Chapter 2

TURNING 'RADICALIZATION' INTO SCIENCE: AMBIVALENT TRANSLATIONS INTO THE DUTCH

(SPEAKING) ACADEMIC FIELD

Nadi« Fadil ,wd Marrij11 de Koni,,g

The rclntionship between the scientific field and politlcal life hos been a recurrent source of preoccupation for scholars, especially for those working on issues related 10 migration, 151nm and security,' Commenting on the state of the art of the litcrnture on Islam in Europe, Dutch antbropologist 'lhijl Sunier notes that 'the increased emphasis, since 9/11,on the presence of Muslims as a potential risk for society hns nol only increased the entanglement of policy priorities nnd research agendas. it hns also resulted in a gradual narrowing down of the research focus lo the governance of security, deviant behaviour, cultural clash nnd the WO)'S in which 1101ion states deal with the challenges of on increasingly vocal nnd transnational religious constituency" The prominence and growing scholarly interest into the question or radicalization ran be seen os one of the latest examples of such n com•ergencr. Sine, its Introduction in the Netherlands in 2001 by the Dutch intelligence services, the concept of rndicallzntion has undergone o number of significant trnnsformotions in its definition and approprintions 1h01 reach well beyond the Dutch context, As hos been suggested by o number of scholars, wc now live in an 'cm of ratlicnliz..ition~' as the term has become one of the mo.st Influential concepts lo address the relationship between intcrnotional conflicts and domestic conflicts. Ye11he prominence of thls term.also in the scientific field.' is remarkable considering the Jorge number of studies 1hnt have challenged the scientific \'lllidit)' or this term. Several scholars have taken issue with its conceptual flaws and its selective problematizntion of certain forms of activisrn - especinlly coming from Muslims.'

In her soclologicnl study of the terrorism studies in Û1'' US, Lisa Stampnitzky observed n similor contradiction in how 'terrorism experts' (who often worked for lhink tanks and ore nl the periphery of the scientific field) relate lo their own object of s111d)C although the 1er111 'terrerism' was lnrgcly criticized ns on Ill-defined concept and for locking• proper object or study, it nevertheless led 10 n flourishing field of studies that gathers n large range of actors - academic and non-academlc,"

54 R,1dfcali::mlon m Belgwm mul rlrc Ntthcrl111rdJ

following the work of Thomas Medvetz,' she describes the field of terrorism studies as an interstitial space of knowledge production, which she defines as 'a space of knowledge production' which is 'oriented between and towards multiple arenas of knowledge production, consumption, nnd legitimation, including academia, the medla and the state'.' While lts h)·bridity can be partially explained through the juvenile nature of this kind of expertise, it Is the structure of the field, i.c. the coming together of different actors (scientific and non-scientific) around one shared object (i.c. terrorism), Srampnitzky argue>, thnt explains its inability 10 operate as • properly 'disciplined' field.' Studies like those of Stampnitzky hove made important advances in furthering the comprehension of the unruly characteristic of terrorism studies nnd how terrorism studies have given rise 10 interstitial fields which challenge the idea of clearly delineated fields - in the Bourdicusian sense of the word." '!his chapter seeks to account for the wnys in which rndicnlimtion has emerged

as an eplsternologlcal object of inquiry in the Dutch-speaking context. Building upon the previous observations, wc seek 10 understand how the field of 'radicalization studies' can similarly be understood as an interstitial field, which gathers scholars, policymakers and consultants around n commonly shored problem. Yrt instead of considering this emergence of n shared concern around 'radlcalization' nmong scholars and policymakers :u typical or unique for such kinds of inquiries, wc want to show how - in the context of the Netherlands - such convergences ore embedded in an older and strongly established trndltion of policy research whereby frequent exchange of money :md expertise occurs between the universities and the public authorities, also termed be/,it/Jo11dcr:0<k. This research consists of investigntions into particular socio! problems that have been jointly identified by scholars and policymakers and which are published :u reports." The idea of n clearly delineated academic field seems, hence, to hold less stringently when it comes 10 the Netherlands, as there is an old and well-estnbllshed tradition of collobornlion between the university world and policymakers in the r¢0l111 of socio! sciences. 'The different studies thnt have attended 10 the emergence of such interstitial fields have, however, often token the US as n case study, and situated this growing interdependence in light of u privntizntion and neo· llbernlizntion of the knowledge economy (through the emergence of think tanks and others), Whereas such developments can also be witnessed in the Netherlands, many of the most influential studies on rndicallmtion that were published in the country were the result of collobomtions between governmemal agencies and (tenured) academics nllilinted with some of the most prestigious Dutch universities.

Rather than assuming n clear juxtnposition between the field of security actors and the scientific field, or n simple co-optation by scientists of the concept, the case of the Netherlands thus forces ill to situate how the emergence of this term occurs through a series of tm11slntio1u. In using the notion of translation, we rcly on Michel Cnllon's" concepnmlization of the term." He developed this concept to understand how the idea of the 'social' becomes constructed through n complex assernblnge of different actors who arrive nt • commonly shared understanding (and construction) of social llfe. This idea was further extended to understanding how social scientists,

Turning 'mcJi<,,Jizntion' f,uo sctenc« 55

natural scientists, farmers and non-human artefacts join forces in the identification and the construction of a 'social problem'. Such alliances.or trarulmions, arc however never stable but occur through processes of enrolrnerus, or co-oprations, which might also be destabllhed through rebellion. Building upon these insights, wc will be interested in understandlng how Du1eh-5Pcnking socinl scientists, who can be understood as one of the p•rticipatlngactors in the construction of the'problem of rndicnllz.11ion: have recuperated this concept - which was in this particular context initlnlly proposed by the Dutch state - and re-signified it in their own terms in the early period of il$ conceptualization (most notably between 2005-9). Four mcchnnisms will be identified: the first one is the turning of radicalimtion into a 'process: the second one is the number of attempts 01 'rc-politidzlng' the question, the third one is the attempt to nvold stigmatization of Muslim communities b)• focusing on 'Salafism' and the fourth one is the desire to develop the concept into something that extends into other fields besides solely Muslim forms of activism. One of the central chnrnctcristks of this scientific translation, wc will argue, conslsu of• continuous attempt nt re-conceptualizing the idea of radlcalizaticn into general nod abstract terms, Whcren.s in the reports by the A [VD the term mdlcalization was initinlly coined explicitly with reference 10 Islamic forms of militancv; wc witness n subsequent attempt at trnruloting this term into broader terms os 10 avoid stigmarization of Muslims. Yet despite these attempts ot 'clarification' cr'purification; ambiguity nevertheless persists in the usage of the temt, ensuring that the concept is primarily geared towards Muslim nctors, Arc processes of mdicalimtion unique 10 Muslim forms of activism. or con wc speak of n gene ml process of rndicnllmtlon that affect$ the society as n whole and implicates non-Muslim actors as well? A centrn! aim of this chapter is to examine this continuous va-tl-vient between specificity and genernlity that seems to bent the heart of its scientific translation.

The orgnnimtion of this chapter will be as follows. The first section will offer o short historical overview of how this concept wns used by the AIVD,nnd the direct rclotionship with Muslim activism that informs its u~. Il Is only after 2003 th•t o more general conceptualization of the term ";I] be deployed. Yet despite these auernpts nt generalüy, one een observe n consistent connection with lslam. The following sect ions of this chapter will therefore examine how this connection hos been challenged by the academic literature in two woy,: firstly, by conceptuolizing radicollmtion os ngeneric, rather tl,on a Muslim-specific proce>s ond thcn,sccondly, bychalknging theccntml role gil'cn 10 Islam, )'Cl nlso limiting the conccptu•llwtion of rndicallmtion as dril'cn by the so-called Srunftsm phenomenon. In the Inst part of this popcr, • number of concluding rcmorks will be made regarding how the term momgcs lo trav<I between 'expert' ond 'scientific' knowkdgc fields through this process of (selective) opproprintion, contestotion nnd rc-signifi01tion.

Radicalization and tire BVD/AIVD: A11 overview

The introduction of the tcnn radicaliwlion by the Dutch intelligence services in 2002 occurs nt o moment 1,•hcn the Conner BVD (Bi111re11/mrtlst \leiligl:eit/Jdi<1utc11/

56 Rmlicnli:atlo,r m Brlgi1m1 ,md the N,t11erlamls

Domestic Intelligence Services) becomes rcbrandcd as AIVD (Algemene Inlichtingen en Vcilighcid5<lienm:n/General lrnclllgence and Security Services), This follows the regrouping of lnternnrional and domestic intelligence services under one office. 'This period also coincides with the moment where the focus on international terrorism prevails in the intcmntiono1 agenda. which spurs the need for new forms of dato gathering," In the newly rebmndtd AIVD, the necessity of gathering information was no longer restricted to networks and actors who were considered potentially dangerous andïor implicated in possible acts of political violence, bul was also located nt a mere-level, as the necessity of anticipating potenlinlly violent nets became o more important tosk for security services." This will be al the heart of the comprehensive approach (br«fr bc11ad,rir1s) tha: will be Introduced in the 200/ J\r1r111al Repen and also converges with a new diagnosis of what was understood as a new threa; in o post-Cold Wnr context. i.e. (lslnmic) terrorism.The loller was understood as an intrinsically unpredictable hazard with potentially dcvustating effects, also at n local level, but could be prevented if properly anticipated. lnformation 1h01 was gathered should therefore not only consist of networks or actors, but also n meto-onnlysis or the changing social dynamics thnt would bent the heart of the work of the intelligence service." 'lhe development of the concept of rndkalization figured os one of the key indicators of this new turn. At the time of its introduction, this term was seen to enable a unique convergence between (international) security concerns ond (domestic) concerns with tnrcgrauon. Such convergences occurred for the first time in 1996, bul would be expanded further after 1h01 period.

71,r utuririwtion of'inttgnllfon' (I 991-2003)

When examining the first reports published online since 1991, Û\C attention lo Islamic organizations is cursory and occurs primoril)' through nn inlernntionnl lens. The presence of the spectre of Islamic fundamentalism was already there," and n dear trans-Atlantic ngendn predornlnates the early reports. Yel this category was used to designate both the 1.1,,athi,i regime of Saddam Hussein (following the lraq-Irnn war) and the 'revolutionary s101c fundarncntahsm' of the Iranian regime (following the revolution in 1979 nnd the call 10 kill anyone associated with Rushdie's book 71,e Satanic Verses)." 'Jhe term 'politically violent radicalism' (polititk i1cwddda1/ig radfcal/smc) will, on the other hond, be used without any specific ideological signature os lcft-\\ins and other groups rue similnrly branded ns such. This will change ofter 1993 when o gradual diffcrentiatlon is introduced between activist movemems (left-wing movements) and mdical /slrrmic orgm,iwtio,u. The emergence or the Armed Islamic Group (Gro11pc /Jla111iq11e ,lm1é,GIA) in Algeria nnd the auacks in Fronce in 1995 will provide the context for these changes, Yel also here on lntcrnationallst lens prevalls: nets of violence pcrpctmted by the GIA ,.;JJ be primarily linked and connected with the Algerinn chi I war and rend as retalintion lo the French support of the Algerian state, The local articulations of this internalionol threat of'politicol Islam' and the domestic context were therefore only considered to the extent 1h01 a certain form of'logistlc

Tilfning 'mdicnlfra:ioif' into säenc« 57

support' was provided for these networks, bul they were not seen as n locnl threat, It Is only in the second half or the nineties 1h01 such local articulations will increasingly come to the fore. In the 1996,lmnwl Report, an important section "ill be devoted to 'Islamic orgnnizotiom' (islamitiJche O')la11iJnties), Yel differing from the earlier reports, these organizaricns \\ill from now on be understood as a potential danger for the nntional context, In the report they rue depleted as potential promoters of 'anti-western and anti-integrarion tendencies' that play into the 'socio-economic malaise and lock of perspectives In which lnrge groups of allochthons find ihemselves." 'Ibis concern with the presence of Islamist groups in the Netherlands wiU culmlnate with n special report published in 1998, which cxplidÛ)' addresses the presence of Islamist networks in the country (De Po/iti<kc /J/m,i ;,. Ntdalami).

In order lo understand this aucntion accorded to the lslnmist movements and the WU)'S in which this spectre of fundamentallsm has been translated into the Dutch context, it is important to connect it with another .significnnt soclnl and pelitical change thnt was occurring around the some period, i.e, the growing politicizatiön of the question of integration of socio-cultural minorities, which is CJCplicitly mentioned in the BVD reports of 1999 and 2000.'° lt is indeed in these reports that wc can find an explicit reference to this concern with 'integratlön.This followsupon the official instalment of an inregmuon policy in 1998 (inregmtitbddá), where the cultural specificity of ethnic minorities will lncreasingly be viewed os n potcntinl social hazard." An organicist view is promoted in this analysis, which considers society to be composed of heterogeneous sets of groups nnd entities that need 10 be kept together through a common reference to shored norms and values," The BVD will build upon thil diagnons, but with a dearly different outlook on 115 priorities. In ilS 1999 J\111111al Report, it redefines us tasks ond functions as follows: 'signnl and (help) counler throal$ lO the integration process n1 rut early Jloge:» This rcnc,\·cd focus comes to support the new integration ,Uspositif• 1hat hns bttn installed around thnt period. yc1 with a \'Cr)' spcdfic,sccurity-oriented spednliz.11ion. The mnin task of the BVD will not be lo examine the fuiling 'process' oîimcgralion (which belongs to the competence of the integration policy), hut rather 10 identify and monitor the cam'trswho ore understood 10 potcnlinlly hinder lhis in1cgralion process. h is in this specific contm 1h01 lslnmist groups emerge ns promo1ers or such anti•integrationist stands and ore pcrceh·cd os potcntinl thrcnts from that pcrspcCli\'e. Auention will thereforo ccn1rc on documenting. rtporting and identifying nctors or groups who could potentially be perceived ns threatening or limiting• successful lnt,-gralion proce$S.

This perspcctl\'C will be further developed in ûtc subsequent reports. In 1he 2000 Am,ual Report, wc find a nCI< S11bheading entitled Forres Oppo1ir1g lnrtgrario11 (1,gcnkmchtm van i11r,,:ro1/c) tltnt will rcplocc the prc,•ious scclion \ffolt:1io11 of Pri11111ry Righrs (Aa11tasti11s va11 gro111/n,chtt11). In ûrnt report n mix of nctors will be listed. But the adopted per:<pccti,·e is cxplicitl)' cultural and religious, for all actors listed con be qunlified áS ~1uslim (the ~1oroccnn Community, Turkish networks and ~1uslim schools), with the exception of right-wing organizotions. A particular nnol)1icnl model seems thus to inform this corrclntion be1w,-cn the 'problem of integration' nnd the securi1y thrcnt. Firsûy. the problem of inlcgralion or ethnic-

58 Rn,llcall:ntlo11 in Utlgium nmt tilt Netl1erlm1ds

cultural minorities is understood as something thot could potentially lead to and result in socio! segregauon nod o gradual alienation from the existing structures. Secondly, (mostly) Islamist groups arc identified as the main agents that mobilize around these questions and could potentially hinder a smooth lntegr.ition process by Ideologically mnnipulating a disenfranchised youth. This indirect connection, which starts from o perceived problem ofintcgmtion, upon 1vhich lsl•mist groups ore then seen to act, will be ot the heart of the further expansion and development of the radicnlization narrative after 2001. The term radicalization, when introduced in 2001, thus comes to expand the already existing link between security and integration: this idea hos been at the heart of the analysis made by the AIVD since 1996. It is through this concept of radicalization that this connection will be further deepened and expanded after 2001. 'lhc events in Kew York City will provide a new context where this correlation between failed intcgmtion and a potentinl security threat will be further explored.

Yet in the further expansion of this term, n clear ambivalence will traverse this use of radicalizauon, namely: should radicalizatiou be seen ns a particular concern to the Muslim community. or should it be understood as resulting (rem a goncric prortsS of alienation, An example of this umbivnlence con be found in the first use and introduction of the concept in the 2001 A11111wl Report. The term radicaliznrion is announced here at the ,..,ry outset of this report os one of the hallmarks of this new integral approach (brtdo bc11ntftri11g)." At the same Lime. however. defining this term will occur in a section that deals with the Moroccan community and addresses potentially hazardous tendencies within this community."' lhis dear connection between the term rndiculi,.ntion nnd the Muslim and/or :vloroccnn community will continue to inform the subsequent reports, until it becomes presented and treated os a distinctive phenomenon in 2003, In the 2003 Am111al Report, n generic definition will indeed be given to the term radicalization thot is not directly tied with any particular religious or cultural com mun it)', Radicalizarion, rather, becomes defined os the growing ability to strive fordeep changes' inn wa)' that conflicts with n democratic order and with the possible use of non-democratic means, such as violence.

Ti1nri11g 'n1d1'caliwtlou· into s.tltr:u 59

Radicali,crlng, o,; cmmlneJ by the Al VD, is understood os the growing ability to pursue and support deep changes in M>Cl<t)', whfch stond in conflict with or pose a th reat to the democratic order. Undemocratic means arc also orten used to this end (for Instance, violence), In the research of the MVD there is on nuention to the processes of rodlcnllwlon among the autochthonous population (such as right-wing movements) as well as ethnic minorities (such os Islamic radlcallsm or ethnic natiöncliem)."

The definition explicitly mentions 'autochihonous populations' and 'ethnic minorities' as to avoid n particular stercotypicnl chnrncterlzatlon of this concept Furthermore, a multi-dimenstonn! analysis is added in the definition, for rndlcahza tion is understood to hove religious, politico! and ethnic roots and il Ls nol only restricted to the ability to use violence. It is. rather, expanded to entail the

stimulation of hatred and isolation through. for instance, the promotion of• 'sepor.,te legal system'."

From 'radicallwt/011'10 'Solafem' (2003-1S)

While the earlier attempt was to expand the use of the term rndiculizntion to 11/1 segments of the pcpulation, this question of radtcalizarlon will continue to entertnln n particular reletionshlp with Islam, and more e.'tplicitly so in the loter reports. In the 200-I A11n11nl Report, for instance, a more specific use of the term mdicalizntion in connection to Muslim activism will prc\'nil nnd become mort dominnnt. This period follows the Madrid bombing,. the murder of Theo van Gogh nnd the growing focus on Salafi-jihotli networks, of which cit Hofttml nélwork was regarded by authorities as the most threatening example." The Madrid bombings of2004 weren first important explanation behind this shift. For the Netherlands. 9/11 was geographically far awny (over the Atlantic). symbolically dose (part of Western civilization) and ton certain extent made sense (given the American role in the Middle Enst).nltl,ough by no means justified ns the casualties were innocent citizens. The plight of two young men from the south of the :-lethcrlonds who in 2002 leû for Kashmir to join the military struggle :ignirut India but got shot by Indian border police, also shook the country being that it involved two )'OUng men from the Netherlands. However. they did not cuempt to fight in the Netherlands, but 'somewhere far aw:iy'. Madrid was qualitatively different in the minds of the Dutch intelligence community: it mean! thnt Europe hod become the beulefield, The Madrid bombings created n sense of urgency of countering and preventing political violence, which was not present before. After the Madrid bombings, a coordinator of counterterrorisn, (NClb) was appointed 10 mop the Dutch countcrterrorism efforts and n year Inter the NC'lb organizntlon was established (in 2008 it wns renamed the National Coordinator for Security and Counterterrorism. NCf\l). A second major event was the murder of Theo van Gogh in November 2004. The perpetrator. Mohammed Bouyeri, was known to visit the As Soennah mosque in 'I he Hogue nnd the 1i1w/1ud mosque in Amsterdam: both regarded as'Salafi'byacndemicsand experts. This would increase rhe auentton for Salafisrn os o dangerous precursor for violence. After the murder of Dutch writer and movie director Theo ,m, Gogh in 2004. 'Salaûsm' become the focus of Dutch counter-radicalization policies, and was regarded as a threat to social cohesion, integration, the democrauc order and national security.

This sh.ift will nlso characterize the further conceptuellzaucn of this concern with radicallzntlon. From 200<1 until 2009,o cit-ar distinction will be drawn between 'radicalization' that will become cxclusivdy tied with Muslims (with the exception of Moluccans who will also be included under this lnbcl) and 'activism' (in 2004) or 'extremism' (from 2005 until 2009) that will be linked with left-wing and right­ wing groups. The publication of the influential AIVD report in December 20().1 entitled Va11 dawp tot jihad: De divertc dr<igi11gc11 w111 dt radicale i,lam tcgc11 de democratische redusorde (l'rom Dawa to lihad: 11:e Various Threat) of Radical Islam nJ;ai,ut the Democratic ltgal Orr/tr) represents on important illustmtJon of

60 Rmlicnli:a:io,r in Btlgium and tht Nclilalmul.s

the further llmitations of this concept to Muslim fonns of activism, both through the conceptunl development il offers of the term radicalization as well as for the l)'POiogy 1ha1 is introduced of different forms of Muslim radicalism. This report builds upon o previous ouempt 10 iden1if)' 'carriers' of radlcalizntiön, of which Salafism is considered as an important player, In June 20(J.I, • special note was drafted that targeted particularly the 'Saudi influences': Snudi invloeden in Ncdula11d: Vub1111dw t,uscn snlafitiJd1t 111issir, mdlcnlistringsprocwc11 rn isln111itiscl1 terorris111c (Sn11di l11J/11wccs in th« Ncthcrl1111ds: 11,c R<latioml,ip betwem Snlafi Missio11i11g, Radica/i:at/011 l'roccsscs and Islamic 1'<rrorism). Differing from the earlier report of I 998 (De Politieke lslam in Ned.-rl,111d) that concluded that only n small minority of Muslim orgnnlzntions potentially stood in the Wll)' of n smooth integration, this report focused on how radicnlization hinges upon the spread and disserninnticn of Salafism. 'lhis analysis is furthermore accompanied by an extended conceptual development of the term rndlcalization. Two dimensions art- now dlsringuished in this proces.s: an ami-Integratlve dirnension (radicaliscri11g in de anti-inttgmtieve :in) and • potential-use-of­ violence dimension (actieve strijd ugm de 0111gevi11g)."' This distinction wiU be recuperated in the subsequent special report of the some yenr, But the focus will here be primarily on Salafism and the dimensions rebranded os the horizontnl (horizontal, 1•trlrnudingt11) nnd the vertical dimension (1•utîrnl ,.,,l1011di11g) of radlcalization," as cnn also be seen in Figure 2. 1.

On the basis of this dtsunctlon, n typolog)' Is constructed between the types of ~iusiim radicalism. depending on how they relate lo this horizontal nnd vertical nxis (radical politicnl Islam, radical Islamic puritanism and radical Muslim nationalism). Islamic puritanism, which promotes a return to Islam, is considered central to the rndicnliwtlon process. While the AIVD itself asserts that there is no direct rclnûonship between lslnmic purit:mlsm and the use of violence, it nevertheless presupposes n continuum between the idea of dn'wa/1 (mlssionlzlng), the Manichaean views thot are promoted through these ideologies and jihad." "lhis idcn of :i continuum, which considers dn'wnh n recruiting mechanism that con eventually result in forms of violence, will be at the heart of the subsequent analysis of radicelizatlon to such nn extent that one can almost speak of a synchrony between da'ivah, Musllm puritanism and mdlcalizaticn. 1he 2006 special report on violent jihndlsm (D< Ge,.-eldtf11dige Ji/rod i11 Ntd,:r/n11d: Act11rlt trends i11 de islamlstisch-tuorristsirl,e tlrdgingl Violent Jihad i11 lit< Ncthu/0111/s: Contw,pomry 'lh:mls i11 th< Islamic-Terrorist ·11,rcal) builds further on this idea of contlnulty between da'w11/1 nod jihnd and considers the important role of Salaf centres os a main trigger in this process."

In their counter-radicaliution work, the A !VD has taken n very clear and explicit position ngninst 'Salafisru'; os n threat to security, sodal cohesion and intcgraûon. As also noted by Sedgwick. the ,\IVD thereby sets itself opart from other European security and intelligence services at thnt time (around 2007)." But this focus on Salafism wos also part of a basic trend that in the last few years became more prominent in countries such as Germany, France and Belgium as well. The notion of Salafisrn hod not yet been conceptualized in the publications of

Turning ·m,Umli:ntion' int» scienc« 61

~--· --· ..,..__,_,...._. ........... ... -­ ........... 5 4

Figutt 2.1 AIVO rq>Mt. Van ,Ja-,,.•a tot jlluul (2004) Sourer. AIVO, Villi ,ta,.t1 tot j!Md: Df' J,'t-n-st drtltfM~n ''°'" dt rr:ditrllt 1J.Ltm tt;(Cn rit dcmom11Uthc rtehuanlt(Om H.u.g:AIVO, 200-1),p. 40.

the llVD (and later AIVD) in 2001 and 2002. This changed, however, in 2004, when the report on Saudi influences in the Netherlands Is published. This report refers to Salafisrn os n global current of Islam with ancient nnd strong roots in Saudi Arabia, ihough not cxcluslvely. According to the report, Salnfism u a puritan fonn of islam that calls people to return 10 'the pure Islam': the I.shun from the time of the Prophet Muhammad. The report distinguishes between two main currents; snlnjiyya ilmiyy11 (recognlting the authority of scholars who arc loyal 10 the Saudi regime and nt the same tlme anti-Western) and the salnfiyyn jllwdlyyn (which does not recognize tlrnt authority and calls for a global jihad agains; the West and the Saudi monarchy)." The Ian er Is culled 'jihadism' throughout the report. 'Inc report connects the 'Salafire mission' with the process of rndlcal11 • ation. It does so in several ways. First of nil. it claims that Salafism ls a solution for the identity crisis among Muslim youth. Secondly. according to the report Salafism seeks to ban and counter everything that is considered non-Islamic from one's life. It is only by doing so that one can become a 'truc Mu.slim', Third Ir, the Snlofi ideology may lead

62 RncllrnUwrio11 in Bdgium and lire N,tlrtrlmuls

to mdirol convictions when its puritanical character becomes combined with other visions nbout society. Fourth!)', lhis rndicall,,ntion can occur in different w;iys: anti-integration (with n hostile isolationism, rejecting state authority and promoting vigilanusm), or an active struggle against society. This may ultimately lead 10 dlrect or indirect involvement in 'radical Islamic violen! activities. Fifthlr, and losllr, recruiters who arc active in and near Salaf mosques try 10 isolate and prepare young Muslims for the violent jihad.

Aûer 2009, the lone of the debate and the AlVD's publications seemed 10 become less alarmist, although specific anti-radicalization training programmes and information campaigns still focused mainly on Salafism, nnd the restrictive measures against several people who were SUSJl"Cled of planning lo go 10 Somalia and Chechnya 10 take part in the mili1nry jihnd remained in force. from 2010 onwards, n new target come into focus for the AIVD. medio nnd politicinns. In Morch 1h01 year, Shorio4Relgium appeared on the scene in Belgium under the leadership of found Bclkaccm (nll95 Abu lmmn). In 2012, the AIVD issued n publication 1hn1 dealt specifically with 'jihadist networks. According to the AIVD. the term 'jihadism' refers 10 an 'extremis! ideology', based on the glorificn1ion of violen! jihad, In the same AIVD glossary, 'violent jihad' w11> defined as 'Armed struggle ngainsl the perceived enemies of Islam, legitimnted b)' invoking lslnmic Jurisprudence'. The ideology of Shorio•IBelgium did indeed contain elements of jihodism as the AIVD defined il, hul the group did nol engage in armed struggle. Rather, il engaged in a provocative and aggressive struggle against those whom they considered enemies of tslam in Belgium nnd the Netherlands, bul at the time this did nol Include armed violence, although mnny perceived the behaviour as aggressive. However, the idea 1h01 actual violence migh1 occur. and 1h011he tla\,.,, of Sharin-têelgium (oud its Dutch brnnch,Shnrio4Holland) w•• • precursor to this. rcgulorl)' surfaced in our ccnversations wi1h policymakers <luring 1h01 period.

There was a fear 1h01 SololiSIS might resort lo unbridled violence and that !hey and their religious beliefs would exert considerable pressure on others, particularly women. Furthermore, their attempts to participate in society were pul down to infihration, The view was 1101 so much 1h01 Salnfis1s were llkelyto resort 10 violence. but thnt they were 11 threat to social cohesion and in particular to freedom that would come under th real because of the Salafisis' rejecuon (hatred) of the West. In more recent publications, however, the AIVD hos stated 1h01, in the case of the Dutch foreign figh1ers in Syria, Salafism constitutes the breedlng ground for violen! radicalization and 1hat Salafis1 doctrines may lend 10 intolerance, societal tensions and activlties 1h01 nre lncornparible whh Dutch democracy and the rule of Inw."

Academic translations of radicalization

The academic translations of radicalization occur in different wnys. In this section wc will focus mostly on the publications by academics but we can 1hink of other types of interactions os well. For example, the NCTV, besides being no important

Turning 'mdiaûtunton' into science 63

initiator' and funder of mnny of the acadcrnic publicauons, oho regularly hosts expert nod consultancy rnectings in which 1hey invite academic researchers. Conversely, when academics hold conferences and seminars in the ~ethcrlands, civil servants from 3 wide variety of local and nntion~I state institurions arc present as well. furthermore, the field of radicallzaticn studies also accommodates n number of consultnncy agcncles, who regularly invite boih academics nod civil servants 10 speak at their (often quite expensive) seminars." Although these more formol and informal networks arc beyond lhc scope of this chapter, we think i1 is important to note how the question of radicallzation is a good example of an lnterstirial space of knowledge production" which brings together the academic field, experts and consultants nnd the field of policymnking."

When examining the cxis1ing studies from Du1ch-spenking countries on rndicnliz.-ulon, one can notice n clear increase in the focus on this term from 2005 onwards.«> This period signols the publication of two rcporls 1hnt explicitly address the question of rodicnliu,1ion, The first empiricnl s1udi• 1h01 can be found is by Visser and S101." n policy rcsenrch effcc1un1ed b)' 1he service Research nn<l S101is1ic.s of 1he city of Ams1crdam nnd commissioned by 1he lèachers' Union (AJ~mre,,c 011tlmvijsbo111l), In lhis sun·cr, 239 tcochers were asked 10 fill in n quesii~nMire wherein 1hey oss,-ssed 1he degree of extremism nnd radicaliialion al schools." This study followed news cm-.,rnge nnd AIVD reports nbolll new fomu of an1i-Semi1ism among ,'.luslim youlh and growing concerns of cx1remisrn. Also in 2005 n spcdru issue of the journal J1utitiél, Vukc1111i11gm of lite Research nnd Docu111cn1a1ion Cenlre of 1he MlniSl')·of Justice""" published, which features nrtlcles brCool5'1e1 nnd Roy nnd olhers. 0 And in 2006 1wo major s1udies were published, coordinn1ed by IMES (ln!lilule for Mlgmtion nnd E1hnic S1udiCl 01 the Uni\'enity of Amsterdam) on lhc procesSCl of radicalizn1ion among Muslim yomh." The murder of the conlrO\'crsi•I movie director 'I heo van Gogh in !he s1rn-1s of Anlllcrdam in the foll of200-l \\ill figure as impor1un1 con1ex1 agnins1 which the.se s1udlcs will be conducted. His murder scn1 shockwa,'CS tluoughout 1hc coun1ry nn<l 1riggercd a nationwide dcbn1e on lhc danger of rndicnl lslnm and, more importnnll)', the foiled imcgmtion of Muslim youtl,. The peqx1rn1or, Mohammed BOU)'Cri, wns indeed known ns ·one of our guys; and 'well in1<gm1cd'." W]IQI causes the sudden switcl1 from someone who seems npp11rtntJ)' well integrated, into s.omcone who no longtr identifies wilh this socie1y nod e\'en openly calls for the use of ,iolence ngain,1 non-belic,"Crs will figure as n guiding qucs1ion throughout 1hesc s1udies. Or, 10 paraphrase Sloo1mon and Tillie: what happens in the phnsc prior 10 mdicnlization wiU be of in1ercs1 10 many of these s1udics ... In so focusing. 1he concerned s1udics frame and situa1c the tcnn 'radkalb..ation' o.s n prcvcntiw concept 1hat seeks to attend 10 1he steps thnl precede the possible use of violence. In whn1 follows. wc seek 10 examine how the sclcn1ilic 1rnnsfn1ion of 1his concept ensued. Whereas il is deur from the ou1se1 tl,01 the conceptuollr,nlion offered by tl,e A !VD figures ns nn important source nnd rcfcrc.ncc in thi.s initial stngc. wc will also attend to the w,,ys In which 1hls concept will be<ome recupcra1ed inn way 1ha1 fils 1hc sociologicnl longungc and 1he need to attend for 'rooi causes' of mdicruizo1ion." As such, wc suggClt that the perspective offered in the scicnlific nomlliVCl pnrtiolJy de,fo1es

Rmlirnli:.a/J'on in Btlgfom amt !lie Nttl,alnmlJ

from the AJVD template in two wars: first, b)' re-conceptualizing radicalization into • complex and muhi-lnyered proc«s and second, hy trying to dislodge the term from its privileged connection with lslam by problematizing the link wilh Salafism and expanding il into other forms of activism,

T11mi11g 'mdfcali:t1tfon' into scienc« 65

R11dicnllw1io11 11s a process A first point of demnrcatlon between the scientific studies and the AIVD reports lies in the focus made on 'carriers' in general. and S11/afis111 In particular, As stated earlier, in the reports by the AIVD, Identifying thecarriers of radicnlizaüon' ûgured as one of the main tnrget.< in their rurveillnncc policies. Important attention was thus accorded to identifying the ponems nnd practices of recruitment (n-knitai11gs11ctivltrlte11) nnd support (011dersrc1111/11gsr1c1ivi1ci1rn) that could help in understanding why someone would suddenly turn to the use nnd/or lcgitimotion of violence." Dn'w,J/: practices were understood - from within this perspective - as n recruiting mechanism through which dlscnïranchlsed youth could be manipulated into mdical views. Islamist groups, or whnt the AIVD describes :u 'radical Islam' (further sub-divided into different typologies). figured ns one of the principal targets in these preventive policies. Monitoring Salaf groups became, thus, a means to attend 10 whnt they considered 10 be one of the principal vectors into violence. Jn the social scientific literature, n more nuanced perspective will prevail on this question. This is not only tied with a different assessment of'Salafism, in which some nn:tl)'Sts will instead hlghligh; their potentially pacifying effect. Bul it also - nnd more importantly - follows from n different conceptual model, which challenges the importnnccof recruiters by considering the agency of the youngsters. In contrast 10 the AIVD, n lnrg<remphnsis will be accorded IO undcrstnnding wiry certain individuals arc prone to 'radicalize' and surncted to certain recruiters. thus displacing the focus from the 'recruiters' 10 the individual subjects theuiselves. In the study of Buijs. Dcma111 and Hamdy," for instance, the theory of recruiters will even be explicitly challenged.,. Although they acknowledge the presence of fighters who migrated 10 WcSlern Europe in the nineties and participated in the jihad in Afghnnistru,. their role, as recruiters. "'ill be mlnirnizcd and 1hey will be portrayed as 'cn1nlys1s: 11,c central focus will mt her be on the 'lost roungsters' who 'recruit their own lenders'." One thus seems to observe an explicil attempt nt bolstering the agency of uie concerned )'Outh, which critically challenges claims of 'false consciousness' or the idea that these youngsters arc simpl)' 'manipulated' or 'deprived. This idea of an active agency is also substnntintcd through blogrophical accounts of youngsters , .. rhcre we learn how the)' gradually come to embrace 'radical' worldviews a, an active and volumnry choice, Several studies will also highlight the importance of existential crises (which Buijs, Dentant and Hamdy consider 10 be a fundamental starting point in understanding processes of radicnllzation). A double SCI of theological beliefs (a Mnnichacnn worldview, the refusal of dcmocmcy or n utopian worldview) th•t guide these individual's actions and psychological trnits ere also considered as main characteristics of these 'radicalized subjects'." 'I he radicalized subject thus appears aso /1yprr-i,11f ivitf unliud

subject. who ventures into unclear dcstlnations and breaks with the tradition in which she/he was raised, A similor finding also emerges in n study by the nruhropologtst Fronk Y'.111 Gemert who speciellzcd in youth delinquency among Dutch-Moroccan )'OUlh, In o short paper on this question. he argues against the hypothesis that radicalization is compnroble 10 processes of delinquency. suggesting that radicalized subj= are much more ideologically driven and less the consequences of their social condition."

Yet in addition 10 this micro-focus, n macro-sociologjeal perspective will also prevail in these academic developments, ln the diffcre111 definitions offered, rcdicalizatiön will indeed be prlmnnly understood as o slow nnd multi-lnyered proc= that is lied lo the loss of legitimacy of a particular order." Slootman and Tillie, for instance, pUI û1is view at the heart of their definition as !hey equate the 'process of radicalization' with 'o growing loss of legitimacy of the democratic order'." The focus on nlienation that is offered by this definition differs markedly from the one given by the AIVD who instead underlined 'the growing desire to pursue and support deep changes within society thn1 stond in conflict with or represent a threat to the democratic order'.,. Herc, it is the active pursuit of change that opposes n democratic order thnt will prevail, This desire for change is furthermore de-conrexruallzed as il is tied with the intrinsic motivation of the concerned youth. 'lhe definition offered by the Dutch rc=rchcrs shows. for instance, a more Webcrinn understanding of power. In this definilion. n particular order con only .sustoin it.<clf lo the extent !hat it mnintain.s n degree of lcgilimncy in the C)'f!S of its followcrs.P A more intcmctiorutl account on power is thw pracnted, which not onlr plnces 1he nllcntion upon the individuru nc1ors. but nlso account.< for the context and circumstances under which a particular aulhorit)' is considered legitimate. Differing from some of the critiques expressed elsewhere, which chollcnged the psyd1ologi:ung nnd dcpolitici:tlng aspects of some lerrorism nnd mdicnlizntion theories," n concepluru model is hence offered which accords • con,idemble importnncc 10 the contextual ru,d politicnl circumsinnccs thot moy trigger n loss or confidence in the ruling democratic order. Building upon the model of Sprinzak,1' Buijs, Dema,11 nnd Hnmdy will for in.stnnce indicotc thn1 rndicalization is provoked by experiences of exclusion nnd a sense of poor political reprcscmativcness."' S1001111011 nnd 'Jillie also highligh1 the experience of exclusion ond mnrginnlization û1nt they consider as one of the cent ml drivers of tl1is process.•• 'lhc dil(ercnt reports ,,ill furthem1ore nlso consi.stcnûy highlight this imporla,,ce of restoring trust, enabling socinl pnrlicipation and figllling discriminotlon. The internn1ionnl dimension will, on the other hand, be omiued,., One of the fow exceptions lo lhe lnttcr is the Sludy h)' Feddes, Nickolson nnd Doosje who identify so-called 'trigger foctori of rodicnlilnlion: pnr1lculnr events !hal initialen process of mdicnliznlion,., llcsidcs micro-fnc1ors (such ns experiencing discriminnlion, death of n lo\'cd-one) and meso-foc1ors (mnrringcs, m«ting n mdlcnl person, propngandn). lhey :tlso identify mncro-fnctors such ns cnlls to violence, govern111cn1 policies and lllicil nuncks ng'1inst one's own group."

A double move seems thus to inforrn the.studlesnl hand: whereas the socioloSicnl dimension of !his question - where the individual is r<eoSnizcd as a socio! being

66 Radlcnli:nliou in Bl'lgium mul 11,t Nttltt.rfnndJ Turning 'mdicnli.:t11lot1' tnto säence 67

thnt is spurred b)' • number of sociological nnd political dynamics - is central in the socinl scientific theories, n 'micro' understanding - which highlights the individual agency of the youth and which also enumerates n set of traits and hallmarks ofrndlcallzed subjects' - "ill also be understood as an independent and competing dimension. Sloorman and Tillie speak for instance of o set of 'ideas' (clmkba/dw),•1 while in the study of Buijs, Demant and Hnmdy, the idea of'bdiefs' prevails ... This constam 010\'e between contextuatization and politicnauon (in the sociological and political sense) and de-contextuahzatiou and individualization (which ultimately results in a de-poliudzauon) can be pnrtiallr understood b)' a consistent effort b)' the scholars to account for the individual agency while al the same time ncknowledging the structuring role of the social ond political circumstances, But it also needs tobc understood, \\'C want to 11rgut'ii1S acorninuetion of the security agenda that hos sought 10 conceptualize the notion of'radicnli7.llllon' primarily as a preventive concept that can be used lo anticipate risky behaviour b)' offering tools lo design nnd implement preventive policies.

Rndic,ili:wtion and lslom

A second series of ambivalences concern the'Muslim-spccific' nature of this process: docs radicallzation onl)' pertain to ~luslim, ond/or ton specific group of Muslims? As noted earlier; the tern> radlcallzation hnd been introduced by the AIVD to primarily account for Muslim forms of activism, although subsequent reports will remain quite ambivalent about the more general reach of this term. A similor ambivalence can be observed in the socinl scientific adoption of the term. Whcrcns most enrl)' studies will primnrily 1m this term with reference lo Muslim forms of activism, Inter studies will increasingly problcmatize the term, 'lhe introduction of this concept within Dutch-speaking academia shows n use of the tern, radicallzation that primnrilyconcerns Muslim tendencies. The conceptual fmmingof radicalization "ill depict the Inner as n generic phenomenon that can occur in ony political formauon, )'CL in its operatlonalization and usuge it will be most often mobilized to study tendencies deemed problematic within Muslim communities. In several cases, this specific focus "ill nol necessarily be explained, but simply nssumed," llut in the two main studies mentioned earlier, • clear [ustification will be given b)' either referring lo the funders (for instance, the cityoî Amsterdam in the case oîSlootman nod Tillie) or by giving more substantlal arguments, Buijs, Dement and Hnmd)', for instance, consider a generic approach on radicalization that <qWIII)' includes other forms of extremism or radicalism to be too broad. 'they nrgue !hot radicalism is too much of n 'lnrge container term !hot covers n l•rgc spectrum from democracy to cxtmnisn,'." They will therefore restrict their focus 10 what they describe as 'lslamlc radlcalism; which is understood here as n particular school of thought within Islam which has been theorized hr a number of Muslim thinkers (i.c. Qulb and Mawdudl) and which is characterized by certain îcruurcs." In doing so, the researchers seem to shore the AIVD concern which views 'Muslim radicalism' or Salafism us one of the mnin threats for Dutch sockt)'· However, nuances will be offered in their study which distinguish the 'good' from the 'bad' variants of Muslim politica! activism,

11,e suggested - or even explicit - link mode bot ween 'radicalism' and 'Islam' will, however, be challenged b)' SC\'Cml authors in the Dutch-speaking scientific field. A first S<l of critiques will be formulated b)' nnthropologists and religious studies scholars who have worked with ~lwlims considered as 'orthodox' or Salafi, They will tackle, on the bnsis of their empirical work, whnt thcr view as a series of secular presuppositions and biases on religious orthodoxy as well ns the suggested link between Salafism. religious orthodoxy and violence. The work of Marlijn de Koning, who conducted six years of anlhropologicnl fieldwork among Salnfi. oriented Dutch-Moroccans in Gouda, offers a good example of such n critique.'" Instead of considering the orthodox religious turn nmong his Dutch-Moroccan inforrnnnts as a deviation. the author rather secs il ns an attempt to formulate answers to the questions that confron1 them and thnt nre fundamentally modern (i,e, Individualization, fractured socinl rcfationships, globnli,.,llion. ere.), By drawing on the religious tradition, these youngsters emulate the examples as set by the Prophet and seek lo construct forms of belonging that enable them to address tbc challenges of modernity nnd at times also engngc with It in n critlcnl fashion." Furthermore, the tfa'w11/: advocated b)' his informnnts must primarily be rend as an imitation to cngnge with Islamic spirituality on n personal basis - thus excluding the tacit (or in some cnscs even explicit) links dmwn between Salafism nnd jlhndism." Other studies on Dutch Salafis hove looked at how young people consume. (rc)produce and tmnsform religious knowledge and negouate dlflcreru Snlaf authorities. De Konings work was also part of the research programme 'Salafism as a Trensnntional Movement' of the Institute for the Study of the Modem World (ISIM) nnd (aller 2009) Rndboud University Nijmegen which included the researchers Becker, Wagcmakcrs nnd Meijrr." Although none of lhc.s., projects dircctl)' engage with the question of mdicnllzo1ion, n concern with this question appears in some of these sludics - most notnbly in the work of De Koning who suggcsLs that there might be possible links between jihodism,S.,lnfism nnd violence. Hence, where the nutomntic link bet ween Snlnfism nnd radlca!i7.llûon is problemati7.cd, a possible, lndirrct rdotionship is nssumed." A similar cri1iquc can be found in the work ofWdmoct Boender, who equally chollcngcs this iden that religious orll,odo,y is nnnlogous with Muslim rndirnlizotion on the bnsls of her fiddwork with imams in the Nclherlonds." Furthermore, both the work of llocndcrand De Koninghn\'ebeen discu!scd in publicdcbal<Sabout rndicnliznlion, often in relation lo the question of how dangerous Snlnfism is."

A finol examplt of n stud)• ll101 shows nttcmpts nl dcconstrucling the link between Snlofism nnd rndknliution,nlbcil 3.15uminga.nd confirming the idea that there exists a loeit link between the two, can be found in th< report by Roe.~. Van Stiphout and TIilie." In 2009, the Research and Documentntlon Centre of the Ministr)' of Security nnd Justice ( Wcttnsdrnppdijk Omf,r.o,k- ,11 Documcnroti, C,111n111r or WODC) commiuioncd r=rch about the nature, size nnd potential th rent from S.1lofism in the Netherlands. Meijer and De Koning (who were nlrcady conducting their .own rcscnrch on Snlafism in Europe nnd the Middle East together "ith Jons Wogemnkcrs nnd Corm en Breker) were initinll)' consulted by the WODC about potentinl rcsrnrch questions. lbc research \\'US grontcd lo Ineke Rocx, Sjef

68 Ri1dlcalLzntio11 in Btlgium and the NttlttrlamlJ

'"" Stiphout and Jean Tillie.'' The publication by Roex, Van Stiphout nnd Tillie I< one of the first studies exclusively focusing on Dutch Salafisrn, although the research bi• lluijs, Demont nnd Hamdy" equally attended to the question of whether 'pollrical Salafisrn' could provide n threshold against '[ihndlsm' This partlculnr question, set ogninst the background of the Al VD and Dutch politician> questioning the double agendas of 'Salafist' preachers propagating on anti· integration, anti-democracy and isolntionist messege, framed the research by TIiiie, Roex and Von StiphouL • The elaborate research focused on analysing the moral revival work of Salnfi mosques through an account ofSalufi' crganizations nnd • survey nmong Dutch Muslims. In this survey. they tried to measure the degree of commitment towards orthodox lslnmic thought. n.ssuming that the extent to which people were inclined to it moy equally reflect Salaf thought. One of their conclusions was that political mdlcalization tokes place outside 'Salnfist' orgnnizatlons, and that so-called orthodox Muslims are relatively older, less educated and more often unemployed. However, they also noted that sensitivity to radicalism and violent extremism is higher among theseorthodox' Dutch Muslims, which would be evidence of a correlation between orthodoxy nnd political rndicalism.

The research wns influential on a national policy level and in the med In for its nuanced approach. The study wns nblc to show how most of these organlzntions hod distanced themselves from political violence (or 'jihedisrn'). The study also enabled local policymakers 10 remain w:111• of'Solofist tendencies' among Muslim communities, while ni the same time c:ncoumging them to establish collnborations with some organizations claiming 10 follow a Salaf method of Islam. In particular, the fieldwork done b)' Roer was reportedly of signific:nnce in influencing local policymakers into having n more nuanced and dlfferentiarcd view on what the)' regarded ns Salafi mosques." 11,Js produced a compllcated relationship between the Dutch state and Muslim organizetions. While attempts hove been made to curb the influence of so-called Salaûsm when engaging with those Muslim initiatives deemed liberal enough for the state agencies, on the I oen I level, municipalities have been and still arc working with Salnf networks and indlviduals, or nt lenst with some. The broad security gaze û1nt is the result of the counter-mdicalizaticn efforts remains dominant nevertheless,

from (Muslim) sptcific to g,11cn1/

Whereas the first series of critiques explicitly challenged the assumed link between Muslim orthodoxy, Salnfism and radicalization by drawing on nn ethnographic study or this group, a second set of studies will instead prohlernarlzc the exclusive focus on Islam by expanding this term to include other sociological groups. The ostensible aim here is to understand (nnd scicntiûcally construct) 'radlcalizarion' ns a distinctive soclologicnl phenomenon, which cuts across distinct politlcal ideologies and cultural groups. Some subsequent studies will do so by broadening their lens to other groups." The study of J. A. Moors, E. van den Reck Vermeulen and M. Siesling provides on interesting case due to its desire to expand the reach of

Turning 'rndit,,liwOon' itJto scieno: 69

the concept to 'other' (ethnic) communities besides the Moroccan (and ton lesser extent, Turkish) one." The report, which w:u commissioned by the Dutch nuthcrities.stntes quite cxpllcltlythat il wants Lo demarcate Jtsdff rom the prevalent focus on Moroccan minorities and the importnnce given to Islam in the existing lherature." By including other ethnic minorities, i.e, the Somali, Pakistani, Kurdish and Moluccoru. the report aims to offer a deeper understanding of the process<'$ of rndicalization. But whereas the report critlcnlly challenges the prevailing AJVD understanding of radicnlization by equally addressing contcxtunl clements, it nevertheless ends up restricting this question ton problem of imegrauon through its exclusive inclusion of racialized minorities, which olso hoppen 10 be Muslim. Indeed, forge parts of the report seem to be geared towards understanding the recruiting potentlal of orthodox nnd fundamentalist Islamic groups among the concerned communities, Furthermore, the presence of antagonlstlc views towards the Dutch state is also framed as one of the WOIT)'ing trends, Although the authors conclude thnt there is no urgent threat corning from the concerned communities. they nevertheless forewarn the presence of n breeding ground for rndicaltzation," Despite its attempts nt broadening the term radicoli:mtion to other communities and groups, the specific targeting and restriction of the researchers' lens to racializcd minorities who happen 10 be Muslim ends up confirming the presupposition that mdicnliu,tion is of particular concern to Islam alone.

A different approach is adopted in other reports that do not restrict the focus to religious or ethnic minorities but expand the term radicalization to different polltic:tl forrnntioru. Sud, OJ\ extension was already observable in some of the AIVD reports, whereby right-wing movements - nnd in a Inter stage.left-wing and animal rights movements - 1,111 be Included in this concern with radlcalizatiou. Here, it is useful to refer to the study of De Ruyver ct nl."' on the one hond, and that of Hans Moors ct nl." on the other hand, os the)' represent two distinct ways of assessing (and constructing) the problem. The master thesis of Amy-Jone Gielen, Rndicnlistri11g "' Identiteit forms • particularly good example of the wny in which rndicnlizotlon became rcconceptunllzed as an identity question that prevails within distinct politico! currents that could be branded as 'extreme: .. lier research also had a large impact in the Netherlands and Belgium because of her active role as a consultant on this question, which Is indicative of the semi-profcssionalizatiön and commerclallzation of this question. Drawing on on ernplrlcal study among right-wing sympothl1..crs and a review of the literature on Mwlim forms of activism, Gielen attempts to offer • conceptual model that understands radlcahzauon n.s n distinctive phrnoml!non - which ii not ntces.saril)' tied h·ith a particular rcligiow oricntntlon. Although she acknowledges the forrnoth-c role of parliculor religious ideologies in the case or :-1uslims, her main emphasis is put on the notion of'identity'. which she considers central to this process." In contrast to the studies discussed earlier, the conceptunl model developed in Giclen's work considers the auû1oritnrion personality structure of the individual l\S one of the key clements to understanding how mdicali:mtion processes occur. Drawing on the wo1k of 1 heodorc Adorno 0/\d her own interviews with young Dutch sympothizers of right-wing groups, Giclen considers the obsence of o 'multiple

ïO Rndicall:atiou iu Btlgfum aud tltc Nttltfflmul,1 Turning 'n1dicaliw1io11· Into sciou» 71

idcntity' thnt con accomrnodate the different aspects of their idcntil)' os one of the hallmarks of this process. "'This is also something she considers to be chnracterlst!c for Islamic movements based upon her review of the literature." By highlighting the 'pcrsönality traits' throughout her work. Glelen thus controdicts the idea thnt radicnlization is nn outcome or pnr« iculnr religious tendencies or contextual developments, connecting It instead to one's identity development that can be overcome through proper training. A similar perspective, that primarily links radicalizatlon with identity, will also bent the heart of the Belgian report by De Ruyvcr ct al., who will include left-wing. right-wing and animal right., activists in their study." A double aim seems to inform their report: Flrstl)', to offer a conceptual model to understand radicalization - which is here also understood os o complex process, but which eddluonallyaccords a large degree of import once to recruiters." Secondly, to assess the degree of threat that emanates from these groups. Through interviews conducted with n series of experts on the danger posed by the distinct groups. they come to the conclusion that the problem of Islamic radicalism figures :u one of the main challenges. This. the)' argue, nlso highlights the importance of 'Imcgration' as well as the nerd to assess the identity construction among these youth!'

Like the previously mentioned reports, the stud)' by Moors ct al. is an attempt LO expand the notion of radicalization by toking it nway from the realm of lslnm and linking it with other political formations, l.e. lefM,ing, right-wing and animal rights activism." Yet differing from the previously cited reports, the suggested and assumed links between Islamic orthodoxy nnd mdicnlization arc explicitly problematlzed, Furthermore, there Is an explicit attempt to move away from on exclusive focus on rndicalimtlon through the introduction of another concept - t.e, 'poladzatiou. This concern with polarhauon was initially formulated by the Dutch government In its Actlcpln11 ttgm Potnrisati« <11 Ratlimlisrri11g {2007-11) and set itself the task of addressing societal tensions ûtat endanger social cohesion." The Action Pion '""-' explicitly derived from the dlngnosis set by the AIVD which argued in its2005Am111al Report thnt the tensions connected with thc'mulucuhural society' were one of the major challenges facing Dutch society." The report by Moors et nl. ls the second in a series of reports thnt seek to assess this relationship bel ween 'polarizauon' and 'rndicaliwtion'," the first report being 1rt11da11aly,e Polaristule c11 Ri1diwlistri11g, published b)' de Ministerie ,-.111 Binnenlandse Zaken en Koninkrijksrelaties in 2008. Yel differing from the influential 1n:11da11aly,, published in 2008, this report presents itself as nn explicitly scientific re-Investment of this question."

An important section of the report {written by the Dutch legal scholar and security expert Bob de Grnaff) is nlso devoted to defining the notion of radlcalizatlon nnd understanding the indirect links thnt might exist between 'polarization'nnd 'radicalization, 'lite report pays significant auemion to the rapidly changing social dynamics and the escnlnting medio debates on Islam and migration, and nrgues that these developments enhance the experience of marginalization and persecution among the dlfferent segments of the Dutch population.'°' lhc subsequent chapters will continue to exnmlnc this question, yet the notion of

'radicalization'will be readjusted in its definition LO the distinct political forrnntions (Le. Muslim rndicnlism, (new) right-wing radicalism, left-wing radicalism nod nnimnl rights activism). Rother than identifying n generic series of characteristics, o more case-oriented approach is thus preferred which tries to identify and understand how such processes might ensue according lo n series of questions and problems that ore specific for each tradition. Yet this ostensible attempt ot dcmnrcaring the question of radicalization from Islam nevertheless results in • position whereby nil political formntions and actions that foll outside of liberal democrncy will be seen as potentially threatening. In so doing, the report is in line with the approach suggested by the AIV 0, which considers attempts at establishing 'deep change' os a potential security hazard. This report thus provides a good example of how the attempts at moving the term rndicalizatlen from its exclusive focus on Islam to other forms of political actions result in the dernarcation and problernatlzatlon of forms of political action that arc not neatly captured by the contours of the lnstitutionalhed politicni process,'!' This introduction of 'polarization· :u on addition 10 radicalization hos, however, also triggered o number of critical essays which were published in a report edited by Rnnd voor Mnntschappclijke Ontwikkeling'°' and who have challenged this concept by nrgulng that the term polarization assumes a 'consensus model' which is not only n fiction, but might stimulate new forms of polnnzaticn and confiicL10'

Co11c/11sio11

This chapter has sought to account for the emergence of 'radicalization' os an lruerstitial field of study. which gathers the Dutch intelligence services and scientific actors in defining a particular problem. The first part of this chapter sought to off era historical reviewof thc introductlon of the concept of radicalization by the Dutch intelligence services by documenting how this term came to be introduced in the framework of larger discussions on intcgrotion. \\'e have tried to show how the term radicalizotion was partially huilt on an lnternal reorganizaticn of the Dutch intelligence services, whkh also relied on n renewed risk-assessment of the surrounding dangers thnt considered the danger of terrorism to be potentially linked with the problem of integration. A second aim of this pnpcr was to account for the W3)'> in which Dutch academics have related to this term and how they came to adopt it through go\'crnment-fundcd research on this question in the tradition of policy-oriented research (bdddso11denod:). In this in\'estlg.,tion into bow the concept of redicallzation came to travel into the Dutch academic field, wc have also paid particular attention to the critical conversation thnt ensued concerning the diagnosis set by the AIVD. This focus related to the general analytical question lhnl informed this chapter, which is to understood how 'radicalizntlorî research emerges :u an interstitial space which gathers together both security agencies and scholars. Wc have tried to show, throughout this chapter, thot the enrolment of scholnrs'k into this deradicalizarion field of study is far more complex than that of a simple co-optation into the analytical framework proposed

72 Radi'cali:ation {,r Btlgium and tl1t Nttlttrln,tds

by the AIVD, but that il occurred through rut active re-approprintion by scholnrs rutd comestatlon of some of the premises of the term.

Our review shows how research en have actively sought to demarcate themselves from the dcfiniûon proposed by the Dutch Intelligence services, by'sciernizing' the language - i.c. turning radicnlizaricn into n 'multi-dimensional' prrxw - nnd by challenging the assumed link between certain Islamic ideologies (Salafis111) and radicalization. 'l he Inlier figured as rui especially important source of contention, os scholars hove explicitly challenged this link through empirical data nnd/or by activclyopentngup this notion of rndicallzatiön toother,non-Musllm phenomena. Yet despite these different critical demarcntions, a shored series of assumptions about the supposed link between security (which is already often n racialized concept), migration, blom and integration, continues 10 inform these studies. The different studies wc have looked m adopted these pre-formed models of radicalization of .\1uslims os n lens through which they examined other modes of radicalization, Hence. the assumed link between Islam nnd security operates as the default template through which other phenomena become assessed. This results in a particular analytical model whereby attempts to contextualize radicalization (by accounting for the structural factors within Dutch society, or in some cases intemationnlly) become combined with n strong focus on the individual, which often psychologues so-called trigger factors, ln line with the security gaze, political grievances, structures of inequnlity and injustice arc thus turned Into signals of poienunl risks to national security.

'l his overview should. however, not be taken to suggest that the relation between academia nnd the stmes security gaze is only about the former responding to the Inner (although the emphasis of this review was on the scientific field). Indeed, the security services have also on numerous occasions been inspired by scholarship produced by academics for their conccptunllzntions of the problem. In the AIVD report From Dmm lo /il,ad,'" for instance, 'Salafism' (or '\\\lhhabism' which is used hen: as n synonym) is regarded as 'radical puritanism': • type of'radknl Islam' thnt emphasizes resistance ng;ilnst Western dontinntion. and pnrticulnrly against n '"pcmicious"Wcstcm lifestyle that is regarded as a threat to the "pure lslnm'" As an ahernauve, tl,e Salnfis espouse n societal order based upon 'Islamic morals' rather thnn an Islamic stnte. This characterization is, among others, based upon the work of Ohvier Roy's L' Islam Mo11d/a/isi,'" which labelled such Islamic currents n., neo­ fundnmcntnlist. In the same AIVD report a dlstincuon is made between those who focus on da'walr (nnd often implicitly condone the 'violent Jihad' )'el are careful not 10 coll for jihad or to be associated with recruiting) and those who actively support Md choose 'violent jihad. It is lmportnnt to consider how such rharacterizations were also made by scholars such us Wiktorowicz who have warned ngairm the .U,11«1 double speak of the 'dnh'\l Salafists'.'" Dtîwai: in this report refers to 're­ lslnmising' Muslim minorities In the West working from 'cxtremc-puruan. intolerant nnd strong anti-Western frames of thought' and nlming to remain aloof from Western society and 'propagating cxclusivism and parallelism: In particular Wiktorowicz' article from 2006 is importnnt here."" In this artidc he dlstingulshcs between three different typö of Salafism based upon different understandings of

Turning 'mdica/1:alfou' Into scieno: 73

the sociopollticnl context the)' ure in: the purists. the politicos and the jihadists, The function of this dlvision Is. as becomes clear in his conclusion, how to empower the 'purists' at the expense of the 'jihadists'.,.. Such categorizatlon, haven pron,n to be ,·cry useful for translaring academic knowledge into bureaucnuic knowledge, and thi, accounts for their polltlcnl and policy-oriented us;ihility and accountabillty.'!" Hence, rather than assuming n dearly delineated junaposition bet ween the academic field rutd the pollcy field, the case of the Netherlands (and of B<lgiurn) remains a good example of how the lcgitimizntion, production and circulation of knowledge about radicalization consists of different spaces which inform nnd shape. but also oppose. each other.

Notes

Scr. (or lnstancc, Valfrie Amir.tux. 'Aadcn\ic DiKou()CS on lsb.m(~) in Frnncç end Germany: Producing Knowledge or Reproducing Norms?: in /Jlt1m am/ tht \\~st: Jud.~tn1t,11, Prtju,liw. Politltnl Pcrspt<tfra, cd. Wem« Ref (MOnst<r. Agemb Verlag, 2002); l\ndia M•noukl, 'De Iendiguement ~ l'cng,seme111: ~ üiscours des think tnnks amèriralns sur l'i<lom depuls 2001: Arclih-a c/,s S<i<11<a S«/a/,., c/,s R<llglons t5S (201 I): 21-38: .tnJ St:unpnit,ky. Dlsdp/111/ng Terror.

2 'lhljl Sunier, 'Domc::,tirating Islam: Exploring Academic Knowkdge Production on blam ind Mw1ims in European Societies: Ellim'c arttl Radal SJmlits 37, no.6 (2014): 1142.

J Baker-Beall, 11"1lh-Kelly onü /af\'U, cd! .. ÛJ1111tcr,Raillca/114tio11. 4 Right afler the .it111ck.s of 13 Novrm~r 2015, the French Nllllo11n.l Cent~ for Scientific

Rcsc;irch (Ctntrr rrntlorral d, la r«!rtrdrt Jdwtlfu1u,. CNRS) lnunched • cru! among the 11 S,000 rcsurcher, 10 ilwcstig-,ue the rooL eiuscs or these forms or violcnC'c. 1hc concern with \iolmt rudicallutlon' figurt"J iu a ftturrcnl 1opic: [n scwral a.lis l11unchtd under the Hori1-0n 2020 framework.or nation,! frame"-,,rlu such .u the lldgian l'cdcral RC$earch Agency (BELSPO).

S S« Kundnanl, 'RJldialls,uJon: lh< Journey of• Concept': •nd Kundnanl, '11:t MuJ/imJ ,.\rt Coml11sJ Sec •l>o, Gabe M)1hcn,S.nüra Wo!Jdot< and PJlmbtll1·J•ne Ptotfield, 'As.scmbling :.md 01."Co1U1ructing lllldica.ll.sntlon In PREVENT: A Cuc or PollC)··lJ.uro E\idencc Making!'. Critital Sada/ Polity 37. no. 2 (2017): 180-201; Mark St-dgwitk, ,he Con«pl or R•dicalization "'o Sour« of Confusion: TtrroriJm anti Polit/ml Vio!wu 22, no.4 (2010): 479-94: 1nd Paul lhom.u,'Ulvorctd bui S1ill O,.lloblringl Bri1ains Pm'tnt/CommunityC:ohl'llnn Polleyieiulon: Brit/Jh Politics 9. no. 4 (2014): 47.2-93.

6 Lisa Stunpnit1.l.1·.'Dlsciplining rtn Unruly FiclJ: Terrorism Experts •nd Throries of Scicntific/lntdittlu:il ProJuctiun: Q11a/itatfr< S«iology 34, no. I (2010): l-19.

7 lhurna, Mcd,-ctz, Think Tank, i11 Amrrlrn (ChiC11SO, It, Unh'tolly of Clllc,go Prc,.J, 2008).

8 Stlll11pnll2k)', 'Oi,dpllning ,rn Unruly Field: p. 3. 9 Su1.1npni11..ky, Disriplirrfng Trr-ror. IO Usa Stampnitzk)', 'Expcrt>. Êtats ct thN>rit.1 des champs: Sodologk de l'ex~rti:,c en

1Tl3tièrc de trrrorismt: Crit,qiu lrtttrnaliomilc 59, no. 2 (201 )): 89-104. Il BlltldJonc/mo,k (policy rl'lC,lrch) Is •n uld tr:iühion in the Netherland,, which <1ems from the s~onJ WorlJ W.u.11nd the Ide-a of socW tngintt.ring has :.ûso fiourbhaJ

RnrUrnliwJion in lklgium nnd tire NclhtrlandJ

smce then, 'I hert arc .1 few research agencies that foll dircc1ly under the Du1d1 government's control, such ax the Ncthc:rfo.nds lrulilute for Social Rcsc.;,rd1 (Sodn1JI en Cullurtt.l P!on/JurrtJu,SCl'), Stalbtia Ntthcrb.mb (V,,troal Burrnu \'OOr de Sralitti'tk. CBS) and the Ranrch am.I Documenuulun Centre ( l\'t.ttruclrapp(lijk Or.dtr:.otk· t'n Documtmar,t Ctmnm1, \\'OUC.:), but oûen euch knowledge Îi the r'duh of a collaborarlon between the uulversltles and the ijO\'cmmcnl. Several academics who ho IJ tenured poiilicms 1U Dutch unh't'rsities also .SC'C\-C in some of these public Insthutloru (such a, Christlanne Jc l'<H>t, sclentlûc (cllow at WOUC and chalr in criminology at VU Unh·trsil)', and SCP Dlreetor Kirn Putters who i< also chalr of health maragemem .tt the lruthutt' oi Health Policy and ~1aMgl'mcnt of the Er.,smu) Vnh,:nity, Rouerdam). Fora. iunhtr eeeount.see P. I I. M. van Hoesel, F. L Leeuw and J. Mt,fflcn, Btltidsc,uftr...od: i111'lnltrln11d: Ktmûs \'OOr l>t.lrld; OnlwlkJ.t.lin,( urn &u Pro/wie (Assen: V.m Gorcum),

12 Mid1cl Collon. 'Some Elements o( • Sociolog)' of Translailon: Domesticalon of the Scallops and the Ftshennen of St. ltricec &)': in Ttdr,10,ctt.ucc 1ltt PoUr,'u of luUnYtltion, eds. Krul in ,ud~. Brito Brennn and lngunn Moser (Oslo: Unipub. 2007 119861),

13 S« Asdol, Brenna and Moser, «ls., T«/111osciwce. nml Michel Collon and Bruno Latour, La Stft,ru ltllt cJu'cllc ufait: Aruhulogfc tit. la $«iologi~ des scirnc:o tic Innguc ,mgl,riu (Pari$: 1,. Découvcne, 1991).

M See Didier Blgo,'Glob.tlized (ln)S«urit)O The FiclJ end the ~,n.QpticoO: In Tmur. i=rurlt>· n,u/ /Jb<rty: /11/b,m/ />nut/ct< of Ub<ml Rrgirri,J uftcr 9/11, ,,k Didier Bigo QnJ ,\n:1Jt:&Sdo. Tsouk.'1111 (Abingdon: Reutledge, 2008): and Didier Higo, 1...:aurcnl BonrUI and Thonw Deltombe, Au nom ,Ju I I Stpuwbrr ... Les ,flmocrutia tl rtprcrn-e dt llrntltcrrurismt W.ui.<: Lo Dëcouverte, 2008).

JS See Paul AhclJ.'lnllduingen- en veiligheldsdlcnstcn en 1crrori.smthcstrijJing', In t,did,tlngrn- "' l't1li_\~1<l1/sdlmS1tn, «!s. ueatdee de Granf, f.. It Mulkr and J. A. ven Rcijn (Dm»cls: \\'ohm Kluwer, 2010); and U. £ngd<n, 'M•rs door de tijd van een ilutltudc-: Een beknopte gcschicdcni;, \';,n Jc AlV o: in l11lichli11~11· (Il \'til('*ttüUll,'trutw, eds, De Griuf, Muller and Van Rcijn (Brw~b.: Wollen, Kluwer, 2010).

16 M:wrljc ,·,m der weude. 'nrcde hen.a.Jc-ring tcrrortnntbtstrijding', Optnbanr Bar uur 11. no. 19 (2009): 2-5.

17 Edward W.Sald, On'trrtnlism: Wattm ConctptiorlS o/11:c Orirnl (Londrn» Penguln, 199S ( 19781): and Bobb)• 5. S.,)'yiJ, A Fu11dum,11tal F<ar. Ëurocrnttism ani/ lit< Em,,i;c,u, uf lslmrriJl11 (l.nndon: 7.«J Hooks, 1997).

18 Although the P11lc,tinhm llbcr.uinn mo,·emcnl,5 ore also mcnt.ioneJ in. for an.mplc, the 199/ Anuual Rtport. Rushdie norhh book AK mentloned in 1hb repurt.but it does allude 10 the wrilcr by r,(crrlng to the'llquldatlon of'"the enemies of Islam'" (p. 20).

19 DVD,/aan'<r>lag 1996 (1996Am111a/ Rtporl] ( lhe Hogut". IIVU, 1997).p, 18. 20 See De Koning, Beeker, Roa anJ At1.t1l)., Ei la mien i'n em :~, mu ongtloof. see also

Introduction to thi.< volume b)' Fodil. De Koning and Rogau:L 21 Orie( Mini\tcr, Grote Steden.en lntegratiebcleid, December 1999; Tweede Kamer der

Staten-Genernul, 1999-2002, 26333. Jn 1994 the poliq• for incorporating migrants "',u changed from a minoril)' pulley to :m intrgrntion policy. Ministcrit ,~n UinncnlAnJ~c /'.akc:.n {1994) tn1tgr.1Liebckid clnist:he mindcrhc:dm,con1ourtnnol11.. Tw«tlc Kamer 1993-4. 2¾84.m. I, 2 (Den H..,g, SDU).

22 Jon Blomm11crt ;md Jc(Vcrschueren. Htt IJtlgudtt M(~nmtt.rultOOI: ~ pruimatitk wm dt t1b11omwllstring (Antwerp: IPrA Rot".Ucl 1 Center, 1992): J•n Rnth. Minoriwin,i:, ,I<

'fuming 'mdim/iu11iou· 11110 $c.itnct 75

Socitrlt. C.orutructit. \'dn '£.tniJdrc ,\fimlcrh«J.m' (Anutad:un: Sua. 1991 ): and \Villen, Schinkel. De11kerr /11 f-<n Ttjd ,..,,. So<itli, Hypod1ondrir. t\;J11U1 tot E,,r Thtori< l'oorblj tit Maatsclwppij (Komp<n: Klement, 2007).

23 D\ID,/aan'<rslag 1999 (1999A1111ua/ Report] (11,e Hogue RVD, 2000), p. 15. 24 ,\1ichd Fouauh. 'l.«turc Two: 14 Janu~ry 1976: ln Powt.r/K,row!tdRe St.lttttt.f

lnttrv,rws nm/ Otl«r ll'nling,. 1972-1977, cd. Colln Gordon (New York: P,nth('(Jn lloök.<, 1980).

25 AiVr>./r,anyn/ag 2001 12001 Amwal Rtportl (1hc 11,gue: AIVD, 2002),p. 18. 26 Ibid., p. 30. 27 AIVU,/aan"<nlng 2003 l200JAnmml RtportJ ('lh< H,guc:AJVr>, 2004), p. 33. 28 Ibid .. p. JJ. 29 De Koning. B«kcr, Roa a.nd A1mu, Ei/muien i,r ttn ut. ,·i.111 o,rgtlooj. 30 AIVlJ,SaordUtht. irrvlottft.n in .1\'rtlerland: \'trOO.ndtn ll.U.kn Sdla{iliklit mlsslt,

rudlca/lYringspnxwcn"' islnmist/Jd1 ttrrons111t (Den I hug: Aivr>. 2004). p. 6. 31 AIVD, \Inn dm,'11 to: )Uiad: Dt. di,"t..rU drr(i:ingcn ,,:in ,k mrlfrlli4t islam ttgé'II dr

dtmocrot/sd,e rtd11sorrlt (Den 1-1 .. g: AJVD.2004). pp. 1S-17. n Ibid., pp. 33-4. 33 AIVD, De WhYlddndlg, Jihad /111'.rd,rla,.,t, 1\cturlc lrtnd, 111 dt Islamist/se/,.

tcrorristsldit drtiglrrg (D<n I l11aiç AIVD, 2006), p. 40. J.l Sedgwick, ··rhc Cun«pt or R•dk;uizntlon tU • Source of Confo,ion'. 35 AfVD.Sn0t.tlisll1~ irn-lot"tkrr i11 Nt.dffland, p. 2 J6 AiVD,/narvtrslng 201412014 Am,unl R,port] (The Hague AIVD, 2015). 37 R«cnt CX:llll1ples o('for profiL' lnili11thu are Saha Communk.uioru (which orgo.nizcd Q.

meeting for social worl«n tmd loc;il cl\'H s.er\':rnu. wilh nnu.lcmics such .u Utnj1m r>oo>j< •nd Mnrtljn d< Koning) 2nd Rodar AJ,,;.,. that csllbli.<hed •uJ coonlin•I<> lhc Europ(';ln RodJa.llmtlon Awn.~nm Nc1\,,,rk (RA.,.'I) with.1caJe111iaanö pro(<SSionol.i.

38 !l.le.h'c11. 11,irik Tanks m Amrrko. 39 S« al.so Manouki, 'De l'cndlgutntt11t :\ l'~n811J)'t'mtnt: 40 A Îl'W nudlcs cxl.st on r.1Jlealitntion prior to the 20001; howr-,'tr, they oflcn Ju nu1

focus on ll1e proces.) u(h«.oming r.adk::tl but rather on rodk-.1.lbm from the viewpoint o( bringing obout • dnln,d ch>nge In 10ek1y through the use of mllitont ruotcgles, with a dror idenlit)' 11.JlJ :m evil opponent. ThC'$C s1uJle.s îocwc-d on left-wing anJ righH,ing r.tdlcofüm (>«. for cx•mplc, Kroes. Co11jlle1 "' Radicalism, (M,-ppcl: Boom), or lookeJ 1.1.t proccucs of Dlltrnuion to ac.:ou11t for non-cunfom1.i.n ~tt.itudcs (sec F. H. Ou, 'Orilntoties v.u1 log..- gesclmohlc werkloze rn werkende lll:1l1nelijk< jongcmi: Een ,-rrgdijkend onden:c>ck; Mens"' Mnntscltnpplj S-1, no. 4 (1979): 361-~). But in wing the: concept o( raJic.iliz.ation, most studies wt- h.1,·c bttn ublc to iJc111ify, r?:latc it with the pulitica.l hardmlng oi rnnfts.Sionlll groups in the f mmcwork of thl' rdurmiuion a.nJ c:ountcmfomiJ.tion (Stt I .• C. J, J. llog:acn. 'Politieke rn rtllgicuz.c radic;ill,cring: In G<sd1i<dtnls '"'" tic provill<i, Utrrc/11 IJ, ed. Corn<IIJ Deltktr (Uirccht: ütredil Historische Rcclc.<.1997): •nd Anncmitkt Klijn onJ Jeroen \\~nkd.'MOn>t<r, Anutt'flàm en Jc WoJcrdopcrs: Gronld: 23, no. 2 (1978): 12-16.

41 .\1ui.,n V'usrr !.Uld Jeroen Slot, Exlrtnii.smr: ttr Rntlit,1/U-tring ir1 lrt.t 1\msttrdam.st' \'oortgct't O,tdtrwijs (Anu1crdam: Gcmt'tnte, 20(l5).

-12 Anothtr rq,ort w::u publbl1cd in t.ht su1c )'t"C.f by Pllul Emrndlmmp, Jan I kok Kamphuis and-t\. Rdndm, Rndicalbt.ring \'rlll Jo1:gcrc11; Etn lltemtuur,tud1t ,,m1r dt Orihm,kdi)kJrtid ,wr radlwUscrfnK (Anu1cnlarn: Psychology Rcscn.rch Jrutitulc. Unh·crs.ltdt \·Jn Anl\terdoun, 2005).

76 R,1dicali!lllfo11 /JI IJtlsium and tlir Nc1Jrcrl11mls Tunrtnx 1ridlcali:,atiou' Imo science 77

43 Rlk Coolsset. 'Hrt blamitiJt:h lcrrnri.sm~ Pc:rc.cplics wleden en kw«c.h>ij\'Cf') Jrc-ggcn: /1atltfllt Vtrktm1l11stn 31. no. 2 (2005): 9-27: Olivier Roy, 'Euro-Islanu De jllu11l van hinncnuit?:/ustitil/t \'trktmtiugcn 3), no. 2 (2005)-: 28-46.

•1•1 Fr.mk J. Ru ijs. Froukje Dernam and Ald 1 lamJy, StrîftiltJ \'l'UJ El:~rr Bodt.m: Radictrlc tn Dtmocruliu/Jc MoUmr.s ,n Ntdt.rlarut (Arrutcrd.-m: Amsterdam Unh"CT1il)' Press. 2006): and ~1arlW Slootmen and Jc.111 TiUlt,'i'roc~n van nJdicaliscring: \'v.lllrun, somn1igc AnutcrJ,un~ moslims radic:ul worden: J,utittwt \'(JOT Mfgmtft· en £t,1î.s<l1t Szudlts (Am>tcrdam: IMlt~.2006).

45 liuljs, Demant and I lo111Jy.Strfjdtr, wm Eig,n Radn11, p. S. 46 Slootm:m and Tillie, 'Processen \';10 r.tdlCUis.rring: p. 10. -17 M,rlh• Crenshaw, "lbe l's)xhologyo(l'errorurn: An Agtntl• for the 2151 Century,

Polit/ral PJ)~l,ology 21, no. 2 (2000): 40S-20. 48 AIVD,/aanyr,/ng 2001 12001 :\m1ual Rtportl (lhe Hague: AIVD. 2002),p. 22. 49 Bul)<, Dëmant and H,md)', Strijdm ""' Eig,n &<km. SO Althoui;.h they wiJI recognlse the hnportance of fonnc-.r j1h:1Ji.st.s and fightro who

panldpated in the wars in Afgha.nistan and migr.utd to \}'eslcm Europe, lhL")' will downplay the Importance these actors mtty luve irt recrultlng youngsters lo join :i rnmt.tf')' fight 'lhe,· rather see 1h~ recrulters ;u 'allll)')l5° whose rolt iJ secondary, Wh:u is Important, to them, arc lhe'lmt )'Oungsttrs' who are searching for'leadcr,:" (see lluij>, Demant and Homdy. Strijtlm "'" Ei_t:,'11 Bodem, p. 42).

51 lhiJ., p. 42. 52 JhiJ .. p. 2,1s: -.:c alw Slcotroan anJ 17111<, 'Processen van r•Jlcnliwing: p. 103, 53 !;rank \';UI Gernert, 'Rndk.i.H.scn:n Jc criminele M:.uokk:n.lruc jongeren \':111 weleer?

Sodaleeontroletheerle t~p.lit op twee case studies: PrcKts 2 (2006): SI.

S-1 See Dulj,. Demon I and l.flimdy. Strijdm ,,.,, l!lg,n 80<km, pp. 4 J-2; Slootm:,n and l'illi,. 'Processen van radicalisering'; onJ oho Tlnka Veldhuis and Edwin 11,kl«:r. 'Causale factoren van radlcalisering c:n hun onderlinge 1:1menh.1.ng: Vrede tn VriUghritl 36, no.4 (2007): 447-ïO.

55 Slootman and TIU ic. 'Processen van r.tdlraliscrlng: p. l 7. S« il~ Ruij). Dernant and Hamdj; Strijdrrs nm Elgrn Botltm, p. 16; and J. A. :-.1oors. E. van Jen Rcclc. Vtt1nNlen and :-.t. Sics.ling, VOffling,bockm ,vor RaditaUs.t.rlnJ: Bij Kld/1.( Etw'sdr.t Grotpt~ Een Vtrkc.mttud Omlnzotk in dt Somalisch, Pi:kistntmSt', 1':Mrrllsthr en .-\folukst Grmc,,ud111pp<11 ('lllhufl!: IVA, 2009), p. IS.

56 .~IVD./nnnyr:,/aJ 100212002 J\mwnl Rtport] (The H,guc:AIVD,2003), p. 33. 57 In hls seminel =r.'lhe Type, or 1.ctiltimate Rule: Etonomymul Socitty (Bcricclcy,

C,\: Unll'tt>it)' or Callfornla Press, 1978 I 19221), MlllC Wd>tr offers 11 complex account or how authority is maintained. which duJlcngcs the pm";IÎIJng Mun:is1 eoneepuon that connects the liutcr with ::i meucr o( domin11tio11. In this '""Y· Wrocr highlighu the int<r.>ctionoJ dlmenslon o( power by stotin~ tho, •n .luthority an only sustaln itJd( to the extent 1ha1 it b ecruldered lrgllinute In the eyes or its followers.

58 Crenshaw. 'The Psychology of Terrorism.: Set also, for o sim liar critique. Kundnani, 11tt ,\lmlims ,In, Coming! p. 120: ,nJ .\lythen. \\',lklatt ond Pt:ttfitld, 'Asstmbling ;ind Occurulrucling Judkulis.3tion in PRE.VF.NT:

59 Ehud Sprin,.alc.ïhe Pmc.., of Dekgitimotion: Toword> • Unlmgc lheory or l'ollticoJ Terrorism: Tmorl,m ond Pol/rim/ V/olwct 3.no. I (1991): 50•68,

60 liulj>. Uenunt •nd Homdy.Strij,lm mn Elg,n IJotlcm,p. 237. 61 Sl0t,tn11rn and Tilli~. 'Procl'S:SCn ,,m radicalisering', p. •14.

62 Sec •bu Kundn:anl.'RodicoJILltion:'lh, Journey or. Conc<pt: 63 Allard R. F<ddes, l..!rs 11.1ckol,on ond llcrtJ•n Duo,j,. Trigj,'<tfnctom, ill liet

Ratlicollstring,pnxa (Am.slertl,m: Eltpcrtise-unit Soci,lc Stobillt<lt, Unll·mltcit v;an Anutcrdam, 20) S).

64 Ibid., pp. (,S-8. 65 Slootm1m 11nd Tillle, 'Proc«,e-1'1 \";Ul rudko.ll,cring', p. 3. 6li Hul)>. Dem>nt a11tl I lomtlr, Stri/dm ""' Eigen 80</tm, p. IS. 61 Stt. for ins:lllnc.~ Vddhui) anJ Bakker. 'C,us.,lc foclottn ,...,_n radiall<e-rlng: p. 4-19. 68 lluijs. Dem.int. and Hrundy,SiriJdtr, \'t.llt FJ.~tu Bodrm. p. 14. 69 lhcr corui.lt of th, following <iemcn11: (•) 1he idea that islorn 1, being mofl!lnollt«l,

(b) distrust tow:utls the «tahlW1<tl ,mier. (c) m:owring the found.uioru o( islnmic (:U.1h. (d) the superiority o( one$ religion ru1d (t) the- :icth-c role or 1hc believer in Jc(cnJing hi.I faith. For the mon, 'txtremin' ,-:ui;u>11 or Mwllm rndicoJism, they olw odd (I) the b<llc( in th, supreme ruk o( 1\lloh, (g) • ,trong u< ,·crsu1 them discourse which is seen :u • war l1e1ween Good •nd Evil •nd (h) Jihad :u n rdiglou., duty(«< llulj1, Demant :u,d Homdy.Strijdm '"'" l:'igm B<>J,m, p. 15).

70 ~·fortijn de Koning. lot.kt,, NcMr &n 'luh1trt' ls!tinc Crlooftbdt\lirrg t11 ldtrrtitrltnormfn,'! \'rlll Jongt Mtirol.'.bm,u-Nrd<rlnmlst Mo-Jliml (Amsterdam.: 1:krt 11.tkur, 2008).

11 JhiJ .. r, 316. n lbid.,p. 311. 73 Mortijn dt Konini;, fo:u Wogem.tkm nnd Carmen litdcr,Sulajismr. Utopischt ldrol,11

in &11 W«rbar,Iige Prnklijk (Almcw. Pill1henon. 20l-l). 7-1 ,\ )Ïmil:ir mode of rt3.SOn1ng om be founJ in the inlcm~tion:al l!te-rJtun: on Islam ism

which «cl:.s to de-cssen1Wlte the ides, or5"lof,sm by distlngul<hlng b<tw<,:n 'good' and 'b:&d' fonm, of nro-funJ:uncnt:ili.sm. Sec ci-p«bJ.Jy û1c work o( f;uh.1d Khosrokhmo;,_r, /.'islam ,lr.s jttmts (P-.iris: Fl:unm.;i.rlon, J 997); Olh'ier Ro)'• t'Wnm mo,ulitJlis~ (Puls: Seuil,2002).

75 Wtlm~t ~nd.:r, Imam in Ntdcrlancl.: Rol Cr.:ng ,,, Blndfrr.~ /,i &n Cu«ularlstcn!t S.1mtnl,vi11g (Anutcrtl11m: Bert Bollrr, 2007).

76 Muth o( lhc n:::K'aJ'Ch on ~Wm' tmplO)'S n soc:W 1UM'er11m1 pcnpeclh'C 1rying to cxpl.lin what'Solofwn'isnnd why peoplcnre allracteJ lo it.Stt,förciamplc, Hoel Mdj<r, Global Suiafem: lilam's Ntw Rdigio;,s Mom11t11I (London: Hur,st,2009). l'lorc G<clhueJ triel: to '1.MWtt Jin'lil~r t.1uotioru in Pmificailon amf Rtsl.staou; GloaJ/ Mcimi,rg$ of ulrrmic f"IJrttlnmttitnllsm in tlu: Ntthnlnuds (Rontrd.lJn: Er.umus Unh"CDitcil RoUrnitm, 2011), but through i funcbmrnl2l1$m pcrspCC" th't'. Like Quinlan \Vlktoro.,..icx in i\.rutomy or thc:­ s.,Jofi Mowment;Studi,s In O,njlkt t> Terrorism 29, no.3 (2006): 207-39,tht ,mph.ui.I is on thr rational d1CJl<a people make in ordt:r to cxpl.tln their (.udrtJlK)n with p;:tJ1kuLv circle, of Muslim though, ond prnctict, ofr<n prtScnlin8 the indi,idwl "-' • n-lodvdy homogt'nous. unlfi«l ond cohtrttll •uhjccl. ~ïi.,llr, De Kuning. \\'ogcmakcn ond licdctr'>, Salafisntt ti more conccmcJ with 1hc struggles of m:alnlJllninga rorr«t W:ui1ic pr.t.eticc in cfaily lifo anJ 1hc- iJUtitution.aJW\tion of cirdei o( tGJd1lnga.n<l prrochinH in the Nd h ,'fl.incl.s.

77 lnclcc ROt'X. SJ<f ,-.n Stiphout ontl Jon TIiiie. Snlnjism< /11 Ncd<rland: Anrrl, Ommn.~"' Drrlglng (Amst,nl•in: 1~1ES, Urti\'\'rsitdt ,,.n Ammrd.un. 2010).

78 lhld. 79 Buijs. Ocma..nt .a.nd Ho.mdr.Strijder, ,'tt11 F.i)~tu flocûm. RO R0ot. Von Stiphout •nd Tillie, So/afi1111, in 1''<1/trlDnd, p. I.

78 Radicalizatitn; in Btlgium and tht Nttlrula.nds

81 Sec also Ineke ROt'X. teven als de profw In Ntduwnd, Oi,rdt Snlaji-b<,,'<ging ,,, dtmocrutft (Anu1ercb01: Amsterdam Uniwrs:lty Pras, 2013).

82 ~t Brice Dr Ruyver, M1ut«n F..a.s1on. Jnnnlc Noppc. Paul Poruacrs and Aruolueue V,rl,•S<, Prtm,11< "'" mdica/u,ring /11 Ik/git /Ondtr:o,ks,,pport/ (Antw-,rp: Maklu, 2011 ): Arny-Iane Clelen, Radîmlisuing tn /tltntitt-JI~ Radmtlt RtchlJe tn Modimjongtrtn Vtrgtlt.hn (Amsterdam, Aksam, 2008): and Moors, V.tn den Reek Vermeulen and Si<Sllng. VO<dingibod,111 ,w, Rad/ca/luring Bij Kltint E.tnlsd,c Gr0tptn.

8) Moors. Van Jen R«k Vermeulen and Sitsllng. VO<tlingsbcdtm '""'' Rad/cnli,a/rrg Bij K1tl11< fötûdtt Groq,tn.

!14 Jh!J .. p. 5. 85 lbi<I .. p. 113. 86 Ut Ruyver, Easton, Ncppe, Pons.ten and Verhagc, Prn't.rillt \Un radic,J/istrfog i,1

lkl//ll, 87 I l•ns Mo<111. Lenke Balogh, J!Up ven Dons<lanr and Bob de Grnolf, Polarisal/c tn

Rndln1/istri11g in NMtt'IAmf: &n Vtrktnning mn ck Stt11td va11 l.akt11 in 2009 (111burg: !\IA, 2009).

38 Cildco, Rtulituliurlng tn ltkntJlc.it. 89 For a critlque.see Cr,ruha"'· "Ihe l'>ychology ofTcrroriim'; Kundnani,

'Rlldlo,Ju;ilion: 'Ihe Joun,cy of • Concept': M)1hcn. \\lllklnte and Peauield. '.,\l.«mbling and Decunstructing Judlcillsotion in l'RE\IEJ\ï'.

90 Gldc:n.Rmlit.nliscn'ngt11 ldtulllcft. 9 I Ibid .. p. 66. 92 De Ruyver, f.as1011, Xoppe. Ponsaers nnd Vrrtugc. Pm'l'.11tit \\111 rUJlt'ailiscring in

Btlg:l. 9) Ibid .. p. 38. 9~ Ibid., p. 183. 95 Moon, Balogh, Vu.11 Dorud~arnml De Gr.11df. PoltrrtSlJt,'~ ,m fwtlfrn/is.cring fn

Nrdtrlnnd. % Ministerie van Binnenlandse i'.oo,n en Koninkrijksttl•ti«. Attitplmt Polar/Jalit t11

R,:d/ca//sa/tJg.1007-101 I (Den Hug. 2007). 97 Ibid .. p.4. 98 Moon<. &Josh. Von Donselaar and De G=JJ, Polnrisat,e m Radlraliuring In

NtrlulDnd, 99 Ibid., p. 7. 100 Ibid., p. 56. 101 A clcaramnpk b the W'-'r in whid1'fcfl·wing r\ldiCllbm' is tn."'3lt'<l in this report.

1be addition of this cotcgory must be read o.s a corrective 10 the trend r,porl published a)""' earller, and which dldn't include l<ft-wing group5 hul unly uuended 10 right.wing. l~:uulc and anlmal rights groups. 'lhe (()O.Js on 'extreme-left' group, (txlfl'tmli11k,) is thus chlaract<rizcd by •ny octivity tlut ls 'cxtrtmc: Le. organized 'outslde of the p;uliamont and oul.\lJc of the law' (ibid., p. 110).

102 Rllod \'OOr ~b:UJcl~ppelijkc Ontwikkdlng, PolDr/Jat/r. Eua)• O,YT Oar.ukv, <11 Gt1-olg<11 ,·a11 Vtrw1trplt T<')...,nlltlli11,,w (Anl!tcnLlm: BV Uitg<",'trjl SW!', 2009).

103 \\fillem Schinkel and M11rgucritcv:1n den Bcrg.'Polluistrcnd en morallserend: Burgerschap in de inburgering: In Poh:risatlr. E.ssdJ1 Q,'('r Oor:t1kt-n tn Gt,,:,l~n \'011 Vtrsdtupu Tt)ltnsttlling<n, cd. Rnod voor M,atsd,appd ijkc Ontwikkeling (Ant<ttrd•m: RV UltS<''trJi SIVP,2009), p. 170,

I 04 ûallon. "Some Ekmcnl> ur • Soeiology of Tronsl•tion:

n,ming 'md{m/fr.ntion· {1110 scft,,ct 79

105 t\l\l!).fa11n-.rslag 2004 (100·1 A1111w,l RtportJ (The H,gue: AIVD. 2005). 106 Roy,L'i,Jnm mond/a/Isl. 107 \V"tk.torowkz. 'Aru.tomy of the S212fi MO\'tmc,u: JOS Ibid. 109 Ibid., p. 234. 110 \\'crm.·r Sc:hi(fäucr, 'Vor Dem Gesete Der stutlld1c- umg.1ng rnit dern Jcg;üistis.chc11

Islarnlsmus, in Subjtk1b/ldu11g, fourili:iplln~rr Annlyst11 DtT .lllgmt/011sgr.stllsdmft, cd. Paul Mecheril (Uidcf<ld: 1ro11'<ripl verlsg, 2014), p. 201.