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Chapter-2
"Literary and Historical Importance of Ahsan-ulAqwal"
The organization and functioning of the Sufi orders in North India during
the Sultanate period, the history of Sufism in the Deccan, particularly
during the Bahmani period, reveals certain major divergent trends. The Sufi
started their work in a new setup in a region of spawning Muslim states.
The Bahmani Kingdom, being a revolutionary state, badly needed the
backing of the religious Muslim elite to win public confidence and support.
But since the Bahmani state was carved out of the Tughlaq Empire, it was
difficult for its political leaders to 6btain the ready approval of the 'Ulema'
who were obviously pro-Tughlaq. The Sufis, who were larger in numbers
than the 'Ulema' and also had mass, following, were the logical group to be
approached by the rulers. After 1327 A.D. the Sufis of the Deccan could not
retain their contact with their central organization in Delhi which had by
them started disintegrating.
The divergent trends among the Sufis of the Deccan took some fifty years to
manifest themselves. The Sufis did try at first to retain the pr:actices of their
North India predecessors, especially eschewing the company of rulers and
nobility, avoiding cash grants and Jagirs, observing the Shariah, and
appointing the most capable person as Khalifa-e-Khas rather than making
the passing of the torch a mere hereditary affair.
However, with the establishment of the Bahmani state, they caved in
adjusting their religious attitudes and that of their Khanqahs to the
evolving social and political ethos of the new society in transition. In the
process, they gained a new, compromised and lost some of their most
fundamental principles. An ascetic people concerned primarily with
spirituality ended up with close alliances, and in many cases matrimonial
88
relationship, with the royal houses and regularly accepted Jagirs, cash
grants, Inam lands, title and government services. Plus, these men of faith
ended up incorporating in their modus operandi the universal
characteristic of the men of wealth and means: the passing on of one's own
Gaddi to their sons- and in the absence of sons to some chosen family
member- regardless of the anointed successor's intellectual and spiritual
qualities. The long term result of these practices was that the Sufi
institution lost its spiritual, intellectual and moral vitality and their
Rawdas became merely centers of Taifah, saint cult hood.
Sufis of this region in specified period, certain other important conclusions
emerge which demand a recasting of some long held historic and academic
views. Historians and scholars have for long worked on certain firm
conclusions regarding the origin and establishment of the Chishti order by
Shaikh Burhan-ud-Din Gharib. However, the presence of a number of
highly pious and well entrenched Sufis of this order in different parts of the
Deccan long before Burhanuddin Gharib's arrival. Unlike their North Indian
counterparts, they produced a large number of full fledged mystical
treatises dealing with a number of important mystical and philosophical
issues. Besides these, they wrote commentaries on leading tracts of early
Sufis, and their own Khulfa also compiled the Malfuzat of their Pirs. These
led to the development of a vast body of literature in the Deccan. The
reasons for their academic profusion were varied: they may have been
moved by a desire to balance the orthodox literature left over from the era
of Muhammad bin Tughlaq; they were trying to sell their ideas to a new set
of people on whom they were doing missionary work; and they were
89
inspired by the mystic literature of Muin-u'd-Din Ibn 'Arabi', Jalal-ud-Din
Rumi, Abu Hamid -ul-Ghazzali and others.
The rise of the Bahmanids to power synchronizes with an era of cultural
efflorescence in the South. Brisk mystic activity of different Sufi orders- the
Chishtis, the Junaidis, the Qadiris and other-lends a peculiar charm to
history of the period. But some apparent gaps in the history of these mystic
orders have hampered total assessment of their role. It is now well
established that Muslim mystics-both in the north and the south-settled in
their respective area long before the waves of political conquest touched
those regions. In fact it was through the mystics and the merchants that
Islam established its first contact with India. If properly appreciated, this
fact would provide a new perspective to the study of Islam in India. Long
before Muhammad bin Tughlaq turned his attention to the south. Sheikh
Nizamuddin Auliya had sent some · of his disciples to Deccan to set up
Chishti mystic centre's there. Amir Khusrau presented a Mathnawi, Sahifat
ul-Ausaf, to Prince Juna Khan (future Muhammad bin Tughlaq) in which
he lauded the climate, geographical situation and the scenic beauty of
Deogir. The mystics entered this land with new hopes and new aspirations.
The creation of a second administrative city in the South by Muhammad
bin Tughlaq paved the way for the political unification of the country and
brought about a cultural revolution which the Sufis avidly nurtured.
Scholars, poets, administrators, merchants and artisans flocked from all
directions and annihilated the distance between Delhi and Deogir. The
Bahmanid historian Isami says:
90
,,
_/U/j ;;Juh~) # ,.
~~~~fu~) ~J/ >/-'J t_/P Y/)T/t)
/ /
d-} r!) _;.:./// ~~
When Muhammad bin Tughlaq's hold over the Deccan loosened, the
Bahmani Kingdom rose up like phoenix from its ashes. It adopted regional
trappings and an era of the consolidation of regional cultural traditions
began. One of the most interesting features of Deccan history during the
Bahmanid period was the broad intellectual horizon of its scholars. They
had contact with the outside world and were coi'lversant with the latest
trends of thought. Surprisingly enough some mystic contributions of
Central Asia reached the Deccan before scholars on the north came to
know about them. Notwithstanding this broad vision and conspectus of the
intelligentsia of the region, seeds of mulki and non-mulki tension began to
sprout during this time.
The literature produced· by the Sufi saints of the Deccan during the
Bahmanid period needs a critical analysis in the light of psychohistory. It is
prolific and varied but of appalling complexity. Exteriorizing the feelings
and motives of other people may be difficult but its value in any historical
1 Futuh-at-Salatin, pp-45
91
assessment cannot be gainsaid. Five significant trends- some pulling in
opposite directions-combine and coalesce to give this literature its
distinctive position in the mystic literature of medieval India. Firstly,,
nostalgic remembrance of the elder saints of the north and a desire to
preserve their teachings and traditions; secondly, an attempt to adjust
religious thought to the new surroundings; thirdly a silent urge to broaden
of religious learning; fourthly, rejection of the Chishti tradition of avoiding
compilation of books by elder saints; and fifthly a break from the
established ideological position of the Chishti saints of the North with
reference to the role of the great mystic thinkers like Ibn 'Arabi, Shaikh
Fariduddin Attar and others, and a change in outlook towards relations
with the state. This mystic literature prudently, keeping his eye on the
"historicity" of facts assorted by him.
The medieval period it can be divided roughly into two periods of five
centuries each, the first from the eight to the thirteenth century, the
Sultanate period, and the second from the thirteenth to the eighteenth
century, covering the history of provincial Muslim Kingdoms in the country.
The political, even the social and cultural aspects of the one thousand
years of Muslim dominance of India are well-recorded; it is the potent
religious institutions about which relatively little systemic work has been
done. The leading representatives of the religious institutions were the
Ulema and the Sufis with the latter playing a key role through their
spiritual and missionary activities. Sufis were, in fact, active along the
coastal areas of South India since the early times of Islam which was
brought there by Arab traders long before it came to North India through
invading_ conquerors. It was during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries
92
that Sufis activity, as their Khanqah institution, was at its peak across
North India, with a large number of Sufis of different orders concentrated at
Ajmer, Multan, Ajodhan and Delhi. Of the different well known Sufi orders
of the time, the Chishti and the Suhrawardi orders achieved the most fame
and influence at official as well as at the mass levels. The shifting of the
capital from Delhi to Deogir (A.H. 727 I A.D.l327) caused a setback to the
Sufis who were forced to move south, to the Deccan, where they established
themselves by the end of the century, especially at Daulatabad, Gujarat,
Malwa and Gulbarga. However, in this new arena of operation-where there
were neither well entrenched states nor well established Khanqahs the
character of Sufi activity changed slowly, subtly but considerably, at the
expense of some long held Sufi principles, especially the Chishti principle of
keeping distance from the rulers to the point of boycotting them.
Despite the abundance of literature, particularly in Persian and Urdu, on
the lives and teachings of Indian Sufis little critical work had been done to
measure their Khanqahs on the people and on the ruling elite. Deccan,
which was a fertile ground for Sufis even before the establishment of
Muslim rule, became even more so after the decline *of the Tughlaq
Kingdom and the subsequent emergence of provincial Muslim and non
Muslim regional Kingdoms in the South. Sufi activity received further
impetus after the birth of the Bahmani Kingdom under whose patronage it
shifted from Khuldabad-Daulatabad to Gulbarga and Bider, the Bahmani
capitals and the urban centre's of the time, as well as to other towns in a
widening circle of influence which continued unabated for more than three
hundred year.
93
This now brings us to the start of Muslim influence from the north to the
Deccan. There were, no doubt, Muslim attacks on the Deccan from the
North prior to 727 I 1327 A.D, but they were of a Khalji and Malik Kafur
since 696/1296 A.D were motivated by a desire to collect the abundance of
wealth possessed by the Yadavas of Deogir, Kakatiyas of Warangal, the
Pandayas and Hoysalas of further South. These attacks left hardly any
socio cultural or religious impact on the people of the area.
With the beginning of the Tughlaq era and the attacks of the Tughlaq
armies on the Deccan, the Tughlaq Empire stretched right up to south
India and entailed the appointments of his governors in the southern
kingdoms. But finding it difficult to administer the far-flung empire, he
shifted the capital to Deogir.2 Apart from its political consequences, the
change of capital proved to be the beginning of a new era as far as the
religious, social academic and the cultural life of the Deccan was
concerned. 3
Due to the arrival of a large number of intellectuals, Ulema, Sufis,
administrators, warriors, poets and artisans, the structure of the Muslim
population in the Deccan underwent a significant change, in terms of racial
and ethnic characters and socioreligious concepts.
2 H.K.Sherwani, Bahmanis of the Deccan, ( Bahmanis), p.20, the transfer of capital from Delhi to Daulatabad, journal of Indian history (
jih), 1941.
3 Bahmanis, pp.19-22.
94
With the advent of the Tughlaq dynasty (and later due to the formation of
Muslim provincial states), Muslim became very powerful and Islam started
to spread fast throughout the Deccan. The vital elements were the Islamic
missionary zeal, the work of the Sufi, the presence of the scholars, and the
encouragement and patronage given by the Muslim rulers to men of letters,
art and architecture. This gave an impetus to the Sufi institution and many
Sufi orders were established. From A.D.1300 the Deccan became a subject
of discussing in Sufi circles of Delhi. The Chishti Shaikh of Delhi deputed
their Khulfa and disciples to Daulatabad, Malwa and Gujraat. Those who
settled at Khuldabad and other areas of the Deccan were actively engaged
in spreading the message of Islam through peaceful means and by deputing
their Khulfa and disciples in the different towns of the Deccan.4 when
Muhammad bin Tughlaq permitted his people to go back to Delhi in
737/1337 A.D, a sizeable population of Turkish, afghan, Persio-Aryan and
indo Aryan stock, which had originally moved to Daulatabad, did not move
back to north and made Deccan its permanent home. In the beginning, the
population was concentrated around Khuldabad, Daulatabad and others
Jarts of Maharashtra. The shrines of the saints of the thirteenth and
"ourteenth A.D centuries still existing in Khuldabad, Daulatabad provide
~vidence. The socio cultural influence of the Deccan on the north Indian
mmigrants was such that even their language, Persian was influenced by
4 Infra, chapter 11.
95
the local dialect, and a combination of the two emerged m the Dakani
dialect in the subsequent centuries. s
The study of various primary and later sources relating to the Sufis of the
Deccan indicates that Sufis of different orders stationed at different places
produced a significant quantity of mystic literature between 1300 A.D. and
1538 A.D. though most of this valuable literature did not survive the
ravages of time, the works and titles which have came down to us indicate
the nature and extent of these works. They can be broadly classified as
original contributions, Malfuzat; genealogical tables (at times with extensive
notes), commentaries, translation and poetic compositions. They deal with
subjects like Tafsir ( exegesis),Hadith ( tradition), Fiqh (law), Qiraat (the art
of Quranic (recitation), Tasawwuf (mysticism), Kalam ( Muslim scholastic
theology), 11m al Usul (the science of principles), Lughat ( diction), Nasab
(genealogy), Arabic grammar, history and medicine.
Literary and Historical importance of Ahsan-u'l-Aqwal:
Shaikh Burhan-u;d-Din Gharib, whose Malfuzat is under study in tbjs
work was well known Sufi saint of Chishtiya order of early fourteenth
century A.D in India. Though he was a disciple (Khalifa) of Shaikh Nizam
u'd-Din Auliya whose Khanqah is in Delhi, he went to the Deccan region to
propagate Sufi philosophy of Chishtiya order. He established his Khanqah
at Khuldabad at present day Maharashtra. M6dern authors repent that
5 HMD, p.175.
96
Shaikh Burhan-u'd-Din was the earliest Chishti saint to arrive in Deccan.
However, evidences suggest that prior to the arrival of Burhan-u'd-Din
Gharib, there were center Chishti saints who had already reached the
Deccan, long before the arrival of Muslim rulers in the North India.
Haji Rumi (d.555/ 1160 A.D), settled at Bijapur with a host of disciples and
companions. Shaikh Sufi Sarmast '(d.689 I 1260 A.D) seems to have arrived
in the Deccan from Arabia with a large number of companions in five
hundred palanquins as early as the close of the seventh century Hijrh,
thirteenth century A.D. According to local traditions it is believed that
Shaikh Satmast was the descendent of Umar, the second Caliph and,
belonged to the Chishti order. On his arrival he settled at Saher ( Sagar) in
Shahpur (Sholapur), seventy miles east of Bijapur and lived there until his
death. Amir Khurd states that Shaikh Nizam-u'd-Din Auliya defunked two
of his young disciples, Khwaja Aziz-u'd-Din and Shaikhjada Kamal-u'd-Din,
grandsons of Shaikh Farid-u'd-Din to Deogir and Malwa respectively prior
to the conquest of the Deccan by Muhammad bin Tughlaq. Both of them
worked for the propagation of Chishti mystic philosophy.6
Besides these saints, we have references to Chishti mystic activity in the
Deccan prior to Burhan-u'd-Din Gharib. Muntajil-u'd-Din Zarzari Bakhsh ·
(675-709. 1276-1309 A.D), the younger brother of Burhan-u'd-Din Gharib
was one of the senior most disciples of Shaikh Nizam-u'd-Din Auliya. He
moved to Khuldabad on the instructions of his Pir after having obtained
6 Some Aspects, pp. 198. Tringham, Vol.ll. pp-65.
97
Khalifa. He came to Khuldabad with seven hundred companions, including
men of wealth and high stature.7 His brother, Shaikh Burhan-u'd-Din
Gharib's departure to Deccan was marked by two following incidents:
"Shaikh Nizam-u'd-Din Auiiya during his last days, while performing Wadu,
enquired from Burhan-u'd-Din Gharib; " Muntajib-u'd-Din, your brother,
was he older or younger than you?", implying that he was no more. A few
days after this, the Shaikh told Burhan-u'd-Din in his Majlish, "I have
appointed you in place of your brother and it is binding upon you to leave
for Khuldabad. But Burhan-u'd-Din was reluctant to leave the company of
his Shaikh, prompting the Shaikh to enquire the reason for his reluctance.
Burhan-u'd-Din replied that he would miss the Majalis of his Pir and his
company. The Shaikh remarked: "All these disciples and Khalifa who are
sitting in this Majlis are now all yours. Take them along with you. "8
Bilgrami further writes that among those present were: Shaikh Kamal
Khajanda, Shaikh Jam, Shaikh Fakh-u'd-Din and others.
The exact date of Burhan-u'd-Din Gharib's 9 arrival at Khuldabad is not
clear from the available sources which put up his departure from Delhi
soon after the death of his Muntajib-u'd-Din in 709/1309 A.D.
Shaikh Burhan-u'd-Din was bound to abide by the orders of his Pir Shaikh
Nizam-u'd-Din Auliya. In one incident Shaikh Nizam-u;d-Din had also
7 Ghulam Ali Azad Bilgrami, Rawdat ai-Auliya (Bilgrami), p.14, Aurangabad Gazetteer, 1884 A.D, p.398.
8 Ghulam Ali Azad Bilgrami, Rawdat al Auliya, p---14
9 Bilgrami of the opinion that he was a disciple of Shaikh Farid-u'd-Din. This cannot be as Amir Khurd states he was a senior Khalifa of
Shaikh Nizam-u'd-Din Auliya and was incharge of the Kitchen. Rawdat al Aulioya, pp.14-16.
98
admonished Shaikh Burhan as the latter was guilty of not maintaining
strict discipline, "Shaikh Burhan-u'd-Din, due to his pain in his legs, sat
leaning in front of his visitors as a folded blanket. When his Pir Shaikh
Nizam-u'd-Din, came to know of this fact, he was so annoyed that he did
not talk with Burhan -u'd-Din Gharib when the latter came to meet him,
soon after, the personal attendance of Shaikh Nizam-u'd-Din Auliya
conveyed to Burhan-u'd-Din that the Pir wants him to leave the Khanqah
immediately. Burhan-u'd-Din complied with the orders of his Pir and lived
with his co-disciple. Later, he had to abandon that place as well on the
order of his master. The Shaikh was so great that a totally dejected
Burhan-u'd-Din spent his days and nights weeping. However, he was
pardoned and re-admitted into the Khanqah when Amir Khusrau, a close
disciple of the Shaikh intervened and literally begged the Shaikh to forgive
Burhan-ud-Din.IOThis happened when Burhan ud Din was seventy. Since
we know Burhan ud-Din Gharib's date of birth as 65411256 A.D this event
obviously took place in 72411324 A.D. In other words he was still in Delhi
till 724 I 1324 A.D. Therefore the earlier mentioned date of departure
709 I 1309 A.D, just after the death of his brother is not true. It thus can be
said that he moved to the Deccan between 72511325 A.D and 727 I 1327
A.Dll, the period of the change of capital by Muhammad bin Tughlaq from
Delhi to Deogir, which brought about a mass migration of people including
the Sufis.
10 Md.Suleman Siddique, The Bahmani Sufis, ldrat-e-Delhi, Hyderabad-1989, p-42.
11 S.Moinul Haq, ao.cit, p-57. Mahdi Hasan, Rise and Fall of Muhammad bin Tughlaq, pp.161-163
99
He reached Daulatabad with a group of people, prominent among them
being Amir Hasan Ali Sijzi (d.736/ 1335 A.D), an accomplished poet with
the exalted title of Sa'di-e-Hind. Among others were Pir Mubarak Karwan,
Khwaja Hasan, Khwaja Umar and Kamal-u'd-Din Samana, all of when were
disciples of Shaikh Niazam-u'd-Din Auliya, also accompanying Burhan-u'd
Din Gharib were his own disciples, prominent among them being: Kaka
Sa'd Bakhsh, Shaikh Rukn-ud-Din bin Imad Kashani, Imad Kashani,
Khwaja Majid-ud-Din Kashami, Khwaja Burhan-ud-Din Kashani, Khwaja
Jamal-ud-Din Kashani, Farid-ud-Din Adil and Maulana Rukn-ud-Din.
Kaka Sa'id Bakhsh was the personal attendant of Shaikh Burhan-ud-Din
Gharib. When Muhammad bin Tughlaq permitted those who desired to
move back to Delhi to do so, the former was so delighted that he
immediately packed all the luggage of his master seeking his permission.
When the Shaikh heard of it, he pointed out the place of his burial to him.I2
Shaikh Burhan-ud-Din Gharib, due to his long association with Shaikh
Niam-ud-Din Auliya, strongly believed in the principle of constant religious
activity. While in Khuldabad, he explained abstract passages with great
ease to those who thronged around him. He was very fond of music and
Sarna. His disciples, who danced in a particular style, were known as
Burhanis.·13
12 Md.Suleman Siddique, The Bahmani Sufis, pp-43.
13 Ibid
100
He lived a life of celibacy. As for relations with the rules and high state
officials, he strictly followed his predecessors of the North.
Though, the mass migration of people from Delhi to Daulatabad ruined the
centralized Chishti organization at Delhi, yet it proved fruitful for the
Deccan. With the arrival of Shaikh Burnan and other eminent persons
mentioned above, Chishti activity assumed importance and also took a firm
footing at Khuldabad-Daulatabad. They soon began to propagate the
Chishti mystic doctrines, concentrating on spiritual and moral upliftment of
people. Shaikh Burhan's Malfuzat Ahsan-ul-Aqwal is a living teaching of
the Shaikh's commitment to those activities, objectives and mission. It is
compiler Shaikh Hammad Kashani, who was also Shaikh Burhan-ud-Din's
devoted and one of the closet disciples, alone admitted one thousand
disciples to the Chishti fold in Deccan. Then Shaikh Burhanuddin himself
and others who accompanied him must have done works with similar
magnitude.
Shaikh Burhanuddin goes into the annals of history as a great Sufi saint of
Chishti order. He was a great scholar and philosopher who had mastered
philosophical and religious texts. He occupies a place of pride among the
contemporary writers to whom we are heavily indebted for our knowledge of
the country and people in fourteenth century A.D. His Malfuzat, Ahsan-ul
Aqwal is the evidence of his scholarly, philosophical and spiritual
attachment. This book is rightly classified as a classic of world literature in
general and Sufi literature in particular written in lucid and simple Persian,
Ahsan-ul-Aqwal comes at par with the two most famous Sufi literatures viz
Fawaid- ul- Fuad and Khair- ul- Majalis.
101
The Ahsan- ul- Aqwal is full of didactic discourses for layman or amateur
Sufis. In these discourses the master gives instructions to his disciples
about different types of prayers and their outcome. He also gives
illustrations of various personalities who had got their wishes realized as a
result of such prayers. The Ahsan- ul- Aqwal helps us in understanding
the principles and preaches propagated by him in the distant south. In
Delhi the towering personality of Shaikh Nizam was himself beacons light
and an example. It was Shaikh Burhanuddin who propagated his percepts
in the Deccan in simple and popular idiom to disseminate the teaching is
the Silsilah.
The Ahsan- ul- Aqwal is divided into twenty nme majalis14 (religious
gatherings can be called as chapters also). It deals with specific themes.
The most important aspect of the Malfuz is practices and etiquettes of the
assemblies of Sufi saint: It prescribes strict discipline for the participants of
the assemblies and asks them to be completely devoted and attractive
towards the Pir, (leading Sufi) who delivers the didactic sermon. 15
About relationship between disciples and his spiritual leader, the entire
book is interspersed with illustrations and examples of incidents pertaining
14 Ahsan- ul- Aqwal, Burhanuddin Gharib, MS, Maulana Azad Central Library, Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh
15 Ibid, pp-3.
102
to the spiritual mentor or Pir a source of emulations for the disciples.
However, specific directions for such relations are conspicuously missing.
Apart from few references to the relationship between Pir and Murshid, it
also throws light on customs and ceremonies associated with process of
initiation in the mystic fold. An incidence of disciples swearing with their
hands on the hand of their master for following their instructions for
attainment of spirituality and also in day to day life has been mentioned.16
All the Sufis had good relationship with the people. They brought the gap
between the common man and spirituality, to a close. The book deals
sufficiently about this relationship and how to deal with and treat common
people. The book also describes in detail about spiritual morality, principles
governing the acceptance of unasked for gifts.
Civil consequences of greed and sex, principles to be followed with
reference to audition parties prayers and penitence's behaviour with alms
seekers, behaviour of travelers, dealing with strangers, relation of Sufis
with political personalities and relation of Sufi with government servants.
The last two aspects are of great significances as all the Chishti Sufi saints
maintained respectable distance from the contemporary rulers.
161bid, pp-17.
103
The book which is under study also provides valuable information about
the spread of the religion of Islam in different parts of India and acceptance
of Islam by non-Muslim brethren through the efforts of his followers and
disciples. It is mentioned in the book. He was one of the disciples of the
great saint (Sultan-ul-Mashaikh-reference to Shaikh Burhan-ud-Din) and
the revered Shaikh dispatched him towards Burhanpur and Daulatabad to
. spread the message of Islam among the residents of that place. He also sent
Shaikh Hasan of Delhi with some of his followers and disciples. As a result
of the bounties of their arrival of their pious steps, a big chunk of the
population turned towards the teachings of Islam and became their
disciples and followers" .17
Along with non-Muslims, many Muslims also came to his fold in pursuit of
true Islam. More than one thousand Muslims became his disciples and
followers through Rukn- ud- Din Kashani.18 The book also mentions about
Burhan-ud-Din's teachings regarding rights of wife and children and family
members. The Shaikh says, "wife and children are like gardens of flowers;
if someone gets a little disappointed from the prayers to the almighty then
he should look towards his wife and children and get his heart contended,
because it is also equal to prayers."19
17 Ibid, pp-172.
18 He was one of the disciples of Shaikh Burhanuddin and later anointed as Khalifa.
19 Ahsan- ul- Aqwal, Burhanuddin Gharib,MS, Maulana Azad Central library, AMU, Aligarh, p---14.
104
Saiyed Zainuddin and Fariduddin Adib were his two most ardent and
denoted disciples. They always endeavoured to follow each and every
instruction, which were many times trivial or repeated instructions. But
they never thought of or expected any returns from him. In fact, they were
selfless followers of Shikh Burhanuddin Gharib. Sultan Muhammad Shah
Bahmani was also one of his followers. He ascribes his victories as
blessings of his Pir. It is said that under his influence, the sultan
implemented Shariat code in his empire and ordered the closure of liquor
shops. The Sultan of Delhi, Feroz Shah Tughlaq has requested him to settle
in Delhi but he did not accept the offer and declined the request politely
because he had the desire to pass his last days and take his last breath at
the Khanqah of Shaikh Burhanuddin.2o In fact his mausoleum is in
Khuldabad, near Shaikh Burhanuddin's mausoleum.
Sultan Muhammad bin Tughlaq also had immense respect for Shaikh
Burhan-ud-Din and was his great follower. The Rawdat ul Auliya describes
an incident, "once Sultan Muhammad bin Tughlaq offered Friday prayers in
the Qutb mosque at Daulatabad and proceeded to meet Shaikh Burhan-ud
Din Gharib, but like his master and spiritual mentor, Shaikh Nizamuddin
Auliya, he also did not like the company of and closeness to Kings and
Sultan. When he heard about the royal cavalcade's arrival towards his
Khanqah, he started praying to God to create a situation whereby he could
be able to escape the audience of the Sultan. God knows what happened on
20 Rawdat ul Auliya, Ghulam Ali Azad Bilgrami, p-14.
105
the Sultan's mind, the Sultan changed his decision and his cavalcade
proceeded in the other direction. Some days later, the Sultan sent 3000
gold tankas (coin) to the Shaikh as gift but the Shaikh did not accept it.
The Sultan again sent the gift with the word that the gift was not for him
but for his followers and attendants. This time the Shaikh accepted them
and instructed his followers to distribute it among the poor and needy.2 1
Such incidences reflect that Shaikh Hammad Qalandar had no attachment
with the worldly things. He did not like the company of the rulers of his
time and thereby maintained respectable distance between spiritualism and
politics. People from different walks of life used to visit him for guidance is
spiritual and religious matters. It is said that once a traveler came to visit
him and told him that he had come to him with purpose. Firstly, he had
gone there in pursuit of religion because he was the standard bearer of
religion and secondly, in pursuit of worldly affair because kinds and nobles
were his disciples. The respected Shaikh said, one god will give you all type
of bounties. If he achieves closeness to god, all of his desires will be
automatically fulfilled. The Shaikh also laid emphasis to justice and
benevolence. Describing justice and benevolence, he said that all the people
should behave with each other in a just manner and they should bestow
benevolence on others also. He described justice as sharing equal food with
the companion on the dining mattress and benevolence emphasis taking
smaller morals compared to the companion and one should sacrifice the
better and tastier dishes for others.
21 ibid, pp-1 08.
106
The entire Ahsan-ul-Aqwal is full of such didactic and philosophical
anecdotes and discourses. These anecdotal narrations reflect the nature of
Chishti Sufi philosophy being spread in the Deccan region. It is quite
evident that as per Islamic teachings, the day to day life was not separated
from religious life. Religion was the sublime and prime essence of normal
social life. While discussing some important themes, the narrator starts
with a principle, then quotes a Rawish (practice) of the saints of his Silsilah
and then gives Burhan (argument) in support of the practices. His method
is clear and effective. The principles of " Awarif-ul-Maarif'. Which as a
matter of fact formed the basis of the Chishti mystic thought in the early
middle ages, have been briefly indicated but very carefully illustrated in this
work.
The book contains absolutely no reference to the political authorities of the
day. The general attitude of the Shaikh towards government service is in
keeping with the tradition of the Chishti Silsilah. Government servants who
worked clerical jobs and had nothing to do with the policy of the
administration were entitled to be enrolled as mere disciples. Khwaja
Ruknuddin, who was a Dabir, once expressed his desire to abandon
government service but the Shaikh advised him to continue and serve the
people. "Doing good to people is better than sitting in a lonely corner,"22 he
remarked. In this way the Shaikh stuck a fine balance between religion, day
to day social life and politics and administration.
22 ibid, p-4 7
107,,
Literary Importance:
The Malfuz of Shaikh Burhan-ud-Din Gharib was penned down in Persian
language by Maulana Hammad Kashani, who was one of his favourite
disciples. In this book the writer or more importantly, the compiler has
penned down the discourses of his master which he used to deliver to the
gatherings (Majalis) of his disciples.
The linguistic style adopted by Shaikh Burhan-ud-Din to deliver his
teachings and by Maulana Hammad Kashani to write down the discourses
is plain, simple and yet graceful. The style of narration of incidents and the
pedantic discourses is fluid and colloquial, idiomatic, simple and very pure.
The Malfuz has no literary pretension; therefore it is devoid of the
sumptuous passionate artifice and literary continuance and. is
characterized by straight forwardness and to the point narrations. As the
Malfuz conjures of philosophical, ethical and religious ideas, it was natural
that many verses from the holy Quran got mentions in it. The entire Ahsan
ul-Aqwal is interspersed with Quranic verses in Arabic, Prophet
Muhammad's traditions (Hadith) in Arabic language. There are more than a
dozen verses from the holy Quran in it. The Ahsan-ul-Aqwal is wonderfully
simple and highly effective for instructing persons not fully conversant with
the principle of higher mysticism. It is so clear and lucid that it can be
understood even by an amateur mystic.
The Ahsan-ul-Aqwal quotes a letter which Shaikh Burhan-ud-Din wrote to
a governor of Multan about the case of a poor person. It began "Be is
108
known to Sharafuddin Daulah." The Shaikh did not write 'Sharafuddin
Daulah because he did not know if he was really religious.23 It appears from
this Malfuz that the Chishti and the Suhrawardis used to tie their Dasters
(headdress) differently and that one could identify the Silsilah one belonged
to by merely looking at it.
In a nut shell it can be said that Shaikh Burhan-ud-Din goes into the
annals of history as a great mystic saint who had mass following and highly
instrumental in the spread of Chishti orders of Sufism in South India.
People flocked to him en-mass and became his disciples or followers and
consequently got engaged in spreading his message in the Deccan region.
Many people of North India especially Delhi either migrated with him or
followed him to the Deccan. This chain of incidents involving people's
movement between Delhi and Daulatabad opened the doors of cultural
interaction and cooperation between North India and the Deccan region,
which includes present day Maharashtra, Karnataka and some parts of
Andhra Pradesh. Shaikh Burhan-ud-Din occupies a place of eminence
among the Chishti Sufi saints due to his piety, strict discipline, and good
relation with common masses and non contact with rulers of the day. His
Malfuzat compiled by his disciple. Hammad Kashani is testimony to his
noble thinking for the society and his commitment to Chishti Sufi ideology
and philosophy. Therefore the present section of this research work can be
concluded saying that though there are neither any reference to historical
personality of that period, nor mention of political developments of that
23 Ahsan-ui-Aqwal, Burhanuddin Gharib, MS, p--80
109
period, yet it is a valuable from historical point of v1ew as it throws
significant light on the spread of Chishti Sufism in the Deccan. It also
reflects the philosophical and ideological aspirations and aspect of Chishti
form of Sufism in the Deccan region.
The language used is simple and straight as it was for novice disciples and
lay followers teachings about Sufism. It does not have literary hyperbola
and pretensions which is typical to Persian literature.
110