Chapter Five

Women Construction Labour in Ahmedabad: Work, Struggle and Migratory Patterns

Gujarat, with a population of 50 million, was recorded to have 212.47lakh workers as per

the census of 2001. Ahmedabad has a population of approximately of 5 million as of

2006; it is the largest city in Gujarat and seventh largest metropolis in India. 1 Gujarat is

the only state in India to have reported mega growth rates in agriculture during the 1990s

with significant structural transformations in its labour populations, particularly in

relation to a rise in share of the non-primary sectors.

The share of public sector employment in the organised sector declined during the

1980s and continued throughout the 1990s. In the year 1999/2000, the share of self­

employed was recorded at 59 per cent in rural areas and 41 per cent in the urban areas.

The share of casual workers increased from 18.3 per cent to 24.9 per cent in urban areas

and declined only marginally from 34.8 per cent to 34.5 per cent in the rural areas from

1983 to 1999/2000. Recorded regular employment in the rural areas was 63 per cent,

while in urban areas was 34.1 per cent. This share declined significantly during the 1990s

in both the rural and the urban areas. While, overall employment picture improved, the

share of regular employment declined and share of casual employment increased in the

1990s (indicative of a high rate of casualisation of work).2 The overall share of workers

covered under the social security schemes is less than 10 per cent.3

The state recorded declining sex ratios in 2001 (at 921) from 934 in 1991. In

2001, the female work participation rate in Gujarat was recorded at 39.0 per cent in rural

areas and 13.5 per cent in urban areas. Women workers in rural areas are predominantly

employed in the primary sector and their share in secondary and tertiary sector together

accounts for less than 10 per cent. In the urban areas, they are mostly employed in the

tertiary sector. Self- employed women workers account for 60 per cent in rural areas and

44 per cent in the urban areas. Casual employment for women is recorded at 31.5 per cent

1 B, Baruah, Gender and globalization- Opportunities and constraints faced by women in the construction industry in India, Labor Studies Journal, 2008 2 Decrease in regular employment and it being replaced by self-employed also The high growth rate of poverty with the high rate of in-migrants from outside states, in urban areas is being absorbed in low paid casual jobs, for more details refer to Amitabh Kundu, 'Globalising Gujarat: Urbanisation, Employment and Poverty, Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 35, No 35/36 (Aug 26-Sept 8) 2000 3 Indira Hirway and Darshini Mahadevia, Gujarat Human Development Report, Mahatma Gandhi Labour Institute Ahmedabad, 2004

187

in urban areas. Women who participate in economic activity spend on an average 17.6

hours on work per week and 39.8 hours on domestic work (unpaid work). The

corresponding figures for men are 43.63 hours and 3.19 hours respectively.4

The economy of Ahmedabad has historically been based on the cotton textile

industry. In the 1950s and throughout the 1960s, the textile industries employed roughly

around 1,25,000-1,35,000 workers, while the Textile Labour Association (Trade Union of

Textile Mill Workers) had more than 1,00,000 members. By the mid-1990s, with the

introduction of cheaper synthetic textiles into the market resulting from the liberalisation

initiated in 1991, there were only around 30,000 to 35,000 workers remaining in the

industry. Unable to sustain the strict competition most of these textile mills were shut and

thousands of workers retrenched with meagre compensation. 5 Most of the retrenched

workers (roughly around 85,000) entered the unorganised/ informal sector.6 Some

theorists argue that the informalisation of the economy is partly due to similar such shift

in the division of labour in the economy, which forced many to enter the informal sector.

Others have argued that the growing rate of in-migration to Ahmedabad from rural areas

and other states, combined to create high poverty rates and forced workers to take-up low

paid casual jobs (characteristic of informalisation and casualisation of work), which

eventually led to a greater informalisation of the broader economy.

The tendency of displacement of women workers in the informal sector by

machines has been accentuated under globalisation. This influence is evident from

statistics of the construction sector. According to the 1991 census, the estimated

workforce in India was around 285, 932,000 and the construction industry employed

around 5,543,000 of the total workforce. According to NSO Survey (1993/94), 4.17 per

cent of all male workers and 1.27 per cent of all female workers are engaged by

construction-related employment. Today, women construction workers account for more

than 98 per cent of casual labour. Evidence has emerged of mechanisation displacing

women employed in the construction industry.7 It has been estimated that economic

liberalisation and the mechanisation of the construction industries will reduce the

4 Indira Hirway and Darshini Mahadevia, Gujarat Human Development Report, Mahatma Gandhi Labour Institute Ahmedabad, 2004 5 Ashutosh Varshney, Ethnic Conflict and Civic Life: Hindus and Muslims in India, Oxford University Press, 2002 6 Amitabh Kundu and Darshini Mahadevia, Poverty and Vulnerability in a Globalising Metropolis: Ahmedabad, Manak Publications,2002 also see, Jan Breman, 'An Informalised Labour System: End of Labour Market Dualism', Economic and Political Weekly, December 29, 2001 7 Renana Jhabvala, 'Liberalisation and Women', Seminar 531, November 2003

188

deployment of manual labour from one fifteenth to one fiftieth of the labour force. There

have been recorded indications in a reduction of employment by a number of 1.5 million

mostly unskilled workers.8

Many large companies engaged in the construction sector have increased the role

of mechanisation in construction processes, resulting in massive displacements of labour

from many parts of construction operations. Consequently women workers are being

completely eliminated from the main operations, in which they have been traditionally

deployed. On the other hand, the boom in the construction sector in the 1990s was

accompanied with an increase in factory production and a growth in demand for various

construction skills such as masons, tile fitters, painters, plumbers, cement finishes,

glaziers, electricians, etc. unfortunately, there are practically no women with these skills.9

Women are employed in almost all stages of the construction process, from

foundation work to masonry and beyond. They help in removing over-ground materials

once excavated, carry water, sand, jelly, cement mixture for foundation laying and

concrete pouring, carry stone, bricks and tools required at the premises. Women also help

in the erection of scaffolding by carrying centring materials, they smoothen surfaces

before concrete mixtures are poured for roofing and once a structure is laid, undertake the

curing operations. Men engage in operations such as digging, demolishing, scaffolding,

operating the mixture machine etc. At times they perform the activities that are done by

women also. Masons lay bricks; engage in concreting, levelling, and plastering. Apart

from these, the carpenters, electricians, plumbers and painters have separate roles in the

construction process. 10 While the construction industry in India is very labour-intensive,

wages only account for only around 25-40 per cent of the building costs. The wages for

unskilled work are significantly less than wages for skilled work. Skilled work Is

predominantly done by men, while women are hired as manual /unskilled labour.

This chapter maps the employment, struggles, and migratory patterns of

construction workers with particular emphasis on women workers. It will provide a

context for the field research, before outlining the findings. For the purposes of empirical

8 Renana Jhabvala and Ravi Kanbur 'Globalization and Economic Reforms as Seen from the Ground: SEW A's Experiences in India', paper presented at the 2002 Indian Economy Conference, Cornell University, New York, 19-20 April, 2002 9 Renana Jhabvala, Shalini Sinha Liberalization and the Woman Worker, Economic and Political Weekly May 25,2002 10 TheoVan der Loop, 'Industrial Dynamics and Fragmented Labour Markets: Construction Finns and Labourers in India', Department of Human Geography, University of Amsterdam, 1992

189

research fourteen regtons m urban Ahmedabad were selected based on the random

sampling method. During the field work interactions on work sites were difficult to

access. In-depth interviews with the respondents took place at the residences. The data

was collected through interview methods at the place of residence of the workers barring

in two areas (Juhapura and Motera). In Juhapura, the interviews were conducted at the

naka, 11 while in Motera they were conducted on the work site. To facilitate the field

research and to gain contextual understanding of the construction industry in Ahmedabad

and its social and political complexities, two construction labour unions (Self Employed

Women's Association and Bandh kaam Mazdoor Sangathan) and an NGO (Ajeevika

Bureau) assisted in consultations and identification of the workers. These bodies provided

access to the field and eased the processes of data collection. 12

Introducing the regions for empirical research

The selection was based on random sampling. The sample size of the primary data

collected was 169, ofwhich 56 were men (33.1 per cent) and 113 women (66.8 per cent).

Gender Composition of the sample

33.1%

•Female Male 66.8%

Approximately, 50 per cent of the interviews were conducted in the regions of

Shahpur, Vatva, Gomtipur, and Juhapura, which added to 15 per cent each of the total

sample, as shown in Table 1. The remaining interviews were conducted in the areas of

Paldi, Vastrapur, Sabarmati, Guptanagar, Fatehwari, Chandlodia, Shivranjani, Vejalpur,

Vasna, Motera, and Amrawadi. In the regions of Vasna, Shivranjani, Juhapura,

Chandlodia both men and women workers were interviewed. Only men workers were

11 Place where the workers gather in the early morning hours for labour contractors to come and hire them. In Ahmedabad it is called a karianaka. Karia means construction 12 This research also includes interviews with activists working in trade unions, contractors, government officials along with construction workers.

190

interviewed in Fatehwari, Shahpur, and Paldi. Only women workers were interviewed in

Amrawadi, Gomtipur, Guptanagar, Motera, Vatva, Vastrapur, and Vejalpur.

Table 1 Regions in Ahmedabad where field work was conducted (in percentage)

N arne of the region Amra wadi Chandlodia Fatehwari Gomtipur Guptanagar Juhapura Mot era Paldi Sabarmati Shahpur Shivaranjani Vasna Vastrapur Vatva Vejalpur

Female 2.7 6.2 0.0 17.7 9.7 6.2 5.3 0.0 7.1 0.0 1.8 6.2 14.2 20.4 2.7

Male 0.0 1.8 12.5 0.0 0.0 16.1 0.0 19.6 0.0 41.1 7.1 1.8 0.0 0.0 0.0

Total 1.8 4.7 4.1 11.8 6.5 9.5 3.6 6.5 4.7 13.6 3.6 4.7 9.5 14.0 2.0

------------------·---------------------------------·

50 -,------

40 30 +----· 20 10 +---0 +-------------···"·-------··--,.·--

At site Kachcha

Type of residence

-·-----·--·----·····------------------· ---·

Semi-pukka

•Female

Pukka

Male

Tent on the road Stay on top of the municipal hospital

Of the total sample, roughly 0.6 per cent of those interviewed live on the

construction site, while 25.4 per cent live in kachcha houses, 26.6 per cent stay in semi­

pukka houses, 18.9 per cent stay in pukka houses, 21.9 per cent stay in tents on the road,

and 6.5 per cent stay without any residence in the open (all men interviewees), as shown

in Table 2. The majority of the women interviewed (60.2 per cent) stay in kachcha houses

and in tents on the road and maximum number of men (46.4 per cent) stay in semi-pukka

houses. Twelve per cent of the men interviewed stay in shared occupancy basis also

known as chaali 's. Maximum number of respondents (43 per cent) live injhuggi 's, while

191

the remaining 5 per cent live in resettlement colonies, 31 per cent stay in unauthorised

colonies, and 7 per cent do not have any fixed residence and live in the open. Of the total

sample, the majority of the women (58 per cent) stay injhuggi and maximum number (41

per cent) stay in unauthorised colonies. On a comparative basis usually workers who stay

in the pukka-semi-pukka settlements in unauthorised colonies or resettlement colonies are

much better off (in terms of possession of household assets/ economic status) than those

staying in jhuggi 's and in tents on the road. They are also mostly second and third

generation migrants to the city.

Table 2 -Type of housing (in percentage)

Type of housing At site Kachcha Semi-pukka Pukka Tent on the road

Stay on top of the municipal hospital

Female 0.0

31.0 16.8 23.0 29.2

0.0

Male 1.8

14.3 46.4 10.7 7.1

19.6

Total 0.6

25.4 26.6 18.9 21.9

6.5

Only one respondent owned a pukka house in Vejalpur. Out of the total sample, 78

per cent did not report of any payment of rent for either jhuggi, semi- pukka or pukka

house owners. Eighty-two per cent of men and 18 per cent of the women reported paying

rent for their place of accommodation. The rent paid by men from Shahpur is in the range

of Rs 1 00-1 000 per month and that paid by women in the regions of Gomtipur ranged

from Rs 500-1200.

Only 1.8 per cent of the interviews were conducted with people living on the work

site, whereas the majority, 98.2 per cent of the total interviewed lived at a distance for the

work site, as shown in Table 3. This does not intend to generalise the location of

residence of the construction workers. Due to difficulty in reaching the workers at the site

during working hours, the majority of the interviews were scheduled with workers who

stayed at a distance from the work site.

Table 3- Location of residence (in percentage)

Location of residence At site

Distance from site

Female 1.8

98.2

192

Male 1.8

98.2

Total 1.8

98.2

The majority (59 per cent) of the total respondents faced problems accessmg

water, while the remaining 41 per cent reported no such issues. The maximum number of

the respondents access water from municipality taps on the road and from residential

areas if their occupants allow. In some instances, the women construction workers in

residential areas are allowed to fill water free, but often are in tum made to perform

household chores. For example, women workers in the Vastrapurjhuggi perform cleaning

and household chores without payment for people in the bungalows and get access to

water in return. They usually go during the early morning, mostly before seven, to fill

water and work before they leave for construction work. Also in Vasna, workers pay Rs

1 00 to access water. Some respondents reported they have no permanent solution to their

water problem, changing source as per convenience, including using sources at hotels,

banks, parks, factories, the railway crossing and any other public source where payment

can be avoided. Only a hand full of respondents, those staying in pukka houses, owned

hand pumps. Overall, the majority of respondents believed that since they were migrants

and move from one part of the city to the other they have to devise ways to access water.

For the primary data collection in the regions of Chandlodia, Shivranjani, Motera,

Sabarmati, Vasna, Vastrapur, and Vejalpur, respondents live in Jhuggi's by the road.

People interviewed from Sabarmati, Shivranjani, and Chandlodia perceived of no civic

amenities such as hospitals or schools in their locality. They mostly stay in temporary

tents on the road. A similar situation was found for women interviewed from Vasna,

Vejalpur, Motera, and Vastrapur, who reported both hospitals and schools in the vicinity,

but cannot afford to send their children to school due to financial constraints. In the

regions of Amrawadi, Gomtipur, and Guptanagar, the constituency of people interviewed

were slightly better resourced. They live mostly in semi-pukka and pukka houses in

unauthorised colonies. In these three areas workers reported they availing to the facilities

such hospitals and send their children to the local school (government school).

Single migrant men live predominantly in unauthorised colonies in Fatehwari and

there were no schools or hospital facility they could afford. In Paldi, male respondents

lived in a residential colony on top of the municipal hospital and though there were

hospitals and schools in the locality, they could not afford to avail the facilities. These

men are mostly migrants from Rajasthan and leave their families back in their native

village. In Shahpur, single male migrants live in semi-pukka houses, to which they refer

to as chaali based on shared accommodation and reported no schools or hospitals in the

193

vicinity. In Juhapura, men and women respondents both live in resettlement colonies with

facilities for children and hospitals in the locality.

Overall, migrant women workers from Chandlodia, Shivranjani, Motera,

Sabarmati, Vasna, Vastrapur, and Vejalpur were in the most marginalised situations with

no assets. Women workers from Gomtipur, Guptanagar and Amravadi who are mostly

from Ahmedabad (third generation migrants) were better off in terms ofhousehold assets,

location of home and type of construction materials used for their houses (semi-pukka,

pukka). Male respondents in the regions of Paldi and Fatehwari were worst off in

comparison to men staying in Shahpur and Juhapura who were slightly better placed in

terms of location of residence, type of houses and ownership of some household assets.

The majority of the respondents (56 per cent) visit private hospitals and 34 per cent visit

government hospitals and 10 per cent visit both private and government hospitals for their

treatment. Most of the respondents borrow money to get their medical treatment in private

hospitals rather than government hospitals because they believe the treatment is done

more efficiently in the former.

Of the total sample, 32 per cent of the respondents own no household assets and

46 per cent owned one of these or a combination of access to electricity, mobile phones,

bicycles, motorcycles, toilets, and televisions. Respondents who were either second or

third generation migrant settled in a resettlement colony or living in semi-pukka or pukka

house in unauthorised colonies comprises the second category. The first category

(respondents without household assets), were staying injhuggi 's.

The majority (63.3 per cent) of the total number of people interviewed possessed

ration card in their village (of which 67.9 per cent were men and 38.9 per cent were

women), while 26 per cent used ration card in the city, 35.5 per cent did not possess one

and 1.2 per cent did not know what its use or significance was, as shown in Table 4. The

proportion of workers who used the ration card in the village were the single male

migrants who had their families back in the native village whereas the proportion of

women (38. 7 per cent) who reported using the ration card in the village had no logical

explanation as majority of women migrants had cut all ties with their native village and

the percentage of second and third generation women migrants in the city used the ration

card in the city.

194

Table 4- Possession of ration card (in percentage)

Possession of ration card Female Male Total Don't Know 1.8 0.0 1.2 No 37.2 32.1 35.5

Yes 38.9 0.0 26.0 Yes (in village) 22.1 67.9 37.3

Of the total sample size, only 8.3 per cent knew about government schemes, 8.3

per cent have never availed them and the majority (83.4 per cent) have never heard about

them, as shown in Table 5. Out of this, 83 per cent are women, while 5.3 per cent of the

women avail some of the government schemes, they were also the category of

respondents who had a ration card and cast their votes. There is also an intrinsic link

between awareness of these schemes by the government and education levels also

affiliation to trade unions (all these 5.3 per cent women respondents have passed primary

level of education and are affiliated to trade unions).

Table 5- Government schemes availed (in percentage)

A vail government schemes Never heard No

Yes

Female 83.0 11.5

5.3

Socio-economic background of the workers

Male 83.9 1.8

14.3

Total 83.4 8.3

8.3

This section briefly describes the household size, age distribution, educational

background, caste and religious affiliations, marital status, reproductive health and

political participation ofthe construction workers interviewed.

The maximum number of the respondents (32.5 per cent) have a household size of

4 to 5 members, as shown in Table 6. For men construction workers, the single migrants

(57.1 per cent) are the highest number. 13 About 3.5 per cent of the women (4 respondents)

are single earning members. Out of the 4 respondents, one reported that her husband left

her and 2 respondents don't live with their husbands and one is a widow. Table 6 shows

13 This is not to make a broad generalisation but was based on the nature of men workers who were interviewed (mostly single migrants).

195

the breakdown of the respondents as per household size. The largest concentration among

both men and women respondents was in the 4 - 5 persons category.

Table 6- Household size (in percentage)

Household Size Female Male Total Single 0 57.1 18.9

2-3 20.3 7.1 15.9

4-5 40.7 16.1 32.5

6-7 22.1 7.1 17.1

8-9 11.5 7.1 10

Above 10 5.3 5.3 5.3

The highest number of respondents were in the range of 30-39 years (33.2 per

cent). The highest number of women (18.6 per cent) are in the age group of 35-39 and

majority of the men interviewed (64.2 per cent) are in the age group of 20-35 years, as

shown in Table 7. Usually the workers in the construction sector start work at an early

age, iri this sample for instance 10.6 per cent of the women and 12.5 per cent of the men

are in the age group of 15 to 19 years. It is believed that due to the nature of tedious

manual labour in the construction sector, the workers often retire after they tum 40.

Contrary to this, women in this sample (4.4 per cent) were found to be working above the

60 years of age. This could mean that unskilled construction labour is among the

occupations of last resort for the elderly who have no other means to support themselves.

Table 7- Age composition (in percentage)

Age 15-19 20-24 25-29 30-34 35-39 40-44 45-49 50-54 55-59 Above 60

Female 10.6 9.7 11.5 16.8 18.6 12.4 8.0 6.2 1.8 4.4

Male 12.5 25.0 19.6 19.6 8.9 3.6 5.4 1.8 0.0 3.6

Total 11.2 14.8 14.2 17.8 15.4 9.5 7.1 4.7 1.2 4.1

The majority (69.8 per cent) of the total sample are illiterate, 5.9 per cent have

completed primary level and 18.3 per cent have completed secondary, while 3.6 per cent

have completed higher secondary, and 1.8 per cent have completed graduation and above,

196

as shown in Table 8. The majority of women (84.1 per cent) and men ( 41.1 per cent) are

illiterate. This is not by choice as most of the respondents expressed that due to conditions

of deprivation and starvation they were forced to choose between earning an income and

attaining formal education.

Table 8- Level of education (in percentage)

Level of education Illiterate Literate Primary Secondary Higher secondary Graduation and above

Female 84.1 0.9 5.3 8.0 0.9 0.9

Male 41.1 0.0 7.1

39.3 8.9 3.6

Total 69.8 0.6 5.9 18.3 3.6 1.8

The highest number ( 44 per cent) of the respondents send their children to school

whereas 40 per cent out of financial constraints were not able to send them to school. Of

those, attending school there is a high dropout ratio, usually during primary level itself.

Also 3 per cent of the respondents send their children in the originating village school and

13 per cent had no children. A lot of the interviews showed discrepancy between the

number of members in the household and the number of children. This is partly due to the

fact that most of them do not count the children in their villages to study. Most of the

workers keep their children in the villages to study in government school, and avail to

some of the benefits which are not available easily to them in urban areas. A few of them

reported they have to remove their daughters early from school to take care of the

younger siblings. In contrast to this, in Vinjal crossing, Vatva, a special case of a family

of three brothers and one sister, where the sons are not educated, as it was thought

important for them to start work, but one daughter is literate and the other is physically

challenged and stays in the village with their parents. Interestingly the physically

challenged daughter got an opportunity to study in a special school by the government

and to that end the brothers and sister are working in the town to save some money and

send it across for her treatment.

The majority of the sample population (84 per cent) are married and 2 per cent are

Marital status of sample

2%

84%

II Married Unmarried

!!~Widowed

widowed. The largest share of respondents (63 per cent) got married between the ages of

15 - 19 years. The pie chart shows the marital status of the sample.

Of the married women respondents, 88 per cent reported their husbands were

construction workers, while the rest said that they worked in factories, as rickshaw

pullers, were either in security services or as municipality cleaners. The majority of the

men reported that since their wives were mostly in the village they were involved in

animal husbandry, farming, and domestic work. The majority of the male family migrants

have their wives engaged in construction work in the city, while others also have their

wives work as domestic workers, or are home-based workers. Since men who were

interviewed are single migrants, they do not migrate to the city with their families. They

manage all the domestic work themselves and help each other in community sharing

basis. They get help in domestic chores from sons and friends.

Women on the other hand, get help only from female relatives with the exception

of one respondent who said that her husband helped in domestic work. Majority of the

women respondents (68 per cent) carry their children to the worksite. The rest (38 per

cent) either leave the children at home with the eldest daughter. Very few of them have

their children in the village with their extended family and in-laws. Sometimes women

workers themselves are engaged in working for long hours within and outside the

household as well as taking care of children. This was expressed by all respondents, to

quote one, " ... For me, the struggle at work used to be when my children were young and I

had to carry them along to the worksite. To be able to manage housework along with

working at the worksites and taking care of my children all at the same time was the

biggest challenge. Now things are different my daughter-in-law helps with most of the

household work". 14

The maximum number of the women workers work during their menstrual period

and the usual time of continuing work until the ih or 8th month into the pregnancy and

half to one month's rest are usually taken before and after the delivery. Contrary to this,

some of the respondents said they worked until the last day of their pregnancy and almost

immediately started work at the site carrying their newborn. About 41.7 per cent of the

respondents have 4 to 5 pregnancies, 64 per cent have had abortions/ miscarriages in the

range of 4 to 7 times, as shown in Table 9. Approximately 61.2 per cent of the women

have lost their daughters below 1 0 years who have had pregnancies ranging from 4 to 7

14 Testimony of Balu Ben Haribhai, for further details refer to Appendix II 198

times and above. 42.5 per cent of the women have lost their sons below 10 years who

have had pregnancies ranging from 4 to 5 times. Due to the high rate of pregnancies and

miscarriages most of these women workers have poor reproductive health. One

respondent shared, " .. .1 am 55 years old and was 14 when I got married. I had 6

pregnancies and only 3 survived. Two of my children died before they turned one year

old. One died due to terminal illness and lack of treatment at the age of two. Due to

financial constraints and nature of work (we hardly get time to look after our children) I

lost my children". 15

Table 9- Reproductive health( in percentage)

Range of number No of No of abortions/ of pregnancies pregnancies No of miscarriage

0-1 2.1 0.9 2-3 25.0 8.7 4-5 41.7 31.0 6-7 19.8 33.0 Above 8 11.5 26.1

No of children died below 10 years of age

Girl Bo 0.0 0.0 8.3 10.0 30.6 42.5 30.6 20.0 30.6 27.5

Other than reproductive health, the general health of construction workers is a

matter of concern. Most women in the construction sector are head loaders who carry 16

bricks, each 2.5 kg, on a wooden slab on their head up great heights. Due to the

considerable amount of weight on their head, the workers suffer from headaches, neck

and back pain and pain in hands and legs. They also have prolapsed uterus, menstrual

disorders, miscarriages, asthma, and other respiratory disorders. Sometimes, they

complain of bleeding from their fingertips due to continuous handling of bricks. Health

hazards are also high in the construction sector due to its accident-prone environment

added to the fact that most construction companies do not provide for safety measures.

Out of the total sample, 1.8 per cent are adivasis, 85.8 per cent are Hindu's, 8.3

per cent are Muslims, and 4.1 per cent do not know their religion, as shown in Table 10.

The majority of women (84.1 per cent) and men (89.3 per cent) respondents are Hindu's.

Of the men, 10.7 per cent are Muslims. Interestingly, when asked about their religion,

migrants from the Dahood region mostly did not respond and generally were confused

about their caste affiliations. The low percentage of Muslim women engaged in

15 Testimony of Balu Ben Haribhai, for further details refer to Appendix II 199

construction might be due to other work preference (home-based work, domestic work). It

might also be a result of sensitive communal riot prone situations which affect women's

mobility outside their homes.

In response to the situation during the Gujarat riots in 2002 most of the

respondents did not answer, barring a few men from Shahpur and few women affiliated to

SEW A. 16 Shahpur is a Muslim dominated area, which was one of the most sensitive riot

prone areas. During the Gujarat riots of 2002, the migrants often were not in a situation to

venture out for work for several months. Also during curfews, police repression was very

high and they would be easy targets. Some women from SEW A shared that Gomtipur,

Bapunagar, Behrampura, and Amravadi were the worst affected areas during the riots.

Their houses were burned down, and they had no work for three to four months. SEW A

in all these places organised camps and also provided for health facilities, aided in

children's education and created employment generation avenues

Table 10- Religious composition (in percentage)

Religion Female Male Total Adivasi 2.7 0.0 1.8

Hindu 84.1 89.3 85.8

Muslim 7.1 10.7 8.3

Don't Know 6.2 0.0 4.1

In the total sample, none of the respondents belong to the general category, as

shown in Table 11. The majority (52 per cent) belong to Scheduled Tribes (ST), 28 per

cent belong to Scheduled Castes (SC's), 14 per cent belong to Other Backward Classes

(OBC's), and 6 per cent are Muslims. Fifty-four per cent of the women and 48 per cent of

the men all Scheduled Tribes and 33 per cent of the women and 18 per cent of the men

are Scheduled Castes. The adivasi and bhils among the STs, chamars and vankars among

the SCs and yadav's among the OBC were the highest caste groups within these

categories. 17 One reason for this might be the selection of the sample as the majority were

from Dahood region who belong to ST communities.

16 Refer to the Chapter Six for details on the Gujarat Riots 2002 17 Of the Scheduled Tribes the majority are adivasi and bhils, rest are from the following communities; meenama bhil, bhabor, bhil thakur, rathore, yasaria, pargi, haria, khokria meena, damoor, meena, gudiya, katara, palash, sangara, vasaiya, bhuria, gondia, bhilwar, mavi, mohania, mochar. Of the Scheduled Castes 41, per cent are reported from the chamar community and 30 per cent from vankars and rest are makwana,

200

Table 11- Caste composition (in percentage)

Caste groups Female Male Total sc 32.7 17.9 27.8 ST 54.0 48.2 52.1 OBC 9.7 21.4 13.6 General 0.0 0.0 0.0 Muslim 3.5 12.5 6.5

Table 12 shows the maximum number of women (42.5 per cent) cast their vote

and the maximum number of men (46.4 per cent) do not cast their votes. In total, 23.7 per

cent cast their vote in the village and the maximum number (42 per cent) do not cast their

vote at all. Among women, mostly second and third generation migrants staying in pukka,

semi-pukka houses in resettlement colonies or unauthorised colonies, who already use a

ration card, are the ones who generally cast their vote.

Table 12-Voting behaviour (in percentage)

Do you vote Female Male Total Yes 42.5 17.9 34.3 No 39.8 46.4 42.0 Yes village 17.7 35.7 23.7

Out of the 34 per cent who vote, 12 per cent vote for Bharatiya J anta Party (BJP),

22 per cent vote for the Congress Party, and 60 per cent did not respond, while 4 per cent

vote for Narendra Modi though they do not know which party he represents. The total

Muslim population (3.5 per cent of the women and 12.5 per cent men) mostly vote for the

Congress Party.

As shown in Table 13, overall, we could say that BJP gets 27.3 per cent of the

total votes from OBC women and 50 per cent from OBC men. The Congress Party gets it

vote from SC women and Muslim men. ST women and SC and ST men have no idea

about parties; mostly they do not vote as they have no election card. About 3.3 per cent of

the ST women and 16.7 per cent of the OBC men vote for Narendra Modi.

mocha, bhanwar, and chawra. Of the Backward Classes, yadav's constitute 10 per cent followed by ode, darbar, prajapati, ghanchi, deewan, marvari, sonar, and patel.

201

Table 13- Participation in electoral process (in percentages)

Female Male Party Total

Muslim OBC sc ST Muslim OBC sc ST

BJP 0.0 27.3 13.5 0.0 28.6 50.0 30.0 7.4 12.4

Congress 50.0 18.2 51.4 4.9 42.9 8.3 10.0 22.2 21.9

BJP/Congress 0.0 0.0 5.4 1.6 0.0 0.0 0.0 3.7 2.4 No Idea 50.0 54.5 29.7 90.2 28.6 25.0 60.0 59.3 59.8

Narendra 0.0 0.0 0.0 3.3 0.0 16.7 0.0 7.4 3.6 Modi

Employment status and payment of wages

The majority (92 per cent) of the respondents are currently employed and only 8 per cent

have retired from their work as construction workers. Eighty-two per cent of the

respondents visit the naka, of which 64 per cent were women. Eighty-eight per cent of the

total sample work as head loaders and helpers, of whom 75 per cent are women. Nine per

cent of the sample work as masons out of which 7 per cent are women skilled workers as

is shown in Table 14. Forty-two per cent of the workers receive wages in the range ofRs

100 to 125 and 35.5 per cent receive wages between Rs 150 and Rs 175. Only 21.5 per

cent of the skilled men receive wages between Rs 200 and Rs 225 and 57.1 per cent

receive wages above Rs 300. The majority (58.6 per cent) of the women receive wages

between Rs100 and Rs 125 while men (76.2 per cent) receive wages between Rs 125 and

Rs 175. The minimum wages in Gujarat with effect from April 1st 2010 was Rs 157.7 and

Rs 157.3 for unskilled workers; Rs 137.6 and Rs 159.0 for semi-skilled workers and Rs

163.5, Rs 172.2, Rs 162.7 and Rs 170.6 for skilled workers (depending on the grade scale

A or B). 18 If we compare these statistics it is evident that for all level of skilled/ unskilled

and semi-skilled work the payment of minimum wages was not met according to the Act.

In the sample, maximum number of the workers earn wages between Rs 125 and Rs 175

and visit the naka to solicit work.

Comparing the wages received by women with men in the skilled and unskilled

categories one finds a difference of around Rs 50 in the wages received. For instance,

women unskilled workers get up toRs 125 (with some exceptions) and men in the same

category receiveRs 175, similarly women skilled workers earn up toRs 225 whereas men

18 http://www.labour.nic.in

202

in the same category earn up toRs 300 and above. Women workers do not get wages in

accordance with the Minimum Wages Act, 1948 and the Equal Remuneration Act 1976.

Table 14- Wage rate in accordance with skills (in percentage)

Wage rate Skilled Unskilled Total

Female Male Female Male 60-79 0.0 0.0 0.9 0.0 0.6

80-99 0.0 0.0 0.0 2.4 0.6

100-124 0.0 0.0 58.6 14.3 42.0

125-149 0.0 0.0 10.8 9.5 9.5

150-174 0.0 0.0 28.8 66.7 35.5

175-199 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0

200-224 1.7 21.4 0.9 7.1 5.3

225-249 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0

250-274 0.0 14.3 0.0 0.0 1.2

275-299 0.0 7.1 0.0 0.0 0.6

Above 300 0.0 57.1 0.0 0.0 4.7

Kayam and rokri were local terms used to denote the nature of work in

construction. The difference between kayam and rokri is that kayam workers do not visit

the naka and usually work with one particular jobber/ mukardam. They get wages in bulk

once a month, at the end of the project and after giving the jobber his commission and

they usually receive less wages compared to rokri workers. On the other hand, rokri

workers work from the naka and get paid on a daily basis. But this distinction does not

stand ground in times of recession as many kayam workers have started visiting the nakas

due to unavailability of work as such. Majority of the women workers (83 per cent)

reported availability of work for only 15 days in a month and (89 per cent) of the men

reported work availability for 20 days in a month. The non-availability of work was

reported by many women workers, to quote one respondent, " .. .1 have been working in

the construction sector for the last 20 years as a headloader. I visit the naka to solicit

work. Nowadays, we do not get work for more than 15 days in a month also the wage is

not paid as promised per day, infact we get paid randomly sometimes when the work is

completed, other times on daily basis. When I started work the wage was Rs 5". 19

19 Testimony of Kothari Gachi, for further details refer to Appendix II

203

This decrease in the days of work availability can be linked to heavy

mechanisation processes which displace unskilled workers. Some unskilled men

construction workers have the advantage of skill upgradation in the sector, but due to

gender based division of work as women mostly work in unskilled capacities; they are the

most disadvantaged by this phenomenon.

Apart from this there are also big construction companies who undertake skill

training programmes specifically for men and resort to company policy, women's

inability to travel distances or family restrictions for not training women. Similar views

were expressed by one interviewee, " ... as a policy we do not train women construction

workers. Women are mostly helpers; they have less capacity of bearing weight. As they

have no skills, therefore, they end up doing unskilled work. We have to build creches

where women workers are engaged, so in some ways, investment is much more for

women; social safety risk increases, industries therefore avoid employing women. They

are less productive as compared to male workers, so we have proportional wage

difference and wage gap. The biggest challenge to big companies is that even if we train

women they do not work for us due to family restrictions. Women want work near their

residents, but big projects, are mainly housed far away from residents, in rural and open

areas"?0

Also, it was clear during field visits that daily wage workers (rokri) did not

receive wages each day. On the contrary they were paid after 2-5 days or after 8 days

twice in a month. Many women workers especially those attached to SEW A felt that

work in the construction sector was mostly kayam, initially the contractors gave bonus

and also registered attendance, but after the boom in the construction industry and the

high rate of in-migration has led to the creation of the naka and posed competition to

local women. They argue that contractors prefer migrant labourers as they work for less

money.

The majority (72 per cent) of the respondents are engaged in kayam work whereas

22 per cent are engaged in rokri work and 6 per cent are engaged in both kayam and rokri

work. Of this, 16 per cent of the women are engaged in kayam unskilled work, 48 per cent

are engaged in rokri unskilled work, and only 1 per cent are engaged in rokri skilled

work. For men 18 per cent of them are engaged in rokri unskilled work, 4 per cent is

engaged in both kayam and rokri unskilled work, 2 per cent of the men are engaged in

20 Interview with Sanjay Bhai, Chief Engineer, Larson and Toubro as on 281h November 2008

204

kayam skilled work, and 5 per cent of them are engaged in rokri skilled work. A minor

percentage of both men and women workers are engaged in both kayam and rokri work.

Therefore, we can infer from the sample that the majority of the workers both men and

women are involved in rokri unskilled work.

Out of the total sample, the majority (59 per cent) receive their wages daily (out of

which men reported 33.3 per cent and women reported 66.6 per cent), 16 per cent receive

their wages monthly. Some respondents involved in both kayam, rokri work receives their

wages randomly either daily or monthly, and they constitute 6 per cent of the sample. The

remaining 19 per cent of the sample receives kharchi, which is money in lump sum either

in 2-5 days or in 8 days depending on the time taken for the completion of work.

Due to irregular nature of wage payments and all earned income being spent on

day-to-day consumption expenses, these construction workers hardly have money to save.

The majority (80 per cent) of the sample have no savings and they live hand-to-mouth

existence, which includes 78 per cent of the women and 84 per cent of the men, as shown

in Table 15. Only a few single male migrant workers (mostly skilled) have some amount

of savings. Also second and third generation women migrants with substantive household

assets in the areas of Amravadi, Guptanagar, and Gomtipur had savings above Rs 1,000

per month. The amount of money usually saved depended upon other factors, such as

household size, number of earning members, consumption expenditure, money spend on

health and repayment of old debts, and lastly type of workmen (skill levels).

Table 15- Savings (in percentage)

Savings Female Male Total 0-99 0.9 0.0 0.6

100-199 4.4 1.8 3.6

200-399 3.5 0.0 2.4

400-599 2.7 0.0 1.8

600-799 0.9 0.0 0.6

800-999 0.0 0.0 0.0

1000-1999 1.8 3.6 2.4 2000-2999 2.7 5.4 3.6 3000-3999 0.9 3.6 1.8 4000-4999 1.8 1.8 1.8 Above 5000 2.7 0.0 1.8 NA 38.9 8.9 29.0 Not Mentioned 38.9 75.0 50.9

205

Due to lack of savings, most of the construction workers depend on borrowing

money for emergencies. They usually borrow money from friends, relatives, neighbours,

moneylenders, and contractors. In this sample, the maximum number (39.6 per cent)

borrow money from the moneylender and 25.4 per cent borrow from friends, rest borrow

from the bank, family members, village, neighbours, and contractors, as shown in Table

16.

Table 16- Groups/ individuals lending money (in percentage)

Loan taken from Female Male Total Bank 4.4 1.8 3.6 Family 7.1 1.8 5.3 Friends 15.9 44.6 25.4 Village 7.1 7.1 7.1 Moneylender 39.8 39.3 39.6 Neighbour 8.8 0.0 5.9 Thekedar 8.0 0.0 5.3 Noone 8.8 5.4 5.9

Workers borrow money from moneylenders in the village who charge interest

ranging from 3 per cent to 1 0 per cent. Some of the reasons for the loan could be for

health emergencies, repayment of old debts, farming, and festival celebration. The

majority (80 per cent) of the sample recorded to have borrowed money for repayment of

old debts, illness related needs and for marriages of their children. In adivasi marriages,

the bridegroom's family is required to pay bride price and after the marriage the daughter­

in-law is supposed to repay that money. This was one of reasons behind migration given

by women construction workers from Dahood, Ahmedabad.

The Table 17, shows that the maximum number (44.3 per cent) of the respondents

work for 8 to 10 hours in a day, while 23.6 per cent work for 10 to 12 hours a day and 19

per cent work for more than 12 hours in a day. Fifty six per cent of the women

respondents work for 10-12 hours while men (95 per cent) respondents work for 8 to 10

hours in a day, at a continuous stretch, with only a break of one hour.

206

Table 17- Working hours (in percentage)

Working hours Female Male Total

Less than 8 hours 2.6 0 1.7

8 hours 3.5 3.5 3.5

9 hours 28.3 76.7 44.3

10 hours 28.3 14.2 23.6

II hours 8.84 3.5 7.1

12 hours 19.4 0 13

More than 12 2.6 0 1.7 No exact time 6.1 1.7 4.7

None of the workers receive overtime and avail creche facilities at the worksite as

is shown in Table 18. In the context of facilities provided at the work site, 50.4 per cent of

the women reported no toilets and 85.7 per cent of the men confirmed this. About 26.5

per cent of the women and 5.3 per cent of the men reported no provisions for drinking

water at the site. Approximately 65.4 per cent of the women and 75 per cent of the men

reported no muster rolls or attendance register to record attendance. About 79.6 per cent

of the women and 96.4 per cent of the men did not have any labour card. Ninety-eight per

cent of the men and 88 per cent of the women received no bonus by the contractor during

the work year. Approximately 98.3 per cent of the workers said that there was no

compensation given as accident benefits. Of the 1. 7 per cent who received accident

compensation, were unionised and got help from the union to retrieve the money.

Table 18- Facilities at the worksite (in percentage)

Facilities at Yes No Depends the worksite

Female Male Female Male Female

Toilet 24.7 0 50.4 85.7 24.7

Drinking water 31.8 78.5 25.6 5.3 25.6

Register 34.5 25 65.4 75 0 attendance Do you have a 20.3 3.5 79.6 96.4 0 labour card Break during 100 100 0 0 0 the day Accident at 11.5 3.5 88.4 96.4 0 workplace Compensation 4.4 1.721 7.9 94.6 0 for accident

21 Reported to have got only small part of the accident compensation 207

Male

14.2

16

0

0

0

0

1.7

Never Heard

Female Male

0 0

0 0

0 0

0 0

0 0

0 0

87.6 1.7

With next to no facilities at the worksite the majority (52 per cent) of the

respondents reported no other option for work but construction. Women respondents were

open to opt for work like domestic work, garbage collection, stitching and vegetable

vending. Men responded that they would engage in business, factory work, hardware

work, hotel helper, but since all avenues of work required either experience or skill,

construction work for them was ideal as they could start work as unskilled manual

workers.

Migration patterns of construction workers

In the total sample, 1 per cent of the single migrants are women, and 22 per cent of the

single migrants are men, as shown in Table 19. Majority (66 per cent) of the family

migrants are women and 11 per cent are men. Majority of female family migration takes

place after marriage.

Table 19- Migration pattern (in percentage)

Years of Single Migration Family Migration Total migration

Female Male Female Male 0-1 1.7 18.9 6.3 15.8 10.7 2-4 0.0 24.3 11.6 21.1 15.4 5-9 0.0 27.0 9.8 0.0 12.4 10-14 0.0 10.8 7.1 15.8 8.9 15-19 0.0 5.4 11.6 10.5 10.1 20-24 0.0 5.4 9.8 10.5 8.9 25-29 0.0 5.4 4.5 0.0 4.1 30-34 0.0 0.0 3.6 0.0 2.4 35-39 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 40-44 0.0 0.0 2.7 0.0 1.8 45-49 0.0 0.0 0.9 0.0 0.6 After Marriage 0.0 0.0 17.9 0.0 11.8

Second 0.0 2.7 13.4 15.8 11.2 generation Third 0.0 0.0 0.9 10.5 1.8 generation

The regions of Paldi and Shahpur in Ahmedabad were selected to study the

migratory patterns of single male migrants. Some migrants who were born in the city of

Ahmedabad and their parents had initially migrated for work has been categorised as

second generation migrants. Also, for respondents whose parents were born in the city of

208

Ahmedabad as their previous generations had migrated for work (especially in the textile

mills) are categorised as third generation migrants?2

The majority (71 per cent) of the total sample migrate from within Gujarat from

the areas of Dahood, Rajkot, Ahmedabad, Surat, Baroda, Sabarkantha, Bhuj,

Surendranagar, Jamnagar, Kathiawar, Saurashtra, and Mehsana. Within this, 60 per cent

of the total migrants are from Dahood, 81 per cent within this are women migrants. 23 Of

the total 13 per cent, in-migration is from Rajkot out of which 54 per cent migrate from

Morbi. Also 8 per cent of the total respondents are workers are from Ahmedabad, mostly

third generation and second generation (from the regions of Ranpur, Dholka, Vekaria,

Nalsarovar, and Sanand). Male migrants from Rajasthan constitute 23 per cent of the

sample out of which 59 per cent are from Banswada and 30 per cent are from Udaipur,

rest are from Jodhpur, Marwar, and Kisanganj. Four per cent of the total sample migrate

from Madhya Pradesh out of which 75 per cent migrate from Jhabua, rest migrate from

Mahoba, and Bhind. Also 2 per cent of the total sample constitutes single male migration

from Maharashtra.

In the north-eastern tribal areas of Gujarat, land is used for forest based work as

agriculture is not possible due to the stony nature of the soil and perpetual water problem

in these areas. There is massive deforestation and sanctuaries built, therefore, no

resources are left. In addition, the government infrastructure is very poor in the tribal belt,

f.Jr instance road, education, primary health facility, lastly there is a problem with the

implementation and the delivery mechanism of the schemes, and there are no industries

where people can work. These are few reasons due to which workers migrate to cities.

Almost, 80 per cent of the migrants enter the city and get engaged in construction related

activity as they are mostly unskilled, and there is a high demand for unskilled labour.24 In

an impact study conducted by an organisation called Aravali, sponsored by the Rajasthan

government and written by Ajeevika Bureau, it was pointed out that in south Rajasthan,

out-migration accounted for 60 -70 per cent of the total population. The income in the

family was coming from outside (through migrants) not from local livelihoods

(agriculture, livestock, forestry).25

22 Field notes 23

Zalod has the highest number of migrants within Dahood followed by; Amli Khajuria, Limkheda, Pandri, Similia, Liler, Vandaria, Sanvara, Tarvaria, Borali, Gamli, Chanwana, Motikharg, Ratigh, Bawkar, Itawa, Hawa, Olamba. Source: Field notes 24 Interview Poulomi Mistry, Founder ofDisha NGO, Ahmedabad, as on 151

h February 2008 25 Interview Mahesh Gajera, activist with Ajeevika Bureau, as on 21st December 2008

209

In Ahmedabad majority of the family migrants migrate from Jhabua, Banswada,

and Dahood; all three are predominantly tribal areas and one reason for migration is for

livelihood purposes as natural resources are not enough for sustenance in originating

areas. These migrants mostly migrate to Ahmedabad, Kutch, Surat, and Jamnagar for

work. Mostly migrants visit their native village for emergencies or for festivals (Holi and

Diwali).26 The single male migrants visit the village frequently (once in two months) or if

they own landed property, they visit once a year after rains for farming purposes. The

trend in mobility of these migrants depends upon family type, family ties, agriculture

pattern, and frequency of going back home, frequency of rains. The age group of the

migrants is 14 to 40 years, though majority lies in the age group of 16 to 26 years. Very

few workers migrate after the age of 50.

One notices two particular streams of in-migration in Ahmedabad, one from

Dahood, Panchmahal, another from Chota Udaipur in Rajasthan, Dungarpur, and

Banswada. From southern part of Rajasthan, Ahmedabad is the closest and the best option

geographically, though migrants travel from there to Surat, Bombay, or Bangalore. The

relation of migration with connectivity by train or bus is very important. For instance,

Banswada has good connectivity to Baroda so mostly people migrate there for work.

Many migrants settle at the entry point to the city or along the bus routes within the city

(as noticed in Ahmedabad). Migrants from Rajasthan settle down in Naroda and Memko,

which are border areas of Ahmedabad along the bus route. Migrants from Dahood enter

the city from Bapunagar, Jashodanagar, and Maninagar and start living there injhuggi's

alongside the bus route.

There is also an interesting link between the specialisations in construction trades

and the regions the workers migrate from. For instance, migrants from Devgarbaria,

Panchmahal, Gidhra, Schawada, and Santrampur are mostly single male migrants

specialising in bar bending and centering work. Migrants from Kherwada, Dungarpur, in

Rajasthan are Scheduled Caste skilled workers. Migrants from Banswada, Gherwa are

mostly tribals and unskilled workers; they take 2 years to attain skill. Migrants from

Dahood specialise in concreting and bar bending.

An interesting case study of single male migrants from Rajasthan settled in the

region of Shahpur, in Ahmedabad, point out their conception of domestic work. Most of

them engage in household chores like cooking, cleaning, washing but admit that they

26 Holi and Diwali are Hindu festivals celebrated in North India 210

would not engage in the same when home in the village as they consider domestic work

as 'women's' work'. These migrants stay in shared semi- pukka houses which they refer

to as chaali, and pay an average rent of Rs 200 a month. Most of them migrate from

Banswada express the fact that they receive Rs 1 00 in their village and get three times the

money for the same work (skilled work) in the city. They mostly migrate to the city and

start work as helpers in hotels then gradually shift to the construction sector. In an

average, they work for 8 to 10 years as helpers while they learn the skill and finally

graduate into skilled work. Most of them engage in kayam work but they also visit the

naka to solicit work. They believe that in kayam work one gets less money but there is an

underlined promise of working for a longer period of time till the project finishes. On the

other hand, in rokri work one is paid more for a short- term work but there is no

employment security. They frequently visit their native village and in their duration of

stay in the city take a holiday only during the festival of vishwakarma and during amavas

(no moon day).

In contrast to them single male migrants in Paldi, on an average don't have money

to pay rent for their jhuggi 's or houses, instead they stay on top of the municipality

hospital building. In total some 50 men stay there from nearby villages. There is a huge

shortage of water supply, where they stay, they somehow access water from either the

municipality tap, but most of them pay Rs 5 to take a bath from paid public toilets.

Almost all the respondents expressed their wish to save money earned and not spend it on

rent and this is one reason why they choose to stay in the open. All of them cook together

but they claim that they would never cook in their villages back home, as it is considered

to be the 'women's responsibility'. On the question ofwhy they do not migrate with their

families most of the respondents said that they wanted to avail the benefits of government

schemes which can be utilised only if their families were staying in the village. Also

women help in animal husbandry and farming which caters to their sustenance during the

whole year. Most of these men on an average stay 8 months in Ahmedabad and 4 months

in their originating village.

The maximum number (32 per cent) of the total sample have been staying in one

place since 4 years this also includes male migrants in majority (57.1 per cent), as shown

in Table 20. The maximum number of women workers (23.9 per cent) have been staying

at the same place since their marriage (this category includes women migrants staying at

211

the same place for more than 30 years). Usually the workers have non-permanence of

residential arrangements due to the nature of work and their migratory status.

Table 20- Non-permanence of residential arrangement (in percentage)

Since when are you living in this locality Female Male

Few days 1.8 3.6

0-4 19.5 57.1

5-9 13.3 14.3

10-14 13.3 10.7

15-19 8.8 3.6

20-24 10.6 1.8

25-29 1.8 0.0

Many years 7.1 8.9 Since Marriage 23.9 0.0

Total

2.4

32.0

13.6

12.4

7.1

7.7

1.2

7.7 16.0

Of the total sample; 5.9 per cent never go back to their native village, 11.2 per

cent go back to their village only occasionally for emergencies, 36.7 per cent go back

very frequently (once in two months), 32.5 per cent go back for festivals and only 12.4

per cent go back home for harvesting purposes, as shown in Table 21. About 70.2 per

cent of the men go back frequently to their native village, and 45.1 per cent of the women

go back once a year for festivals (Holi and Diwali).

Most of the second and the third generation migrants with no family or extended

family in the village rarely go back to their village. The frequency of visiting the village

mostly depends on family ties or for agricultural purposes. Since the majority of the

sample does not engage in agriculture for this research the workers mostly visit native

villages to visit family or extended family though there are few exceptions. For instance

one respondent expressed, " .. .1 belong to the Muslim community and migrated from

Surendranagar in Gujarat 10 years back since we did not own any land in the village.

Since the last two years we have been staying in this place before this we changed our

place of residence some 6 to 7 times depending on the place of work. I visit the village in

the harvesting season to work in other's fields". 27

27 Testimony ofMumtaz Ben Akbar Bhai, for further details refer to Appendix II

212

Table 21-Frequency of going back to native village (in percentage)

How many times do you go home Female Male Total Don't Go 4.4 8.8 5.9 Frequently 19.5 70.2 36.7 Festivals 45.1 7.0 32.5 Harvesting 18.6 0.0 12.4 Once in two years 0.9 0.0 0.6 Once in 3 I 4 years 0.9 0.0 0.6 Occasionally 10.6 12.3 11.2

In the total sample, 40.9 per cent own land up to 0 to 5 bighas and 36.7 per cent

do not own any land in their native village, as shown in Table 22. Only 12.4 per cent of

the sample engages in agriculture (which includes 18.6 per cent women respondents and

no men). Forty-six per cent of the women do not own land and few (29.2 per cent) own

land up to 5 bighas, which they said was either not suitable for agriculture or inadequate

(due to fragmentation and subdivision of land). Most of the women who visit their native

village for harvesting work during the agricultural seasons work on other people's farm at

daily wage workers.

Table 22- Property in terms of land in bighas (in percentage)

Property Female Male Total 0-1 4.4 7.1 5.3 2-3 11.5 30.4 17.8 4-5 13.3 26.8 17.8 6-7 0.9 10.7 4.1 8-9 0.0 0.0 0.0 10-11 0.9 3.6 1.8 12-13 0.0 0.0 0.0 14-15 0.0 0.0 0.0 16-17 5.3 0.0 3.6 18-19 0.0 1.8 0.6 20-21 1.8 1.8 1.8 22-23 0.0 0.0 0.0 24-25 0.0 0.0 0.0 26-27 0.0 0.0 0.0 28-29 0.9 0.0 0.6 Above 30 0.9 0.0 0.6 Don't know 14.2 0.0 9.5 No land 46.0 17.9 36.7

213

Union participation and awareness of labour laws

In the total sample, 27 per cent of the women and 13 per cent of the men were unionised.

Women workers were part of SEWA (15.9 per cent) and both men and women workers

were part of Baandh Kaam Mazdoor Sangathan (10.71 per cent). Along with this, a few

male workers (7.14 per cent) were affiliated to Ajeevika Bureau (an NGO working on

labour rights and migration issue).

SEW A members from Gomtipur and Arnravadi were selected for primary data

collection for the purposes ofthis research. SEW A works with women workers within the

parameters of the informal economy, in almost all sectors: agriculture, forestry,

manufacturing, and trade and services. It is registered as a trade union that operates on the

principle of decentralisation, which allows it to reach and organise the women workers at

the grassroots more effectively. This principle of decentralisation is evident in the

structure of the organisation and also the different activities it is involved in. SEW A

believes in decentralised local management through barefoot managers and Aagewans,

literally meaning local leaders. It has a democratically elected leadership-cum­

management structure with four tiers represented by the executive committee, the council

of representatives, the trade-cum-area committee of leaders, and finally the members. 28 In

terms of organisational structure, SEW A functions as an umbrella organisation, which

brings together various smaller, local associations of women.29 It mobilises women

workers through four types of associations; the union, the cooperatives, the federations

and the supportive services.30

28 As expressed by Kalima Rose who has worked extensively with SEW A, for more details see, Kalima Rose, Where Women are Leaders: The SEWA Movement in India, Vistaar Publications, New Delhi, 1992 29 SEW A's organisational structure is divided into general body, representative council, executive council. The general body is made up of different trades like vendoring, gum collecting, rag picking, bidi making, agarbatti (incense stick) making. Members of each trade elect their own representatives who form the representative council, which is concerned with different trade issues. Every three years the representative council elects the executive committee, consisting of 25 members, and is the highest decision making body. The executive committee elects the office bearers. The executive committee meets every month and the representative council meets every three months. See Debi Saini S, 'Securing working class rights for Informal sector workers in India: A case study of Self-Employed Women's Association', Indian Journal of Gender Studies, Vol.50, No.4, 2007 30 Renana Jhabvala, 'Self- Employed Women's Association: A Case Study of Interventions in The Labour Market', Paper presented at a seminar on Gender and Employment in India; Trends, Patterns and Policy Implications, organised by the Indian Society of Labour Economics and Institute of Economic Growth, , December 18-20, Delhi, 1996

214

Given its emphasis on employment and income, most of the organisations that

comprise SEWA are trade- based.31 It has been instrumental in organising its members

into cooperatives based on issues of livelihoods.32 The SEWA Bank, the SEW A's Rural

Development Programme, the SEW A Trade Facilitation Centre, SEW A Academy, and

Social Security Measures provided by it, form the framework of supportive measures that

SEWA undertakes within its broad organisational structure. SEWA's strategy is to

organise rural women by identifying the needs of the communities, designing demand­

driven programmes and link them with government programmes. Examples of this can be

the integrated social security scheme, running of the balwadi 's and providing maternity

benefits and childcare facilities etc. At present, there are 1 00 cooperatives in rural and

urban areas that are coordinating 9000 self-help groups, towards providing social

protection needs to women workers.33 The goals of SEW A's activities are to achieve full

employment and self-reliance for all its members. It organises women to enter the

mainstream of the economy through the twin strategies of struggle and development. 34

SEW A started work with construction workers in 1998. Initially, they were

unionising screen printers (who lost their work due to mechanisation) and women

workers in the textile mills after the textile mills shut. These women workers found an

easy entry into construction as no specific skill was required to enter this industry.

Women who were a part of the textile mills and screen printing unions demanded the

formation of a union for construction workers. Thereafter, the union of women

construction workers was started. SEW A has helped their union members to start bank

accounts and with loans for health emergencies. The groups have also started creche,

housing unit, training centre and university for women in the unorganised sector for

further learning, started video unit, literacy unit, insurance schemes, specialised training

31 The members of these Trade organisations are the beneficiaries. Some of the organisations are registered under the cooperative act, and some are DWCRA (Development of Women and Children in Rural Areas) groups or producers' groups registered with the Ministry of Rural Development. All these trade organisations are smaller primary groups that are village level or mohalla based and all of them function as independent, autonomous bodies. 32 Some of the cooperatives started through SEW A's initiative are the Milk producers cooperative, the Artisans cooperatives, the Land based cooperatives, the Stone quarrying cooperatives, the Cleaners cooperatives, the Salt producers' cooperatives, the Housing cooperatives, the Bank cooperatives and the Vendors cooperatives. Some of the DWCRA groups started by SEWA are as follows- artisan based DWCRA groups, land based DWCRA groups (fodder farms), Small forest produces gatherers groups, Nursery raising groups Cattle feed and consumer items 33 Debi Saini S, 'Securing working class rights for Informal sector workers in India: A case study of Self­Employed Women's Association', Indian Journal of Gender Studies, Vol.SO, No.4, 2007 34 'The Self -Employed Women's Association', Working with Women in Poverty, Economic and Social

Commission for Asia and the Pacific, UN publications, 1993 215

for trade-based activity (in terms of new technology which comes in the market), training

to learn computers, training to learn other trade- based activities.35 In 2002 the SEWA

Insurance Cooperative started a special Accident Insurance Scheme for construction

workers. It also opened 25 day-care centres at construction sites or near the houses of the

workers.36

A number of studies conducted by SEW A from 1998 to 2007 on construction

workers showed that women are mostly involved in unskilled work (head loaders), lack

skill training, no opportunity to perform skilled work , lower wages, no basic amenities at

the worksite, non-payment of minimum wages, vulnerability to physical illness, and lack

of employment security and social security provisions.37

To address the need to provide skill training to construction workers SEW A

established the SEW A Mahila Housing Trust (MHT) in 1994 to train and certify women

in construction skills and connect them with potential employment opportunities. In 2003,

the MHT established the Karmika School for Construction workers to fulfil the above

stated objectives. This school offers three months training programmes in skills such as;

masonry, plumbing, plastering, tiling, carpentry, painting, electrical wiring, welding,

excavation, and bar bending. It also provides short-term skills such as construction of

disaster resistant houses, toilets, drains, sewers, landscaping. Alongside the above

mentioned programmes, it also trains women on functional literacy and life skills

(bargaining with the contractor/ employer, conflict resolution). The recruitment of the

women workers into the school for this training programme follows several methods: the

MHT teams and former and current trainers visit the nakas and inform women about their

training programme; MHT also organises exposure visits for potential women trainees. At

the end of the course the women workers are issued certificates in partnership with CIDC

(Construction Industry Development Council).38

The 1998 study revealed that women workers got barely 16 days of work per

month this had reduced to 11 days in 2003. In these reports the workers cited two main

35 Interview of Ramila Ben, working with the construction workers in SEW A, on 5th October 2008 36 B, Baruah, Gender and globalization - Opportunities and constraints faced by women in the construction industry in India, Labor Studies Journal, 2008 37 SEW A studies in the 1998 and 2003 had 250 individuals ( 125 men and I 25 women) and in 2007 it interviewed 193 women. Also see, Labouring Brick by Brick: A Study of Construction Workers, National Workshop on Emerging Issues related to Construction Workers, 5th -6th March, 2008, Reference Study Material, Mahatma Gandhi Labour Institute, Ahmedabad, SEW A Publication, June 2000 . 38 B, Baruah, Gender and globalization - Opportunities and constraints faced by women in the construction industry in India, Labor Studies Journal, 2008

216

reasons for this decrease. Firstly, work for manual labour has decreased due to the advent

of new machines in the industry. Also migrant workers have replaced work opportunities

for local workers.39 In yet another SEWA publications based on survey of women

construction workers in 2003, it was pointed out that mostly migrant workers from

Rajasthan come to Ahmedabad in search of work during the dry seasons. Contractors

prefer migrant workers to local workers because migrant workers are willing to work for

less (Rs 50 per day for migrant workers as opposed toRs 60 for local women workers).

This poses a big challenge for local construction workers.40

Other than imparting skill training for women workers SEW A also helps develop

build a sense of solidarity amongst its members around numerous issues. As is

exemplified by one respondent, " .... I have been a member of SEWA and through their

initiative; I have a labour card and have been registered to the Welfare Board. After

joining SEW A, I have stopped borrowing money from moneylenders at high interest

rates. SEW A has not only provided me financial security but a space to share other day­

to-day issues with many women like me who are a part of the same struggle".41

There are approximately 12 lakh construction workers in Ahmedabad out which

70 per cent are migrants. In Baandh Kaam Mazdoor Sangathan, the number of migrant

workers membership is 4000, of which women constitute around 40- 45 per cent.

Approximately 5 to 6 lakh construction workers migrate each year from Dahood district

in the age group of 16- 30 years.42 Bandh kaam Mazdoor Sangathan was started in 1993

as a part of an NGO, Disha in Ahmedabad. They work with migrant tribals on issues

around livelihood and human rights in 50 construction sites in Ahmedabad. The process

of unionisation was started in 1985 with forest workers, land cultivators after which the

following unions were formed; agriculture union, mine workers unions, NREG unions,

and baandh kaam (construction workers) union. These unions are formed both in their

originating villages and cities. The main issues which initiated the process of unionisation

of construction workers were; non-payment of wages, no place to stay, miserable

conditions at work and stay, sexual harassment and children's education. Initially there

were three demands as a part of the construction workers union in its starting days: a

39 Purushottam Vankar and SEWA Academy Research Team, At the Kadiyanaka: Challenges faced by construction workers in Ahmedabad, SEWA Academy, 2005 40 Monika Thakkar, Construction Workers in Ahmedabad, draft Report 2003, unpublished 41 Testimony of Valli Ben Daya Bhai, for further details refer to Appendix II 42 Interview ofVipul Pandya, activist with Baandh Kaam Mazdoor Sangathan as on 20th November 2008

217

place for people to stay, children's education, and skill training for the workers. Later the

demands were expanded to include; improvement in their conditions at the work site,

health and safety provisions, social security benefits, compensation against accident,

issuance of identity cards, and maternity benefits. The areas of Chandlodia, Motera,

Vasna, Vastrapur, Vatva, Sabarmati, Shivranjani, and Vejalpur for the purposes of field

work were conducted with the help of Baandh kaam Mazdoor Sangathan. One

respondent who was a member of Baandh Kaam Mazdoor Sangathan shared the several

ways in which the union has helped him over the years, " ... Unions help us all the time

against police harassment, also helps us against non-payment of money by the contractor.

We stay on the road, there is always a water crisis, there are no toilets, and sometimes the

union helps us with shelter. I had been engaged with Baandh kaam Mazdoor Sangathan

for the last 14 years. When I got to know off them, I thought they want to convert tribal's

to Christianity, but eventually I found out that the case was not so. I know about the

provisions granted under several acts and feel that it would help in terms of social

security especially to get loans and also benefits against accidents".43

Studying the trend of out migration from southern part of Rajasthan to Gujarat,

Ajeevika Bureau started in 2005 from Gogunda block in Udaipur with an objective of

issuing identity cards to the migrants, in the construction sector, in regions out of

Rajasthan. Due to natural calamities, high rate of accidents, harassment by the police,

difficulty in getting work, starting a bank account, and a place to stay, the issuance of

identity cards was very important for migrants in regions outside their own state.

Ajeevika Bureau also works alongside on financial issues, training, and placement of

these migrant workers. The registration of workers and issuance of identity cards are

conducted at two levels: at the source (originating/ native village) and at the destination

end (cities). Ajeevika Bureau also gives information regarding trade and employment

opportunity, conduct outreach programme, organise recruitment fair, and organise skill­

training programmes for the workers. Technical knowledge in the following trade is given

at their training sessions; masonry, plumbing, carpenter, office boys, hotel waiter,

domestic servants, and house wiring. For the purpose of primary data collection,

specifically to interview single male migrants the areas of Shahpur and Paldi were

43 Testimony of Sujhia Bhai Jitra, for further details refer to Appendix II

218

selected and they facilitated the process of field work. The workers interviewed were

affiliated with them.

Overall, in interactions in the field, workers attached to Baandh Kaam Mazdoor

Sangathan expressed the fact that the union helped them in the rehabilitation process

when the municipality slum clearance drives takes place; they also provide relief (tents

and quilts) during harsh weather conditions strike especially in the rainy and winter

seasons. Most of the workers are involved in campaigns and rallies organised by the

union. Respondents attached to Ajeevika Bureau expressed that the organisation helps

them cope up with their problems, by issuing identity cards. Women workers who are a

part of SEW A expressed that the union grants loans, insurance, imparts training for skills,

builds awareness and help them save money.

In the total sample, 5.9 per cent were aware of the existence of the Building and

Other Construction Workers (Regulations of Employment and Conditions of Service)

Act, 1996, Equal Remuneration Act 197 6 and the Minimum Wages Act 1948, as shown

in Table 23. Out of the 7.9 per cent, women who were aware ofthe above Acts and their

provisions barring two women who had no union affiliation rest were SEW A members.

Irrespective of trade union membership the number of men who were aware of the above

laws was miniscule in this sample.

Table23-Awareness about labour laws (in percentage)

Gender

Female

Male

Yes 7.9

1.7

Awareness about the law

No 92.0

98.2

In 1998, the rules for the Building and Other Construction Workers (Regulations

of Employment and Conditions of Service) Act, 1996, was framed by the Centre, in

Gujarat there was a growing demand for its implementation from the unions working with

construction workers. Due to the boom in construction industry, the accident rates also

increased and there was a direct link between health and safety rules as per the provisions

of the Act and the need for the Act to be implemented. After years of struggle, finally on

18th August 2003 this Act was implemented in Gujarat. In this State Act 80 per cent of the

technical provisions is the same as the Central Act but Gujarat government asked for a

one-man board until the formation of the tripartite board. The one-man board/ chairperson

219

would be the Principal Secretary Labour and Employment Department. The Central Act

could be divided into three distinct parts: conditions of work (hazri card, attendance card,

overtime, water, toilet facility, first aid box, creche, salary); health and safety provisions

(safety provisions mentioned technical); and Welfare Board (social security and how it

should be implemented).In the State Act only attention was paid to the Welfare Board,

and the conditions of work and health and safety measures was ignored. For the

functioning of the Welfare Boards, construction workers are to be registered to the Boards

and thereafter social security benefits would be granted to registered workers (with the

help of Cess collected).

There was a growing resistance from Baandh kaam Mazdoor Sangathan and

SEW A due to the non-inclusion of provisions of conditions of work and health and safety

measures in the implementation process. They were against the functioning of a one-man

board. In the State Act, there was mention of the following clauses for the enrolment of

workers to the Welfare Board: workers should have worked for 90 days in the last 12

months; age should not be below 18 and above 60; contribution from workers was to be

Rs 75, and registration fee to be paid was Rs 25. The unions were against two of these

clauses: the certification of the 90 days clause to be granted by the contractors, also the

benefits to be granted to the workers after a year of the registration process.

Consequently, the unions demanded for two amendments; validation to be provided by

trade union rather than contractors for 90 days proof of work and benefits should be

granted within seven days after filling in papers.

Soon the process of Cess collection was started and unions were given the right to

make the validations for 90 days work proof and that the benefits would be disbursed to

workers within 7 days of registration was the new ruling of the Board. In 2005/06 roughly

1,200 workers were registered through this process but after the transfer of the Labour

Commissioner the rules changed again and in early 2008 the union participation in the

Board has been stalled also the registration process has started again and the once who

were registered in 2005/06 were invalidated.

Gujarat had a one-man board and the Advisory Committee does not have any

trade union member's, only government officials in the labour department and builders as

in 2008. The registration processes has started again and in total 2000 registrations are

220

done, but benefits are not yet disbursed.44 The first scheme to be passed was the

scholarship for education of children. Cess collection was started in January 2005 and Rs

1100 crore cess has already been collected. By the end of 2008, the Board was declared a

tripartite board with only trade union representation from Bharatiya Mazdoor Sangh

(Trade Union affiliated to Bharatiya Janata Party). In 2010 the Cess amount collected is

150 crores but only one per cent has been spent, the number of construction workers

registered to the Board is 40,000 but the renewal of membership is very low (1 0-20 per

cent).45

For Gujarat, the Employers contribution is Rs 30 per square meter. Workers

contribution is Rs 75 per annum with one time registration fee Rs 25. The following are

the Schemes granted for the state of Gujarat: for accidents (death- Rs 2,00,000,for

paralysis and physical handicapped during accident- Rsl,OO,OOO); for diseases (TB, blood

pressure, AIDS- Rsl ,00,000); for training for work ( stipend Rs 1500, total amount of Rs

5000); for education scholarships (From 1-4th_ Rs 250, 5th -9th_ Rs 500, lOth -lth- Rs 1000

added Rs 1500 for hostel, for ITI- Rs 5000, Diploma-Rs 5000, added Rs 7,500 for hostel,

Degree Rs 5000, added Rs15,000 for hostel, PG course- Rs 15000, added Rs 20,000 for

hostel, Medical, Engineering- Rs15000 added Rs 20,000 for hostel); Maternity benefit­

Rs 3000; for last rites- Rs 2000; loans for tools-Rs 5000. Also provision for overtime,

pension, and creche facilities were granted.46

In the struggle for the implementation process of the Act (to be inclusive of all

provisions made by the Act), between the unions and the government bodies the workers

are mostly oblivious of the situation. As this research has showed, the majority of the

workers especially women are not unionised and are not aware of the benefits which they

can enjoy after the process of effective implementation takes place.

Overall, this study highlights two major points of departure; one is the trend of

migration which is mostly from within Gujarat and the second point is the interplay

between these migrants and the third generation migrants who claim to be locals as they

have been in the city for the last 40 years.

Interestingly, according to the locals the notion of creation of nakas, kayam and

rokri work, the stopping of bonus, overtime, creation of the categories of sub-contractors

have been linked to the construction boom and the resultant in-migration into the city.

44 Interview with Vipul Pandya, activist with Baandh Kaam Mazdoor Sangathan as on 301h November 2008

45 Views expressed by Vipul Pandya, activist with Baandh Kaam Mazdoor Sangathan as on 301h June 2010

46 All details from the office ofDirector, Mr. V.N Patel Industrial Safety and Health, government ofGujarat 221

The reduction of work and the reduction of the amount of wages are also connected to the

in-migration phenomena according to the third generation migrants (locals). Their

argument sometimes points out that it was 'legitimate' 40 years back for in-migration into

the textile mills, but after they shut the situation changed. The entire population that was

displaced and needed work entered the construction sector. There was already a huge

competition with the locals in the construction sector, but after the boom in construction

industry there is space for more competition, resulting in employment insecurity and

increase in exploitation. These factors added to the informalisation of work in the

construction sector (lack of decent conditions of work, lack of social security provisions,

irregular intervals for payment of wages, non-availability of work due to mechanisation,

and lack of unionisation etc) marks the vulnerabilities of the construction workers in

general and that of women construction workers in particular.

222