But in the reality the

beneficiaries received only Rs. 2400/-. Rest of the money

was taken by the officials as bribe.

In 1980, the total population of the Muriya Pahar

basti increased. The political affiliation of the

residents were changed as about 45 percent towards

congress and 55 percent towards BJP. On the other hand

another tube well was set up at the Kali Mandir Mohalla of

the Kampoo basti area.

However in 1982 it was found that the Municipal

Corporation had provided pacca covered drainage systems in

the entire Kampoo basti area. It was possible because

there were repeated pressure and representation made by

239

the Mohalla Sudhar Samiti. At that time, this committee

at local level was quite powerful for the Kampoo basti

development. According to the key respondent --Mr. Shyam

Sundar Due, Though the Kampoo basti was the belt of BJP,

Mr. Hari Charan Goel had become the counselor from the

congress party_in the Municipal election 1982. But in the

case of the Muriya Pahar basti one new social organisation

was formed as "Asamanta Nivaran Sangh for the activities

of secularism and equality. There was the mobilization of

the residents against exploitation, discrimination and

social injustice etc at the basti level.

During 1985-87 there were the scheme of safety

tank latrine construction facilities from the Municipal

corporation. At that time, about 250 such latrines had

been constructed by the residents at the Muriya Pahar

basti. The residents took their initiative to construct

such sanitary latrines at their own houses itself. Two

public latrine of six seater were constructed at the top

of the Pahari Kshetra. Whereas in the Kampoo basti area,

only one 8 seater public latrine was constructed or

installed by the Nagar Nigam at the Harijan locality.

In the years 1988-89 there were some changes in

the basti areas. "Naka Chandramani Vikash Samiti" was

formed at the Muriya Pahar with the purpose of slum

240

development activities. As a result one more public

latrine was constructed at the gali no. 5. It was also 8

seater-- 4 for male and 4 for female. During this period

at Muriya Pahar basti electrification had been completed.

Drainage system construction were also initiated.

Farshikaran activities were carried out over few lanes -­

special gali no. 3, and nearer connecting smaller lanes

towards Mata Ki Mandir. Another four Community Flesh

sanitary latrine constructions were initiated at four

different dwelling areas of the entire basti. During the

same time there was also one incident

Muriya Pahar Kshetra. Due to the

took place in the

family conflict

continued for couple of years between two land lords -­

namely Mr. Ram Chandra Patel and Mr. Sajan Gujgate, Mr.

Ranjit Patel son of R.C. Patel was murdered. This murder

case brought out some anti-social elements to the notice

.of the police as well as common masses.

On the other side, "Jan Kalyan Sami ti was formed

in the Kampoo basti area with the view of people's

betterment at the basti situation. When the samiti was

being popularised among the residents and the people's

involvement started increasing, another samiti was formed

in 1989 as "Bahu Uddesh Vikasan Samiti", in Kampoo basti

itself. It was shown that only the community efforts

241

could bring about a change.

During 1990-91 the total population of the Muriya

Pahar rose -upto 5300. The political affiliation of the

residents changed as about 50 percent towards congress

party, 35 percent BJP, 10 percent

and about 2 percent JD. Along

BSP,

with

3 percent CPM,

this political

changes, there was a Dharna (Bhuk hartal) launched by

about 10-12 residents for 24 hours. The main reasons of

this Hartal were proper road and lanes at the gali no. 3,

two deep tube well for availability of drinking water, and

proper shed construction for the Samsan Ghat with running

hand pump water facilities.

At the same time, in the Kampoo basti area, there

was the installation of another tube well at the Patia

Wala Mohalla. Thus, the residents of the basti could have

been given water facilities.

However, in 1992 there was the installation of one

more deep tube well at the Muslim Mohalla and Gaddiwala

Jatav Mohalla in the Kampoo basti area. But in the Muriya

Pahar basti, there was again another "Bhuk Hartal" for 24

hours in the month of January 1992. This time, the main

demand of the residents was "Dampikaran" or stone flat

road flooring from gali no. 1 to gali no. 4. At the same

time, there was a big -- mass mobilization action on 26th

242

January 1992. However during the same year, congress

"seba Dal" was also formed in the Muriya Pahar basti area.

Again, the mass mobilization on 26th January was the red

letter day of the basti. It was the mobilization of SC

and ST and weaker section of people. About 3000 to 4000

people came to participate this action of mobilization

from different parts of the city. It was basically

organised against the issue of "Social Justice" and

protection for constitutional safe guard for the weaker or

underprivileged section of the people.

Thus, in 1993 the Pranti Jatav Sabha" was formed

for social justice, social discrimination, deprivation and

exploitation, in the Muriya Pahar slum area. Infact, by

the time, the population of the basti increased by about

1100 households and thus about a total of 5736

population. Apart from this increased population, again

there were the changes in political motivations amongst

the residents. Not only this, there were also lot of

changes in the different structural establishments such as

latrine, electrification, house building, water taps,

shops, medical clinics, vehicles etc.

From the structural changes that took place from

time to time in the slum situation menticned above, it has

also been noticed that there were some changes in the

243

cultural life pattern of the residents. Infact,

considering the existing socio-economic conditions and

occupational categories, educational activities and it's

level, and the behaviour in the context of several health

institutions - it could be stated here that there were

some intrinsic forces ih the process of the changes in the

way of life of the slum dwellers and the development of

the slums. The major dynamics of such changes have been

articulated in the following manners.

( 1) The migrant people had the power and energy

for any kind of action in the slums. Because, they were

rootless people and they wanted to establish their root or

base for the future life, at any cost. Therefore, working

hard and following by any means and struggle for

existence, were the basic tenet of their mode of action.

(2) The motivation of the people dwelling in the

slums persisted through the wider exposure of day to day

city life activities and the regular interaction with the

stimulus events of wider world were constantly forcing the

people to mold to adopt, to persuade and to practice the

things encountered for action at the slum situation.

'(3) The aspirations of the slum dwellers were

usually created by the education, conununication,

244

politicization and information. To achieve the

aspirations, the slum residents were struggling all

through out to increase their purchasing power. Because,

the purchasing power is the first and foremost, and only

weapon in the context of availability and accessibility of

the material and materialised things (some of the

subjective and objective environment facilities were under

the developmental schemes and programmes of the Municipal

Corporation and the government) to fulfill any type of

needs demands and aspirations of possible directly or

indirectly at the given situation.

(4) In fact, strong will and collective or

community efforts along with different forms of means were

able to bring about changes whatever taken place as the

development in the slum situations. This was again

basically the amalgamation of the both induce/plan and

spontaneous/automatic processes of the change and

development at the slum areas. For example -- there were

some plan programmes

Development of dirty

of Municipal

bastis/colonies,

Corporation (i)

(ii) Electricity

supply facilities for all bast is, (iii) Drinking water

supply facilities for all bast is, ( iv) Cleanliness and

health service facilities etc for all basti/slum in the

city. And with some effort on this part they were able

245

to get some of these implemented in their slum.

7 .1. Some Other Social Behaviour Influencing Health Actions and Health Care Pattern:

There were some other social carriages such as

information, education and communications that indirectly

influenced the health components turning to an account of

health care pattern of the slum dwellers. Such social

actions would be discussed here as following manners.

Table 35:

Other Social Behaviour.

Muriya Pahar Kampoo Total Percentage Categories of Number of TN Aspects N(200) % N(100) % TN (300) (%)

I. T.V. Watching: - Don't watch 66 33 28 28 94 31.3 - Frequently at 14 7.0 12 12 26 8.6

others home - Sometimes at 46 23 29 29 75 25

home Regularly at 74 37 31 31 105 35 home

II. Watching T.V. PrQgrammes: - News 104 52 41 41 145 48.3 - Cinema/ 113 56.5 52 52 165 55

Chitrahar - Serial 121 60.5 66 66 187 62.3 - Health Prog. 9 4.5 8 8 17 5.7 - Others 1 0.5 2 2 3 1

:IJ:I. Radio Listening: - Don't listen 127 63.5 64 64 191 63.6 - Songs 58 29 27 27 85 28.3 - News 12 6 16 16 28 9.6 - Other Prog. 2 1 2 2 4 1.2 - All dramas 1 0.5 1 1 2 0.6

Cant ...

246

Muriya Pahar Kampoo Total Percentage Categories of Number of TN Aspects N(200) % N(100) % TN(300) (%)

IV. Reading News PaJ2ers: - Don't Read 89 44.5 35 35 124 41.3 - Frequently 2 1 2 2 4 1.3

don't buy Sometimes don't 9 4.5 3 3 12 4 buy

- Regularly buying 32 16 20 20 52 17.3 it

- Buy, don't read 2 1 1 1 3 1 regularly

- Daily don't buy 1.5 .75 3 3 18 6 - N.A. 49 24.5 36 36 85 28.3

- N.K. 2 1 2 0.6 v. Movie Going: - Never 134 67 69 69 203 67.6

- Once in 15 days 3 1.5 6 6 9 3 - Once in 30 days 35 17.5 9 9 44 14.6 - Once in 2 months 7 3.5 2 2 9 3 - Once in 3 months 4 2 4 4 8 2.6

- Once in more 14 7 8 8 22 7.3 than 4 months

- N.K. 3 1.5 2 2 5 1.6 VI. SJ2ending Leisure Time: - No response 1 0.5 4 4 5 1.6 - take rest/sleep 64 32 42 42 106 35.3 - Reading 18 9 8 8 26 8.6

- No. spare time 90 45 23 23 113 37.6

- take drinks 21 10.5 21 7

- Other way 6 3 23 23 29 9

Mode of Watching T.V.: According to the table no. 35(i),

it could be stated that there were certain ways-out by

which the slum residents were indirectly having

information, education and communication regarding not

only health and health problems, but also the external

world. 35 percent of the respondents used to watch TV

regularly at home. 25 percent used to watch TV, sometimes

247

at home. 8. 6 percent used to watch TV regularly at

others house. Apart, 31.3 percent of the respondents did

not watch TV at all. There was not much difference on

this trend between both the slum situations. It could,

thus, be noted that majority of the slum residents were

watching TV by different means and ways.

Watching TV Programmes: Table no. 35(ii) indicates that

the slum dwellers were confined on certain TV programmes.

In this regard there were multiple response. According to

the respondents it was found that there 48.3 percent for

news (TV), 55 percent for cinema and chitraar, 62.3

percent for serials, only 5.6 percent for

programmes and 1 percent for other programme.

health

In the

inter slum situation, News watching was little higher (52

percent) in the Muriya Pahar than ( 41 percent) in the

Kampoo basti area. Otherwise the trend was more or less

same in both the s luin areas. From this discussion it

could be stated that the slum residents had given very

less importance to the health programme compared to the

other programmes.

Radio Listening: Table no. 35(iii) shows that according to

the respondents, there were 63.6 percent who were not

listening radio at the slum situations. Among the

listeners, there were 28.3 percent for songs, 9.6 percent

248

for news, 1.9 percent for other programmes only 0.6

percent of the respondents were listening different types

of drama broadcasting through the Radio programme. There

was no significant difference between both the slum

situations. From this observation, it could be noted that

majority of the slum residents were not listening radio

programmes and even news.

Reading Newspapers : According to the table no. 35 ( i v) ,

there were certain means and ways by which the slum

dwellers were making use of reading newspapers at the slum

localities. 41.3 percent of the respondents stated that

they were not at a reading newspapers. 17.3 percent said

that they used to read newspaper regularly and buying it.

6 percent stated that they did not buy but used to read

newspaper regularly. 4 percent pointed out, that they did

not buy newspaper but used to read sometimes. 1.3 percent

stated, for without buying newspaper newspapers, reading

frequently. Besides, 28.3 percent responded not

applicable and 0. 6 percent did not know it. From this

situation it could be stated here once again that most of

the slum residents were not having any habits of ~eading

newspaper. Only few, people used to read newspaper by

different means and ways.

Going to Cinema Hall: Table no. 35(v), indicates that the

249

slum dwellers were on the move towards cinema halls.

Infact, it was observed that 67.6 percent of the

respondents stated they had never been to cinema hall.

Among the cinema visitors, there were 3 percent for once

in 15 days, 14.6 percent for once a month, 3 percent for

once in two month, 2. 6 percent for once in three month,

and 7.3 percent for once in four months. In the Muriya

Pahar, the cinema visitors once a month were slightly

(17.5 percent) higher than (9 percent) in the Kampoo basti

area. But from the findings it has been stated that most

of the slum dwellers were at present not interested to go

to cinema halls. But a sizable number of slum residents

used to visit cinema once a month.

Spending Spare Times: From the table no. 35(vi) it could

be observed that there were means and ways by which the

slum dwellers were availing the spare times at the slum

situations. 3 7. 6 percent of the respondents pointed out

that they did not have any spare time. 35.3 percent of

the respondents stated that they used to take rest and

sleep, 8.6 percent said that they used to read. 7 percent

pointed out that they used to take drinks and 9 percent

mentioned some other ways to spend their spare times. 1.6

percent did not reply any thing about spare time. 10.5

percent in the Muriya Pahar stated that they used to take

250

drinks for passing spare time, while it was totally nil in

the Kampoo area. Apart from these, only 8.6 percent of

the respondents used to spend their spare time for the

human development.

8. SOME EMERGING PROBLEMS IN THE QUALITY OF SLUM LIFE:

According to the key respondents it was observed

that there are some problems which emerged from the

dynamics of social changes and have been very complex in

the leading quality of life of the slum dwellers. As Mr.

Hari Singh More pointed out that multi facet problems in

the slum area including the formation of it have been very

complicated because, of our economic systems and its

distribution. Unequal distribution of the resources is

the main cause of this problem. Apart from this, the

exploitation has been deep rooted in every sphere of

social systems. For example, rich people are exploiting

poor in different forms like -- not giving proper wage, to

the labourer, not bothering about the problems of poor, no

sympathy and humanity, directly or indirectly capturing

plots of land and constructing houses. Corruption is

becoming rampant at all level of government and

non-government sectors. For example without bribing the

251

office personnel, getting water tap connection,

electricity connection, loan and other legal rights etc

are not possible. Due to all these, the numbers of murder

case are increasing day by day. Conflict and cohesive,

cruelty and different kinds of disputes etc. are

increasing more than before. Every group of people are

having tension on different things. Peaceful life and

group cohesiveness have declined to a great extent.

Regarding the growth of slum population Mr. Dixit

stated that over a period of time, the slum areas have

been overcrowded because of ( 1) increasing local

population upto three generation by 3 to 4 children in

each family, ( 2) increasing of migrants from other parts

of the city and from rural areas. Due to the population

problems, heads of the house hold or family have come to

such situation that they are not able to provide good food

and proper education to the children. All these are

leading to different types of family disputes, getting

families disorganised, declining to fulfill the needs

(basic) and demands (rational) of the children. Again due

to this over crowding, even at the family level, people

have lost their privacy even for their sexual or conjugal

life which results unwanted child in the family life and

also resulted not follow contraception for controlling

252

family size. Limited resources or earning has been shared

by all family members. Due to the unplanned population in

the community as well as family a number of problems from

different angles have been emerging in the day to day

life.

According to Mr. Mati Ram, in the slum areas

working forces have been categorised as business groups,

government servants, private sector employees, skilled

labour class, unskilled labour group and workers in social

sector as maid servants in the houses of privileged class.

Apart from these occupational groups of slum dwellers,

some of the slum residents have been forced to be rickshow

pullers, auto rickshow drivers, vender van pullers,

"Tanga" (horse cart) driver. However, some are engaged

as construction labourers and "Kawadiwala" (rack pickers) .

All people have changed their occupation according

to their potentialities. Some of the categories were not

there earlier. Actually they have been forced to carry

out such occupations because of their survival in the

society. Every occupational category has been facing its

existential problems. Because, they are not capable to

fulfill their needs and demands, and social and economic

aspirations of the modern market system. Their purchasing

power has been declining more than before. Modern market

253

system has been creating demands of a varieties of goods

and materials. But the people specially lower income

groups have not been able to balance between the modern

aspirations and increasing demands and purchasing power

they have had from their earning sources. As a result,

their problems related to money are increasing like

anything else.

Over a period of time, it was found that education

and its level has been changed quite a lot in the slum

areas. According to key respondents Mrs. Urmila,

Omprakash and Satpal Singh; the positive attitudes

towards formal education are found among the people.

Every family wants their children to be educated. But the

problems of getting education are financial matter.

Because, it has become a kind of industry. There are a

number of educational institutions have been established

as the money making centres. As a result, poor people are

being deprived from this benefit of education. Children

from such families are drop outs. Poorer sections of the

slum residents have no way to invest for education.

Apart, these dropout children used to work and earning

money by them has become the helping hand in the family

expenditure. On the other hand it has also established

the feeling that getting formal degree in education is of

254

no value as there is no scope to get job or services. A

number of well or highly qualified people are remaining

unemployed and some of them started some work for which no

educational qualification is required. Even some

qualified boys have been involved in anti-social

activities, because of lack of opportunities to find out

employment. Apart from this, non-formal education in the

society is also not creating any positive social norm or

value. However, the education system itself is degrading

social norms and values instead of promoting new social

order in the slum areas.

According to Shyam Sundar Dubey, housing for the

residents ha~ day-by-day, become a problem in the slum

area. There is limited space, but population has been

increasing. Single house with limited number of rooms

mostly two-to-three has to be shared with extended or

increased family members It is becoming a big problem

for the residents. On the one hand, within limited

resources, they are not able to construct new houses or

expand the building for the increased population. As a

result, they have to stay in the accommodation available

to them.

Due to the problems of housing facilities some of

255

the family members have rented out some other single room

which is also equally problematic for family life as well

as financial side. It has also been reported by the key

respondents that there are some kind of adhocism or

unstable family life leading situations, day-by-day,

increasing in the slum locality. Beside this precarious

conditions, illegal construction of houses, forcefully

capturing the plots and houses by the local dadas or

goondas, cheating the poor people in selling and buying

house and plots etc. have become common feature of the

slum life.

Regarding water problems G.S. Sekharwar stated

that though most of the slum dwellers have the possession

of tap connection, there are the problems of water

facilities in the slum areas. Particularly, such problems

become more prominent and get manifested during the summer

and rainy seasons. In fact, the sources of water are, at

present, mainly tap, tube well, well and hand pump.

Earlier the problem of water was quantity and

availability. Now it has been shifted mainly to quality.

Most of the residents have access to either tube wells or

tap provided by Municipal Corporation. Beside some people

made it from hand pump and well. All most all hand pumps

are based on surface water level which does not make safe

256

drinking water. But people used to drink this water as

safe water. During the summer season Municipal

Corporation quantity of water supply gets reduced. As a

result people have to rush to collect water from the

sources of well and hand pumps. Even the level of well

water gets down in summer. Deep tube well, some times

goes out of order because of electricity fluctuation and

mechanical faults of the pump set machine which in turn

creates crisis of water in the slum areas.

Since, sometimes, the slum dwellers usually face

water problem that is of safe drinking water, a lot of

water-bore diseases are common prevalence in the area.

However, during acute water crisis, people are even not

able to have regular bath, cleaning utensil and clothing

properly. They have to stand on the queue for getting

water for use with some verbal and physical conflicts.

Due to the overcrowded and increased population

the slum dwellers are facing a lot of sanitation problems.

According to Mr. Goel and R.S. Jain the sanitation

problems have increased more than before in slum

localities. As they pointed out that as per the people's

needs or requirements, the latrine facilities are not

available and accessible. Though there were some schemes

of latrine construction at the individual level from the

257

corporation, due to financial problems people are not able

to avail such subsidised scheme facilities. Beside, all

better of section of the slum residents had installed such

latrines using and manipulating the programme meant for

the poor. As a result subsidiary scheme facilities for

installation of sanitary latrine have not been reached to

the poor people at the slums. As a result, poor people

who do not have latrine at home, have to go to the open

field for defecation facing lot of problems -- specially

the women folk. These people have of course been creating

environmental problems, and getting infected with

communicable diseases. Beside, the women of such group

are also being victimised by the anti-social elements --

such as rape, moles~ation, etc. Children of these people

use to defecate here and there near to or on the lane or

road itself. That night soil is spread by the stay

animals like dogs and pigs along with insects and flies.

Some of the people constructed latrine without safety

tanks.

As far as the drainage system in the slum area is

concerned, Bhagwan Das and K.K. Bajpaies pointed out some

issues. According to them, at present there is no public

drainage system at all. Only few areas some kind of

drainage is existing because of the individual efforts.

258

In Kampoo area,

locality. But,

there was drainage in some parts of the

that is also now not functional. Due t.o

hilly sloping in Muriya Pahar area, dirty waste water does

not get stagnated. But it passes on to kachha uncovered

drains and gets accumulated at the low land, plain areas.

Besides, children are used to defecate in and

around such drainage. Both stray animals and pigs get

them and spread it all over the locality. There is no

proper place for garbage. The residents put their daily

waste material, here and there on the street. And those

dirty wastes get accumulated and spread foul smell. Not

only that, it also attracts stray animals, gigs, and birds

and insects.

all over

Finally, as

the locality

a result dumped garbage spread

causing different types of

communicable and infectious diseases to the residents.

Particularly children and women are the risk group in such

situation because, they always stay at home and play in

and around the locality.

According to the key respondents, latrine,

drainage and garbage problems have become very important

issues for the slum residents.

At present, there are so many health problems and

diseases prevailing in the slum areas.

key respondents - Mr. Goel, Dr. Ashok

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According to the

Kumar, Lala Ram

Kushwah, Mr. Bhargava, Dr. Sharma Mr. Dixit and Mr.

Babulal Bijal, it has been noted that there are number of

diseases which are seen in the locality. The opinions

regarding diseases problems have been groups for our

systematic understanding as major communicable, chronic,

accident and injuries, addiction and psychological

problems and diseases.

It was noted from the respondents that the slum

dwellers frequently have some minor health problems and

diseases. Such as cough and cold, headache, body ache,

pain, fever loose motions etc.

Regarding major diseases or health problems it was

also noted that there are mother and child health

problems, malnutrition, eye problems, etc.

For the communicable diseases, it was observed

that there are basically malaria, diarrhoea, tuberculosis,

leprosy, measles and chicken pox, poliomitis,

leacoriahoea, etc. These have been making people more and

more vulnerable and victims.

epidemic form.

Many times they assume

As the key respondents pointed out, there are some

chronic disease prevailing in the slum areas. They are

basically like asthma and skin problems like scabies etc.

Besides, there are some wound and injuries occurring

260

regularly in the day to day life from their working

activities. These in turn affecting their economic

activities and creating family tension in different ways.

Finally, the rate of addiction, specially

alcoholism, tobacco smoking and consumption, and other

forms of addiction has been increasing quite a lot.

Consequently these are creating problems in the families.

Infact, over a period of time some health care

facilities have come up in the slum areas -- specially in

Muriya Pahar. These health institutions are in different

types, local traditional, indigenous system of

medicine, homeopath and allopathic system of medicine.

But the health problems and diseases are not being

controlled, rather increasing. According to the key

respondents, it was also observed that, if the people are

sick, they would not be able to improve their economic

conditions, which in turn leads some other problems. If

the people are in good health and without diseases, they

will ·be able to improve their economic conditions as well

as social and human development in the slum settings.

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