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CHAPTER II
The Ambivalence of Cultural Representation:
Oroonoko: or, the Royal Slave
"The European has only been able to become a man through
creating slaves and monsters ... "
Jean-Paul Sartre (Fanon 1968: Preface)
The social groupings and their cultural representation (as has been
analyzed in the earlier chapter) leading to binary oppositions of 'we'
and 'them' would be a simplistic way of looking at the formation of
identity in the novels selected for detailed study. There are multiple
trajectories and confluence of experiences and positions that need
to be scrutinized for any understanding of the configurations of
powers which places them in relation to themselves as well as the
others. It is therefore, necessary not to accept the binary as a pre
fixed constructed category but rather to see how it has evolved and
how it has been projected in the novels. None of the oppositions
can exist by itself. For example, a discourse on the difference
between the whites and the blacks would inevitably bring in issues
not only of colour, but race, nationality, physiognomy, gender,
religion and culture. What matters most is how and why, in a given
context, a specific binary is constructed and used, and how it
configures with the other signifiers. What are its immediate effects
and what are the implications on the articulation of power. How do
members of one racial group relate to another; is it one of
sympathy, identification, solidarity, or of antipathy, diffidence and
hatred. In this chapter, I would be primarily addressing the power
33
dynamics that underlie the social relations in the construction of
subjectivity and identity.
Any form of representation has to be based on knowledge, and
knowledge cannot be seen as simplistically neutral. Representation
based on knowledge is a process of giving concrete form to
ideological concepts. No representation can be true, as no
knowledge can be true or real. Not only do human beings construct
their own truth, but also the so-called 'objective' truths rest on
notions and situation. This is what led Aijaz Ahmad to question
where does one draw the line between representation and
misrepresentation. (Ahmad 1992) It is exactly this tension between
the materiality of experience and the constructedness of
representation that forms a crucial issue of Said's work too. Said
has readily accepted that representations are formations, or as
Roland Barthes puts it they are "deformations". (Said 1998: 273)
The novel, one of the most articulate mediums, presents a web of
representation. By its very characteristic of speaking to the reader,
it is in an elevated superior position. It dictates and dominates the
thinking, it authorizes and validates its views, and it exerts a
coercive power over its readers. This is most evident in Aphra
Behn's Oroonoko, where the autobiographical element - so
common in the early novels - seeks to legitimize the narrator's
process of "knowing." In many of her works, Behn's narrator is not
just a woman but also significantly, the self-portrait of a well-known
author - one who has the freedom and the power to choose her
destiny, someone who is not silent but has the authority to speak.
This is indeed commendable at a time when very few writers, let
alone women writers, could earn a livelihood by writing. Aphra
34
Behn wrote a number of plays, poems and longer narratives and.
established her fame in her lifetime (1640-1689). Virginia Woolf
praises Behn's role as a female writer in.A Room of One's Own by
stating that, "All women together ought to let flowers fall upon the
tomb of Aphra Behn, for it was she who earned them the right to
speak their mind" (Todd 1989: 69) and claims her to be the first
woman author in English. Though this might be contested yet one
cannot deny Behn the credit for influencing the development of
English narratives, especially the novel. A study on Behn must
primarily answer two questions: What was Behn's significance
during her time and why do we read her today? Apart from the
indisputable fact that she has become something of an icon as the
first professional writer, we need to understand the s0cial and
historical contexts in which she wrote to fully appreci'ate her
contribution. During her lifetime Behn had led, what can be termed,
a very 'theatrical' life and was an object of fascination for the public.
Her voluminous literary output does not throw much light on her
personal life which has consequently been a site for· intense
speculation by biographers. Behn in her childhood had witnessed
the Civil wars led by Charles I and his prime minister, Oliver
Cromwell, which resulted in the beheading of the king. In 1658 the
monarchy was restored. A staunch supporter of the Stuarts, a Tory
and a fervent Roman Catholic, Behn's works are closely associated
with politics of the time. Throughout her life, Behn was a militant
royalist and her works have consistently portrayed loyal royalists
who have been opposed by the Parliamentarians. She was a great
favourite at the court of Charles II and might have worked for him
as a spy during the wars. Later as the king failed to pay her she
was cast in the debtor's prison. It was at this point that she began
to write to support herself. Oroonoko was written a year before her
death. Her writings repeatedly reflect her political affiliations and
35
critiques sexual, national and colonial politics. She fascinates the
readers with her bold transgressions and sheer vitality of her
literary style.
Her most popular work Oroonoko: or, The Royal Slave was written
in 1688, and like most of her other works have a distinctly political
content. This was a time of massive anxiety in English politics.
Charles II had died, and James II had come to the throne. James'
purported Roman Catholicism and his marriage to an avowedly
Roman Catholic bride aroused the Parliamentarians to speak of
rebellion. The old faithful Royalists were turning against the king
and preferred William of Orange as the candidate for the throne. It
was in such an atmosphere of infidelity and betrayal that Aphra
Behn, herself a firm royalist, insisted in her novel on the divine
nature of kingship and the sanctity of keeping one's vows. By the
time the Glorious Revolution would end in 1701 with the Act of
Settlement, whereby Protestantism would take precedence in the
choice of the British monarch, Behn's topicality would lose much of
its impact on the readers. But before that one must consider the
impact of her works during her lifetime and the possible reasons
why she is continued to be read even today.
The reason why Aphra Behn continues to be read even today is
perhaps because she is a very marketable writer. At the time when
she wrote, she was a very commercially viable writer precisely
because she understood the pulse of the public, what they would
like to read and what would be of paramount interest to them. As
one critic says, "Behn's texts are often linked to quite specific
circumstances of the market and of politics." (Wiseman 1996: 2)
Behn herself was very well aware of the need to arouse the interest
of the readers. In Oroonoko, she says, "Where there is no Novelty,
there can be no Curiosity." (Behn 2006: 2184) Even today she is
36
eminently saleable. The specific contemporary issues she
addressed then is of equal, if not more importance, especially when
seen today from the postcolonial perspective. Her engagement with
gender issues, imperialism, colonialist ideologies and the
contradiction in the formation of a national identity of the English
continue to interest us and shall be the focus of this chapter.
Behn claims her work to be "a true history". The novel written in first
person narration portrays the narrator who travels from England to
Surinam in the West Indies with her unnamed father who has been
newly appointed as the Lieutenant General of the colony. He,
however, dies on the way. The narrator, a white woman lives in the
relative comfort of the white colonial settlement and narrates her
experiences:
I was myself an eye-witness to a great part of what you will find here set down;
and what I could not be witness of, I received from the mouth of the chief actor in
this history, the hero himself ... {2183)
Whether or not Behn actually traveled to Surinam or saw what she
wrote has been debated for more than a century. A lot of criticism
has been centered on the veracity of her experiences but this is
beside the point. During the 1680's the appeal of prose narratives
lay in its ability to mimic truth and Behn's works appeared at a
transitional moment when both 'truth' and 'romance' existed
simultaneously. Emphasis on verisimilitude was a common feature
in most of the novels at the beginning of the eighteenth century,
including Robinson Crusoe and Gulliver's Travels. The element of
credibility and fidelity to the facts of the world made the characters
and the plot plausible. Her insistence that her work is true history,
that it is 'real' and that there are no elements of 'invention',
'diversion' or 'adornment' can be read as an underlying anxiety to
justify her work as worthwhile. This is further heightened by directly
37
addressing the reader and inviting him in the ambit of narration and
making him a confidante.
Moreover, the emphasis on veracity validated her position as an
author who has the authority to "tell" and the power to shape and
organize. Again, as in all cases where the narrative voice blends
with the author's, it is always problematic to distinguish between the
two and draw a line between where the former ends and the latter
takes over. In the case of Oroonoko the difficulty becomes more
pronounced as the author purposefully projects a romanticized self
portrait. The fictionalized autobiography, starring an idealized
version of the author, compels us to accept the reflections of the
narrator and the author as twin images. I would also try to assess to
what extent the two images penetrate or overlap each other and
when and for what reasons do they dissociate themselves.
Otherwise for all practical purpose, the narrator's views and
ideologies would be considered as the author's.
The author begins by giving an account of the inhabitants of
Surinam. This is then followed by the history of the protagonist and
the main plot of the love of Oroonoko and lmoinda; the last part
deals with Oroonoko's rebellion and death. Oroonoko, the grandson
of an African king, falls in love with lmoinda, the daughter of the
king's journal. But before he can publicly express his love for her,
the old king, also enamoured by her beauty, sends her a sacred
veil, thus commanding her to be his wife. lmoinda cannot refuse
this and unwillingly joins the king's harem. However, the two lovers
secretly meet only to be discovered by the king. Enraged at this,
the king has lmoinda sold as a slave. Oroonoko too is tricked and
captured and carried off as a slave. The two lovers are reunited in
Surinam in the West Indies, which was at that time an English
38
colony based on sugarcane plantations. There they befriend Trefry,
a Cornish gentleman, and live under the new Christian names of
Caesar and Clemene. Desirous of liberty, Oroonoko organizes a
slave revolt. The English forces, under Byam, persuade him to
surrender by offering him freedom. However, when the slaves
surrender, Oroonoko is betrayed and whipped. To protect his life
and dignity Oroonoko decides to kill the English captain .. But
knowing that lmoinda would face violation after his death, and to
protect her honour he kills her with her consent. Oroonoko is cruelly
dismembered and publicly executed.
An important element of Behn's works is the female-centredness of
her narratives (The Fair Jilt, The Unfortunate Happy Lady), which
focus on the experiences of the female protagonist. The white
female narrator is central to Oroonoko. She is a character within the
story, she relates with the other characters and provides her
commentary on the events. Her role as a narrator and her close
proximity with the characters make her central to the tale, but at the
same time she is a detached outsider. The spatial dislocation of the
narrator becomes the primary issue in animating the discussion of
the relation between the colonial and the colonized. Firstly, the
white western woman traveling to another country within the
colonial domain, consciously or unconsciously points out the
tensions in colonial relations and the conflicts present in the relation
between the British and the indigenous people. Behn's other
fictions, particularly, Love Letters Between a Nobleman to his
Sister, shows the reworking of contemporary politics of Stuart
England in a distant location. (Behn 1759).
Secondly, a woman narrator/author changes the entire perspective
of the context, audience and status of any form of cultural
39
representation and how she is included and accepted in their
sphere. There are complicated positioning of desire, power,
authority, innocence and helplessness. As a result of these, the
narrator finds herself located in a tangle of cultural and theoretical
contradictions: contradiction between her western/ colonial self and
her personal concern for an individual; contradiction between her
political voice and her professional position; contradiction in her
location; contradiction in what she has internalized and what she
projects. These paradoxes show the web of political and social
affiliations of an individual and the complexity of his/her cultural
identities.
The narrator begins by presenting a utopian picture of the "natives",
"like our first parents before the Fall":
And these people represented to me an absolute idea of the first state of
innocence, before man knew how to sin. And 'tis most evident and plain
that simple Nature is the most harmless, inoffensive, and virtuous
mistress. 'Tis she alone, if she were permitted, that better instructs the
world than all the inventions of man. Religion would here but destroy that
tranquility they possess by ignorance; and laws would but teach them to
know offense, of which now they have no notion. (2184-85)
H. L. Moore in Space, Text and Gender (Moore 1986) states that
within the colonized space it is "the ruling or dominant group which
always presents their culture as normal". But here, the narrator, a
member of the dominant culture, 'represents' the 'other' culture as
"natural". She is aware of the plurality of culture but her emphasis is
on the difference itself: the 'Native' is different from the English. The
racial and culture differentiation is achieved by constructing the
natives as simple, innocent, natural, harmless, primitive. In catering
to a metropolitan, Anglocentric audience for whom the novel is
obviously being written, Behn constructs a strange and exotic
paradise where men and women are naked and the most fabulous
40
species of birds and animals are found. She projects the colonizers
as intruders in this paradise, who with their vices, duplicity and so
called civilization defile the pristine innocence of the natives, "which
knows no fraud; and they understand no vice, or cunning, but when
they are taught by the white men." (2185) At the same time she is
acutely aware of the need to keep the people satisfied and on the
white man's side because no mission of appropriation, commerce
and colonizing is possible without their support:
But before I give you the story of this gallant slave, 'tis fit I tell you the
manner of bringing them to these new colonies; those they make use of
there not being natives of the place: for those we live with in perfect
amity, without daring to command 'em; but, on the contrary, caress 'em
with all the brotherly and friendly affection in the world; trading with them
for their fish, venison, buffalo's skins ... {2183)
The text indicates the contradictory interest in both the exotic and
the economic potential of the New World. What apparently seem to
be liberal ideas of 'perfect amity', 'brotherly and friendly affection'
becomes fundamentally treacherous ideals, complicit with wider
colonial and imperial hegemony and exploitation. The purpose of
such progressive behaviour is the overt recognition of the
usefulness of the entire colonizing project:
With these people, as I said, we live in perfect tranquillity and good
understanding, as it behoves us to do; they knowing all the places where
to seek the best food of the country, and the means of getting it; and for
very small and unvaluable trifles, supply us with that 'tis impossible for us
to get. .. So that they being on all occasions very useful to us, we find it
absolutely necessary to caress 'em as friends, and not to treat 'em as
slaves, nor dare we do other, their numbers so far surpassing ours in
that continent. {2185)
In the seventeenth century, the New World was viewed as exotic
and economically productive. For the western readers introduced
to these places by the works of John Donne, Andrew Marvell and
Ben Jonson, the West Indies and South America were the focus of
41
fantasy about gold, spices and exotic products. The domination of
Caribbean and Surinam became important because of its crucial
economic value. AsS. J. Wiseman puts it," Gold and sugar make
Surinam significant for a late-seventeenth-century reader as a
place of both exoticism and trade." (Wiseman 1996:86)
Colonization added to all this, the diverse economy of the
availability of cheap labour and these places became a rich source
for obtaining slaves who were cruelly exploited. In Oroonoko, the
narrator mentions a wide spectrum of commodities that the
Europeans traded in, ranging from the economically useful to the
exotic: fish, venison, buffalo skin and also
marmosets, a sort of monkey, as big as a rat or weasel, but of marvelous
and delicate shape, having face and hands like a human creature; and
cousheries, a little beast in the form and fashion of a lion, as big as a
kitten, but so exactly made in all parts like that noble beast that it is it in
miniature. Then for little paraketoes, great parrots, mackaws, and a
thousand other birds and beasts of wonderful and surprising forms,
shapes, and colors. (2183-84)
Also for skins of prodigious snakes; rare flies, "some as big as my
fist" and for feathers of inconceivable colours. In return, "We dealt
with 'em with beads of all colors, knives, axes, pins, and needles;
and any shining trinket." (2184) Obviously exploitation was the
basis for all commercial transactions and the list of items are
empirical evidence of the difference in both value and cultural
difference. But other than these objects, the real purpose of trade
remained gold and slaves. These became the dominant motive for
the English, French, Dutch and the Spanish to compete among
themselves for the rights of these lands. The narrator of Oroonoko
laments the loss of "the mountains of gold" because after the
English left Surinam "the Dutch have the advantage of it: and 'tis to
be bemoaned what his Majesty lost by losing that part of America."
(2216)
42
In 1688, the year Oroonoko was written, politically and globally
imperialism had not yet become an actively espoused doctrine. But
the representation of identity had already matured and mani!ested
in fiction, travel writing and social theories. "The issue of national
distinctiveness, and racial and linguistic origins" much before
defining and locating Europe's others, hinged on "myth, opinion,
hearsay and prejudice generated by influential scholars quickly
assumed the status of received truth." (Ashcroft 2004: 51) The
cultural assumptions and ideological discrimination between 'us'
and 'them' had already entered the language virtually as universally
agreed truths, as is evident from the excerpt of the novel quoted
above. It was therefore easy and logical for the narrator to identifY•
and affiliate herself with the dominant power, the British colonialists.
Despite the enormous differences between the different colonial
enterprises of the various European nations, there seems to have
been a fairly stereotype image of the outsider as primitive,
uncivilized, irrational, innocent, etc. The attributions were often,
needless to say, often contradictory and inconsistent. Difference in
colour, race and religion {Christianity) became the basic
parameters of differentiating and for generating cultural prejudices.
This connection was particularly seen in the case of 'Negroes' and
'Moors'. Oroonoko belongs to Coramantien "a country of blacks"
and is "a gallant Moor"; and even though he does not belong to "our
world", yet
He had an extreme good and graceful mien, and all the civility of a well
bred great man. He had nothing of barbarity in his nature, but in all points
addressed himself as if his education had been in some European court.
(2187)
In the 'hierarchy' of human beings, Oroonoko is not the social equal
of the Europeans but he is better accepted than the other blacks
because he has tried so hard to be accepted in the white man's
43
cultural ambit. "The great and just character of Oroonoko", we are
told, has received his education and learnt his manners from the
best and the most accomplished tutors - the Europeans
themselves. The French, the Spaniards and the English have
taught him not only "morals, language (both English and French),
science" but also "quick wit and sweet conversation." (2186) All this
has made him quite comparable to the white men because now he
is sensible and refined and considered capable of governing wisely.
Not only has the 'noble savage' been Europeanized enough to
make him acceptable, but it also reflects the achievement of the
colonizers in 'civilizing' him.
The perfections of his mind are admirably matched by the
perfection of his physical appearance. He is "beautiful, agreeable
and handsome" precisely beeause he is so unlike the others of his
race. His colour is not "that brown rusty black which most of that
nation are", his nose is not "African and flat", and his lips are "far
from those great turned lips which are so natural to the rest of the
negroes." (2186) Wiseman points out that the description inverts
what a European reader would expect an African to be: "Each detail
of his face ... are coded as not what would be expected but as its
European opposite." (Wiseman 1996: 94) The text therefore
assumes that the African physique is inferior. Like the land itself,
the man is exotic. He is both familiar and different. Homi K. Bhabha
calls this colonial imitation "mimicry'', ·and defines it as "the desire
for a reformed, recognizable Other, as a subject of a difference that
is almost the same, but not quite." (Bhabha 1994: 86) The imitation
or "mimicry'' of English/European manners can thus be seen as
constructing a particular form of colonial subjectivity. This "almost
the same but not quite", or rather the "almost the same but not
white" makes a mockery of the colonial subject and thus ensures
44
the authority of the colonial power in appropriating the split and
alienated personality.
While the exoticism of Surinam was exciting, Oroonoko's difference
is difficult to identify with and hence in a way mysterious and
threatening. As Lacan reminds us, the conscious effort to imitate is
"like the technique of camouflage practiced in warfare" (Jacques
Lacan, 'The line and light', in Bhabha 1994: 85) and can be
potentially dangerous and menacing for the white presence. The
ambivalence in the physical presentation of Oroonoko, indicates the
problem of drawing a border between the 'self and the 'other'. The
contradiction manifests in the paradoxical title itself: The Royal
Slave; he is both a king and a slave. It highlights his ironic and
inconsistent position in relation to his own people, the colonizers,
the narrator and the readers.
lmoinda, whom Oronooko loves, is a beauty - a beauty that is
familiar and identifiable: "that to describe her truly, one need say
only, she was female to the noble male; the beautiful black Venus·
to our young Mars." (2188) The black woman is an object, to be
gazed upon and to be fantasized. And although thousands of white
men have sighed after her, she is too great for any but a prince of
her own nation to adore. Thematically the narrative is dependent on
her. Almost every major incident of the story takes place because
of her. Oroonoko falls in love with her; the old king besotted by her
youth and loveliness forces her to join his harem; her clandestine
meetings with Oroonoko angers him and she is sold as a slave; the
two lovers meet again in Surinam and are married; her pregnancy
trouibles Oroonoko because he does not want his child to be born
into slavery; he leads the slaves to revolt against their white
masters; the white colonizer, Byam has rapacious designs on
45
lmoinda; to protect her honour Oroonoko kills her; he grieves over
her body; he is captured and cruelly killed by the colonialists. Her
tale is embedded in the narrative as a catalyst. Without her the
story would have fallen flat but she is not central to the novel. She
just acts as a medium to precipitate the conflict between the whites
and the blacks. Unlike Oroonoko, she does not straddle two
contradictory positions of being European and African; she is as the
narrator says in the end "the brave, the beautiful and the constant
lmoinda."(2226, my italics) It is her unwavering cultural identity, her
refusal to collude that makes her different and hence she is
silenced and displaced from the readers' interest.
Clearly then, the focus is on the relationship between the Black
Slave and his White Mistress. Critics have reflected on the
triangular relationship between the narrator, Oroonoko and
lmoinda, the sexual overtones, and the narrator's fascination for
Oroonoko or her possible romance with him. But as that's not the
area of my study, my participation is more bound up with the
ideologies of representation. The narrator and the hero both share
an affinity, as they are both victims and beneficiaries of imperialism.
Oroonoko captured and traded in slaves before he himself was
enslaved. And the narrator not only belongs to the slave owning
class but openly supports it. For the narrator then, Oroonoko is a
possession, a property like the land itself, an exotic object that is
fascinating but at the same time has to be kept in place because it
is potentially dangerous.
By 'othering' the black man and the black woman, Behn constructs
and consolidates the western self. The analogy between race and
gender is clearly the terrain upon which a reconfiguration of female
and racial subjectivity takes place. The black woman and the land
46
are objects to be used and to be exploited. In fact, the wooing of
lmoinda is contextualized in a typical colonial terminology. After
persistent persuasion by Oroonoko, she relents to be "conquered"
by him, and
After a thousand assurances of his lasting flame, and her eternal empire
over him, she condescended to receive him for her husband. (2189}
The apparent tone of the author/narrator is one of sympathy, trying
to comprehend the vastly cultural and racial differences, and
attempting to portray what critics often consider an anti- imperialist
or anti-colonial stance: "the novella had been recognized as a
seminal work in the tradition of antislavery writings from the time of
its publication down to our own period. (Brown, 1987: 181) But a,
close reading of the novel would show that it does actively
participate in the discourse of racism. The narrator's critiquing of
Christianity and 'Western' men and practices might appear to be
evidence of her generous and unbiased outlook, but there are a lot
of overlapping, entangled and sometimes inconsistent elements in
the discourse. Other than stereotyping the 'Natives', the narrator
also indulges in, what can be called, inverse racism. The white/
Christian/colonizer is painted in broad strokes, generalized and
typecast as evil, vicious, untruthful and deceitful:
in that country, where men take to themselves as many [women] as they
can maintain; and where the only crime and sin with woman is to turn her
off, to abandon her to want, shame, and misery: such ill morals are only
practised in Christian countries. (2188)
Immediately after having said this, Behn indicates the degenerate
nature of the Natives' social practice and their attitude towards
women. The old king keeps a number of women in his otan for his
"pleasure" and "for his private use", and his old heart longed with
impatience to "play" with the beautifullmoinda. And when he comes
to know that she is his grandson Oroonoko's mistress, his "heart
47
burned" with jealousy and anger. He immediately sent her the royal
veil so that she is "secured for the king's use." (2189) He threatens
to kill Oroonoko if she does not appease him. Again, Onahal the
abandoned old wife of the king satisfies her passion in the arms of
the young courtier Aboan. There is, therefore a vast incongruity
between what the author proposes and what the text presents. The
Christian reader would find the evidences of strange "ill- morals"
practiced in the 'other' lands. On the one hand, Oroonoko shows a
resistance to binary racial categories, but at the same time it
perpetuates categories it seems to reject.
There is contradiction again in the development of interpersonal
relationships between the blacks and the whites. Oroonoko who
"took more delight in the white nations, and, above all, men of parts
and wit" (2200) sells his slaves to an Englishman, the commander
of an English ship. The English captain takes advantage of
Oroonoko's hospitality and by an act of treachery, seized him and
his men and bound them up as slaves. The narrator does not make
any moral judgment, but rather leaves it to the reader to do so:
Some have commended this act, as brave in the captain; but I will spare
my sense of it, and leave it to my reader to judge as he pleases. (2201)
When Oroonoko protests against this indignity, the captain
promises to set him free once they reach the nearest land, provided
Oroonoko promises that his men will not revolt. Oroonoko gives his
solemn oath but the captain is not willing to believe him as he
could not resolve to trust a heathen, he said, upon his parole, a man that
had no sense or notion of the God that he worshiped. Oroonoko then
replied, he was very sorry to hear that the captain pretended to the
knowledge and worship of any gods, who had taught him no better
principles than not to credit as he would be credited. But they told him,
the difference of their faith occasioned that distrust for the captain had
protested to him upon the word of a Christian, and sworn in the name of
48
a great God; which if he should violate, he would expect eternal torment
in the world to come. (2202, my italics)
The effect of these contradictions on the reader is to create the
impression of a narrative voice deeply disturbed by the events
related, and convincing us with the divided loyalty of a narrator who
is affected by and affecting colonial ideologies. She is both
marginalized and powerful, and it is precisely this ambivalent
position that manifests in her discourse. As a white woman she
identifies with the dominant group, the colonizers; but as a woman
she occupies the same peripheral position as Oroonoko does and
hence her sympathy for him. She is both the subject and the object;
and this "makes it impossible to ignore the contradictory social
positioning of white, middle-class women as both colonized
patriarchal objects and colonizing race...:privileged subjects."
(Donaldson 1992: 6.) The narrator is acutely aware of her position
in the hierarchy of power. She is addressed as "The Great
Mistress" by Oroonoko and though he believes that her "word
would go a great way with him" (2209) to grant him freedom, yet
she knows that her power and authority is limited only to the extent
of being a "female pen that celebrated his fame" (2205)
To reinforce the ideology ofracial superiority, the white colonizers
must keep the blacks in place and force them into their 'natural'
class position. Much before imperial mission based on a hierarchy
of races manifested itsel.f, racist ideologies were prevalent which
identified different races and classes of people as fundamentally
suited for particular tasks. Thus, black men should forever remain
labourers or slaves. A person of Oroonoko's stature, appearance
and royal lineage is a threat to the stability of the entire colonial
framework that solely depends on the power equation between the
superiority of the exploiters and the inferiority of the exploited.
49
Oroonoko is therefore brought down to his position by a process of
systematic devaluation. First of all, he is dispossessed of his land
and kingdom and brought as a slave to an English colony, then, he
is fettered in chains, he is divested of his royal robes, and finally the
deprivation is literally and figuratively completed when he is bereft
of his name.
I ought to tell you that the Christians never buy any slaves but they give
'em some name of their own, their native ones being likely very
barbarous, and hard to pronounce; so that Mr. Trefry gave Oroonoko that
of Caesar. (2205)
By conferring the Christian names of Ceaser and Clemene on
Oroonoko and lmoinda, the act of subjugation is complete. The act
of renaming can be seen as snatching away all vestiges of identity,
nullifying all sense of selfhood, and reiterating the supreme power
that the colonizer exercises over the colonized. This can also be
seen as an attempt to include 'them' in the category of 'us'. The
inclusion can be acceptable and tolerated as long as the 'them
does what the 'us' wants them to do. The inclusion in their
community is based on his segregation from his own people and
from the men:
he liked the company of us women much above the men, for he could
not drink, and he is but an ill companion in that country that cannot. So
that obliging him to love us very well, we had all the liberty of speech with
him, especially myself. (2208-09)
So a man of action, one who has spent his life "in arms" is kept in
the company of women and entertained by the narrator with stories
about the "loves of the Romans." Clearly, he is being encouraged to
become lazy, tame, effeminate, bereft of action- the very terms by
which the Orient has been represented and denigrated.
50
he spoke, with an air impatient enough to make me know he would not
be long in bondage; and though he suffered only the name of a slave,
and had nothing of the toil and labor of one, yet that was sufficient to
render him uneasy; and he had been too long idle, who used to be
always in action, and in arms. He had a spirit all rough and fierce, and
that could not be tamed to lazy rest; and though all endeavors were used
to exercise himself in such actions and sports as this world afforded, as
running, wrestling, pitching the bar, hunting and fishing, chasing and
killing tigers of a monstrous size, which this continent affords in
abundance, and wonderful snakes, such as Alexander is reported to
have encountered at the River of Amazons, and which Caesar took great
delight to overcome; yet these were not actions great enough for his
large soul, which was still panting after more renowned actions. (2209,
my italics)
Oroonoko's isolation is now complete, alone outside the white
camp and also distanced from his own people, different from them
in his upbringing, looks, and now even in the way they act and
function. He is compelled to obey his masters, follow their dictates
and to assure them that "whatsoever resolutions he should take, he
would act nothing upon the white people." (2209)
It is clear that his actions have to be approved by the white masters
and whatever he does has to please them. So, to please the white
ladies, for "the trophies and the garlands", Oroonoko is ordered to
kill some wild animals which have been troubling the colony. The
detailed description of Oroonoko killing fierce wild beasts manifests
his courage, his fearless spirit, his strength and his almost
detached participation in such acts of violence.
(We) found him lunging out the sword from the bosom of the tiger, who
was laid in her blood on the ground; he took up the club, and with an
unconcern that had nothing of the joy or gladness of a victory, he came
and laid the whelp at my feet. We all extremely wondered at his daring,
51
and at the bigness of the beast, which was about the height of an heifer,
but of mighty great and strong limbs. (2211)
This also draws attention to the schism in the representation of
Oroonoko's self. Up till now we had seen the nobility of the Noble
Savage, now we see his savageness. These seemingly innocuous
wild adventures, narrated as they are just before Oroonoko's
rebellion, gains significance precisely because they reflect the wild,
the dangerous and the barbaric side of him. Obviously then all
attempts, however cruel they might be, to curb mutiny would be
amply justified because it would be then seen as an attempt to
civilize the barbarians.
After the dangerous predators, which had endangered their lives,
have been vanquished, it is now the Indians from whom they live in
"mortal fear." The choice of words and language used to describe
both the predators and the Indians is noticeably similar.
About this time we were in many mortal fears about some disputes the
English had with the Indians; so that we could scarce trust ourselves,
without great numbers, to go to any Indian towns or place where they
they abode, for fear they should fall upon us, as they did immediately
after my coming away; and the place being in the possession of the
Dutch, they used them not so civilly as the English: so that they cut in
pieces all they could take, getting into houses, and hanging up the
mother and all her children about her; and cut a footman, I left behind
me, all in joints, and nailed him to trees (2213)
The rebellion has to be controlled and Oroonoko goes as their
guide as none of the whites in the group spoke the language of the
native people, and "imagining we should have a half diversion in
gazing only, and not knowing what they said." (2213) The trip is
anticipated as a "diversion", more a source of intense amusement,
as they would be "gazing" at the natives- the rarities of nature, like
the marmosets and the cousheries, the little monkey like beasts
52
that are to be found in this place. But once the whites reach the
Indians' habitation, the subject becomes the object of gazing:
They had no sooner spied us but they set up a loud cry, that frighted us
at first; we thought it had been for those that should kill us, but it seems it
was of wonder and amazement. They were all naked; and we were
dressed, so as is most commode for the hot countries, very glittering and
rich; so that we appeared extremely fine: my own hair was cut short, and
I had a taffety cap, with black feathers on my head; my brother was in a
stuff-suit, with silver loops and buttons, and abundance of green ribbon.
This was all infinitely surprising to them ... By degrees they grew more
bold, and from gazing upon us round, they touched us, laying their hands
upon all the features of our faces, feeling our breasts and arms, taking
up one petticoat, then wondering to see another; admiring our shoes and
stockings, but more our garters, which we gave 'em, and they tied about
their legs, being laced with silver lace at the ends; for they much esteem
any shining things. In fine, we suffered 'em to survey us as they pleased,
and we thought they would never have done admiring us. (2214)
lnspite of the subject-object reversal, the reader is left in no doubt
about the power hierarchy. It is clear that"their extreme ignorance
and simplicity'' made them "admire" the whites and "adore" them as
gods. While the whites are deemed to be "gods", the Indians are
reckoned as "simple", "ignorant", "superstitious", "cunning" and
described as a hideous spectacle:
We were conducted to one of their houses; where we beheld several of
the great captains, who had been at council: but so frightful a vision it
was to see 'em, no fancy can create; no sad dreams can represent so
dreadful a spectacle. For my part, I took 'em for hobgoblins, or fiends,
rather than men.(2215)
Not only does this passage attribute racial stereotypes of barbarity
and savagery to the Indians, but also distinguishes differences
within a race. We are told that Oroonoko brought about a good
53
understanding between the Indians and the white colonizers. Here
there is an implied distinction between savages (as represented by
the Indians) and the noble savage (represented by Oroonoko). The
distinction is based on the presumption that humans are different
qualitatively. Ania Loomba draws attention to the contradiction
inherent in the term 'noble savage' and says, "The noble savage
idea therefore represents a rupture, a contradiction, a point at
which the seamless connections between interiority and external
characteristic are disturbed. Similarly, the converted heathen and
the educated native are images that cannot entirely or easily be
reconciled to the idea of absolute difference. While at one level they
represent colonial achievements, at another they stand for
impurity ... " (Loomba 1998: 118-19) Again it is to be noticed that in
relation to the 'Negroes' or the 'Indians' all Europeans are "white
people", but within themselves they are categorized as English,
Dutch, Spanish, French and even Cornish. So, while all Europeans
are considered superior to the rest of the world, some like the
English are more superior than the others.
The actual tension arises when the converted native switches back
to his original identity thus challenging the very colonial parameters
within which he was functioning. The tragedy of Oroonoko is the
contradiction in the identity of the hero. When he participates with
the whites he is "gallant" and "charming"; when he wants to regain
his self-identity, he is seen as an ambiguous figure, an object of
distrust. Oroonoko wants freedom for himself, for his wife, their
unborn child and for his men. Unable to accept the fact that their
child would be born a slave, Oroonoko incites his men to rebel
against their white masters. He "made an harangue to 'em, of the
miseries and ignominies of slavery; counting up all their toils and
54
sufferings, under such loads, burdens, and drudgeries as were fitter
for beasts than men." (2216-17)
"And why," said he, "my dear friends and fellow-sufferers, should we be
slaves to an unknown people? Have they vanquished us nobly in fight?
Have they won us in honorable battle? And are we by the chance of war
become their slaves? This would not anger a noble heart; this would not
animate a soldiers soul: no, but we are bought and sold like apes or
monkeys, to be the sport of women, fools, and cowards; and the support
of rogues and runagates, that have abandoned their own countries for
rapine, murders, theft, and villainies. Do you not hear every day how they
upbraid each other with infamy of life, below the wildest savages? And
shall we render obedience to such a degenerate race, who have no one
human virtue left, to distinguish them from the vilest creatures? Will you,
I say, suffer the lash from such hands?" They all replied with one accord,
"No, no, no; Caesar has spoke like a great captain, like a great
king."(2217)
This passage then becomes the crux of the entire crisis of
dislocation and its attended problems of cultural representation of
the self and the other. Here, the author/narrator (a white colonizer)
sees herself, her nation and people through the eyes of another
person (an enslaved black). Does the actuality of dislocation, the
fact that she has moved away from her own country, enable her to
see her nation from a distance and to have a clearer perspective?
Or, is it the articulation of the internalized tangled web of ideologies
and opinions? Does this reflect a clear position taken on anti
colonialism, or, does this climactic moment reflect the inherent
ideological contradictions that dominate the novel? Oroonoko's long
lecture against slavery is inconsistent and contradictory to his
earlier position and status as a slave trader, who sold the slaves to
the English colonialists. The narrator portrays the white colonizers
as "a degenerate race", "the vilest creatures" "of absolute barbarity"
in the manner with which they treat the blacks. She is horrified at
55
the inhuman treatment meted out to them but at the same time she
feels that "such revoltings are very ill examples, and have very fatal
consequences oftentimes, in many colonies." (2218) The narrator
vacillates between her friendship with and fear of the slaves. She
understands the plight of the slaves and is sympathetic towards
them but she by all means does not denounce the institution of
slavery; in fact she considers them essential for mercantile and
colonial expansion. In fact she is an active consumer- using the
tinctured feathers for her dress and even using the slaves for her
service.
Her sympathy for the oppressed group contradicts with her position
of power. Her place within the framework of the novel, as that of a
female narrator, is to mediate between the two worlds. When there
is a threat to the colony, then the narrator is part of the "we" of the
colonists. But when she narrates the brutality of the colonial
leaders, she allays herself with the powerless members of the
society, implies her own helplessness, and thus takes no
responsibility for the cruel actions. One the one hand she endorses
Oroonoko's understanding of the Europeans as vow-breakers, and
on the other hand she feeds him with false promises of freedom.
She exploits his attachment to her and faith in her to keep him
under her control. She surrounds him with spies because "I neither
thought it convenient to trust him much out of our View, nor did the
Country, who fear'd him." (2209)
The slave revolt is suppressed by the colonizers, not with honour or
valour, but by treachery and duplicity. Byam, the Deputy- Governor
of Surinam pretends friendship with Oroonoko and breaks his
promise to free them. The narrator has the misconception that she
"had authority'' to help Oroonoko but flees from the scene because
56
we were possessed with extreme fear, which no persuasions could
dissipate, that he would secure himself till night, and them, that he would
come down and cut all our throats. This apprehension made all the
females of us fly down the river to be secured; and while we were away,
they acted this cruelty. (2221)
She is absent when Oroonoko is mercilessly whipped for his act of
rebellion, and returns later "protesting our innocency of the fact".
(2221) But by now the text can no longer handle the contradictions
and the reader can easily see that all claims of innocence is merely
lies and duplicity. Perhaps Oroonoko himself expresses this best
when humiliated and cheated by the whites, he plans to kill Byam:
... till I have completed my revenge; and then you shall see that
Oroonoko scorns to live with the indignity that was put on Caesar. {2222)"
He no longer wants to live with the double 'self bestowed by the
colonizers; he cannot be both Oroonoko and Ceaser. If he has to
live with dignity then he has to "scorn" the identity given to him by
the whites. From here onwards the contradictions that the text has
so assiduously built up cannot be any more sustained. All attempts
to unravel or answer the paradoxes are given up and the narrative
moves in one conclusive direction - Oroonoko, the text and
Oroonoko, the character are shorn of the doubleness. After
Oroonoko kills his beloved wife, his "precious soul", he mourns over
her dead body in the wilds. When the search party, led by the
whites, finds him,
they stood still, and hardly believing their eyes, that would persuade
them that it was Caesar that spoke to 'em, so much was he altered.
(2224)
This alteration, this change in the man is emphasized when the
narrator describes him:
57
We ran all to see him; and, if before we thought him so beautiful a sight,
he was now so altered that his face was like a death's-head blacked
over, nothing but teeth and eye-holes.(2225)
This sight, the text seems to suggest, is the 'real' self of Oroonoko;
his colour, teeth, eyes, lips, nose which were earlier described as
"beautiful" and "agreeable" are no longer beautiful because they no
more 'agree' to the European standards. This then becomes the
proof of the difference of his identity. In the confrontation of the
colonialist 'self and the native 'other', Oroonoko cannot fit into the
dominant group. Laura Brown in 'The Romance of Empire:
Oroonoko and the Trade in Slaves,' quotes Tzvetan Todorov to
reinforce the discovery that the 'self makes of the 'other': "every
colonist in his relation to the colonized, conceives of the native
according to the two component parts of alterity, absolute identity or
absolute difference". (Nussbaum 1987: 184) The knowledge of and
representation of the 'other' would necessarily have to take into
account opposition and resistance to colonial autonomy. In the
power struggle between the colonizer and the colonized, the
dominant, pervasive nature of power can only be maintained, when
the alterity is represented as inferior. As can be seen from the
passage quoted above, the narrator of Oroonoko moves from the
previous position of identifying the 'other' as identical and equal, to
imagining the 'other' as absolutely different and hence inferior.
Oroonoko, who looked like a Roman god, is now the "Devil"
personified.
The sight was ghastly: his discourse was sad; and the earthy smell about
him was so strong that I was persuaded to leave the place for some time.
(2225)
Oroonoko has 'degenerated' from his earlier exalted position and
the only thing that the narrator and consequently the narrative can
58
do is to leave him. The absence of the narrator and therefore her
inaction to prevent Oroonoko's death, is an attempt to justify her
moral position. In reality, she separates herself from the dominant
discourse of the colonizers using brute force to make the natives
subservient. Now she. is neither 'us' nor 'them'. She detaches
herself from both the camps and her sex becomes the excuse. A
woman, the narrator seems to say, will have to flee for her own
security. The gender and the marginality of the narrator are
exploited by Behn to a certain extent. The female narrator can
observe and use her pen to glorify the native, but she cannot
exercise her authority or power. At the same time, she can use this
pretext to imply that she is not unethical or guilty of the treatment
meted out by her own countrymen.
The narrative closure implies that Oroonoko has brought about his
own downfall. By not participating in the white man's cultural
representation and by declaring his independence, Oroonoko has
made his disintegration inevitable. The doubleness and
consequently the fragmentation of the hero's identity match the
structure of the closure of the novel. The narrative that had
'created' Oroonoko's self by giving him an anglocentric identity, has
now got to destroy that identity because he no longer fits into its
parameter. This is done literally at the end of the novel. Oroonoko
is condemned to die and the last moments of his life coincide with
the end of the novel; Oroonoko is literally dismantled as he .is
cruelly dismembered by the colonial masters.
He had learned to take tobacco; and when he was assured he should
die, he desired they would give him a pipe in his mouth, ready lighted;
which they did. And the executioner came, and first cut off his members,
and threw them into the fire; after that, with an ill-favored knife, they cut
off his ears and his nose and burned them; he still smoked on, as if
nothing had touched him; then they hacked off one of his arms, and still
59
he bore up, and held his pipe; but at the cutting off the other arm, his
head sunk, and his pipe dropped, and he gave up the ghost, without a
groan or a reproach. (2226)
It is significant, that while the narrative attempts to break him into
parts, to separate the doubleness inherent in the character, it is not
able to do so. The ambivalent status accorded to him as
simultaneously African and European is sustained. He is stoically
smoking a pipe, a product of imperialism, even in his death. The
pipe drops only when he breathes his last. The vicious
dismemberment of Oroonoko's body, almost sadistic in its
description, cuts off the very features -the ears, nose and limbs
which had earlier separated him from the native identity and made
him belong to 'them'. His refusal to be subservient to the whites and
the subsequent rebellion on his part was an act of 'a man of
action'. Given the centrality of action in Restoration discourses as
masculine, Oroonoko's refusal to be passive and docile is seen as
a threat and as potentially dangerous to the white man's authority.
His masculinity must be dissociated from him and symbolically
then, his members (presumably meaning genitals) are cut off thus
completing his emasculation. The violent end of the hero signifies
that, not only the protagonist but the text too with its contradictory
ideologies had become problematic to handle and therefore had to
be brought to an end.
Laura Brown draws our attention to the similarity between the death
of Charles I and Oroonoko. The climatic drama of the last days of
the King and his beheading is echoed in the tragic death of
Oroonoko. Brown quotes from sources on the life of Charles I, to
demonstrate the narrative parallelism between the two and to
indicate the powerful grip of political events on Behn's writings. The
60
Royalist writers' version of the death of the King which appeared in
about 1681, present him as:
Shewing no fear of death ... his Bloody Murtherers ... built a scaffold for his
Murther whereunto they fixed several Staples of Iron, and prepared
cords, to tye him down to the block, had he made any resistance to that
Cruel and Bloody stroke ... And then, most Christianly forgiving all,
praying for his Enemies, he meekly submitted to the stroke of the
Axe ... he suffered as an Heroic Champion ... (Dugdale1987: 198)
Bloody trophies from the execution were distributed among the King's
murderers at the execution and immediately thereafter ... (Perrinchiefe
1987: 198)
Oroonoko's death, "the Spectacle ... of a mangled King" whose body ..
is quartered and distributed around the colony evokes the vivid and
violent death of Charles I. He represents the same stoic Christ like
suffering and dies a martyr, "without a groan or a reproach". (2226)
. Critics like Richard Kroll too supplies elaborate evidence to argue
about the 'parallel history ' in Oroonoko and views Behn's "quasi
sociological account" a "desperate attempt between 1 0 and 29
June 1688 to warn James II that if he continues on the path he has
described since his accession, he risks suffering the same fate as
his father'' [Charles I, who was executed by Parliament]. (Kroll
2006: 37) It is understandable that Behn who was "one of the
staunchest apologists for the Stuart kings" (Todd 1992, Vol.l: xxv)
and whose political faith expresses Tory royalism would reflect in
her work the world as she found it. But it is difficult to accept either
Brown's or Kroll's insistence to regard the work as a political
allegory. The very facts that the work has endured beyond its
moment of creation, has been read over the years, and has almost
been accorded a canonical stature in English literature show that its
appeal is not limited to its precise political meaning in June 1688.
61
Subsequent generations of readers have read and interpreted it in
accordance to the current interest.
Hence, more significant than the political allegory is the fact that for
writers like Behn, the colonies provided a stage, an arena where
the disturbing historical and political domestic events could be re
enacted. The spacio-temporal dislocation of the
protagonist/narrator, and removing the experiences to a distant
foreign land could perhaps be seen as an attempt to distance the
contemporary political tensions for the readers at home. At the
same time, it voices the concerns of the time - the rapid rise of
colonization, the end of absolutism, and the historical shift that
made England a modern imperialist power. Oroonoko, poses for
the reader some of the complex and contradictory ideological
positions of the late seventeenth century. As an experimental
narrative genre, the text articulates the contradictory attitudes of the
time to cultural difference, power relationships, and the inherent
paradoxes of racial and national superiority. Perhaps it would be
pertinent to state here that no colonial discourse can ever be
unambiguously one-sided. The scrutinizing of the object of colonial
discourse through identification and difference is bound to be
ambivalent and open ended, comprising fear and attraction,
sameness and difference.
In the long journey of the novel through the next few decades and
over the century, as a conscious and manipulated medium to
construct a tangible concept of 'Englishness' and the English
nation, Aphra Behn's Oroonoko is a definite first step. If Behn's
narrative presented the ideological contradictions and the
ambivalent attitude of the ideals and the exigencies of her time, the
study of the next novel, Defoe's Robinson Crusoe, would show the
62