191

Notes

Chapter 1

1 Jean Ancel, The History of the Holocaust in Romania (Lincoln and Jerusalem: Nebraska University Press, 2011), 39–44; Roland Clark, European Fascists and Local Activists: Romania’s Legion of the Archangel Michael: 1924–1938 (unpub-lished Ph D dissertation, Pittsburgh University, 2012); Dennis Deletant, Hit-ler’s Forgotten Ally: Ion Antonescu and His Regime 1940–1944 (Houndmills/New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006), 33–36; Rebecca Haynes, Romanian Policy Towards Germany: 1936–1940 (London: Macmillan, 2000); Armin Heinen, Legiunea ‘Archanghelui Mihail’ (Bucuresti: Humanitas, 1999); Andreas Hillgruber, Hitler, Regele Carol si Maresalul Antonescu: Relatiile Româno-Germane 1938–1944 (Bucuresti: Humanitas, 1994); Keith Hitchins, România: 1866–1947 (Bucuresti: Humanitas, 1996); Radu Ioanid, Evreii sub regimul Antonescu (Bucuresti: Hasefer, 1998), 23–29; Constantin Iordachi, Charisma, Politics, and Violence: The Legion of the Archangel Michael in Inter-war Romania (Trondheim: Norwegian University of Science: 2004).

2 Holly Case, Between States: The Transylvanian Question and the European Idea During World War II (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2009); Deletant, Hitler's Forgotten Ally, 52–101; Hitchins, România, 454–493.

3 Ancel, The History of the Holocaust in Romania, 71–75; Deletant, Hitler’s For-gotten Ally, 128–129; Armin Heinen, România, Holocaustul si logica violentei (Iasi: Editura Universitatii “Alexandru Ioan Cuza” din Iasi, 2011), 64–66, 121–126, 203; Hillgruber, Hitler, Regele Carol si Maresalul Antonescu, 278–286; Ioanid, Evreii sub regimul Antonescu, 88, 116–117, 124–126.

4 See, for instance, Ronit Fisher, “Between Ethnic Cleansing and Genocide: An Alternative Analysis of the Holocaust of Romanian Jewry,” Yad Vashem Studies, no. 40–1 (2012), 180–183.

5 Ancel, The History of the Holocaust in Romania, 179–562; Jean Ancel, The Economic Destruction of Romanian Jewry (Jerusalem: Yad Vashem, 2007), 361; Deletant, Hitler’s Forgotten Ally, 102–229; Hillgruber, Hitler, Regele Carol si Maresalul Antonescu, 278–286; Ioanid, Evreii sub regimul Antonescu, 13–406; Heinen, România, Holocaustul si logica violentei, 51–110, 121–214.

6 Ancel, The History of the Holocaust in Romania, 486–509; Deletant, Hitler’s Forgotten Ally, 205–215; Heinen, România, Holocaustul si logica violentei, 91–107; Hillgruber, Hitler, Regele Carol si Maresalul Antonescu, 278–286; Raul Hilberg, Exterminarea evreilor din Europa, vol. I (Bucuresti: Hasefer, 1997), 691–697; Ioanid, Evreii sub regimul Antonescu, 387–388.

7 In my study, I use the concept of Romanianization as reflected in the Anto-nescu regime’s discourse and legislation: the project which envisioned the exclusion of “foreigners,” especially of Jews, from Romanian economic life, by seizing their real estate, jobs, and businesses and the creation of an ethnic

192 Notes

Romanian bourgeoisie. I am not examining the confiscations and extor-tions of mobile properties (such as money, jewelry, furniture), which have been investigated thoroughly by others, especially Jean Ancel and Radu Ioa-nid. Historian Keith Hitchins has argued that, while both Antonescu and the Iron Guard wanted to Romanianize the economy, only Antonescu had a clear plan about the goal of Romanianization, namely to build a strong and independent middle class as the backbone of Romania. Hitchins, Romania, 477; for an analysis of the Iron Guard’s position on the development of an ethnic Romanian bourgeoisies, see Radu Ioanid, Sabia Arhanghelului Mihail: Ideologia fascista în România (Bucuresti: Diogene, 1994), 156–167.

8 For more details on the failed proto-Romanianization conducted by the Goga government, see Ancel, The History of the Holocaust in Romania, 25–38; for a recent investigation of interwar “Romanian economic nationalism” as a factor that blocked the development of the country’s economy in the 1920s and 1930s, see Bogdan Murgescu, România si Europa: Acumularea deca-lajelor economice: 1500–2010 (Iasi: Polirom, 2010), 250–259; for the impor-tance of Romanianization among Antonescu’s domestic projects, see Trei ani de guvernare: 6 Septembrie, 1940–6 Septembrie, 1943 (Bucuresti: Monito-rul Oficial si Imprimeriile Statului, Imprimeria Nationala, 1943), 143; Ion Calafeteanu (ed.), Iuliu Maniu-Ion Antonescu: Opinii si confruntari politice 1940–1944 (Cluj-Napoca: Dacia, 1994), 52–55.

9 Ancel, The Economic Destruction of Romanian Jewry, 135–136; Lya Benjamin (ed.), Evreii din România între anii 1940–1944, vol. I, Legislatia antievreiasca (Bucuresti: Hasefer, 1993), LXXIV; Vladimir Solonari, Purifying the Nation: Population Exchange and Ethnic Cleansing in Nazi-Allied Romania (Baltimore and DC: John Hopkins University/USHMM, 2010).

10 Ancel, The Economic Destruction of Romanian Jewry, 86–107; Ioanid, Evreii sub regimul Antonescu, 33.

11 The removal of some categories of Iron Guard Romanianization agents, such as the Romanianization commissars, started a few days before the Rebellion, in January 1941.

12 Ancel, The History of the Holocaust, 181–182; Ioanid, Evreii sub regimul Anto-nescu, 33.

13 “In order to defend the idea of justice” stipulated the preamble of the law that instituted more Romanianization panels at the Appeals Courts. See Nicolae Ghimpa et al. (eds.), Codul de Românizare (Bucuresti: Editura Ziaru-lui Universul, 1942), 142; see also Arhivele Nationale ale României (ANR), Colectia Documente Comunitati Evreiesti din România (CDCER) 19/1941, p. 45; Ministerul Economiei Nationale (MEN)-Directia Secretariat (DS) 48/1940, pp. 108–109; Ottmar Trasca (ed.), Chestiunea evreiasca în documente militare române 1941–1944 (Iasi: Institutul European, 2010), 457; on the offi-cial reluctance to adopt “extreme measures” for the Romanianization of businesses, see MEN-Directia Organizari Profesionale Servicul Firme (DOPSF, 10/1941, pp. 61–81; Ancel, The History of the Holocaust in România, 182; Mar-cel Dumitru-Ciuca, Maria Ignat (eds.), Stenogramele sedintelor Consiliului de Ministrii: Guvernarea Ion Antonescu, vol. V (Bucuresti: Arhivele Nationale ale României, 2001), 444–446.

14 ANR, MEN-DS, 18/1941, p. 56; see also the 23 July 1945 minutes from Radu Lecca’s interrogation by Soviet counter-intelligence (SMERS) in Radu Ioanid

Notes 193

(ed.), Lotul Antonescu în ancheta Smers, Moscova, 1944–1946, Documente din arhiva FSB (Iasi: Polirom, 2006), 386–387.

15 Titus Dragos (ed.), Românizarea – Înfaptuiri: 6 Decembrie 1941–6 Decembrie 1942 (Bucuresti: Curierul Judiciar, 1942), 3.

16 Constantin Iordachi, Citizenship, Nation and State-Building: The Integration of Northern Dobrogea into Romania, 1878–1913 (Pittsburgh: University of Pitts-burgh Press, 2002), Carl Back Papers in Russian and East European Studies No. 1607, pp. 27–39; Daniel Chirot, Schimbarea sociala într-o societate perifer-ica: Formarea unei colonii balcanice (Bucuresti: Corint, 2002); David Mitrany, The Land and the Peasant in Rumania. War and Agrarian Reform: 1917–1921 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1930); Dumitru Sandru, Reforma agrara din 1921 în România (Bucuresti: Editura Academiei, 1975).

17 The 1930 census is very important for the study of interwar and World-War-II Romania because it was the first census of the enlarged Romania and the only one for which data were processed properly and published during that time. The data collected during the next general census, conducted in 1941, remained unavailable and only some incomplete and provisory statistics were published. According to the postwar notes of Anton Golopentia, the director of the Central Statistics Institute (ICS), in 1941, Antonescu forbade ICS to publish the results of its statistical studies. The next general census of Romania’s population took place in 1948. See Ioan Scurtu, Ion Alexandrescu, Ion Bulei, and Ion Mamina (eds.), Enciclopedia de istorie a României (Bucuresti: Editura Meronia, 2001), 345; Anton Golopentia, Opere complete, vol II: Statis-tica, demografie si geopolitica (Bucuresti: Editura Enciclopedica, Univers Enci-clopedic, 2001), 368; Sabin Manuila (ed.), Recensamântul general al populatiei României din 29 decembrie 1930, 10 vols. (Bucuresti: Institutul Central de Statistica, 1938–1941); Idem., Recensamântul general al României din 6 aprilie 1941: Date sumare provizorii (Bucuresti: Institutul Central de Statistica, 1944).

18 In his postwar memoirs, Horia Sima, Iron Guard leader, included the 1940 expropriation of Jewish rural land, forests, and other agricultural assets into a chronology of previous state expropriations, claiming that it was not dif-ferent from the agrarian reform in 1920 that targeted the land of wealthy boyars, because it aimed to improve the economic status of the peasants. Horia Sima, Era libertatii: Statul National Legionar, vol. I (Madrid: Editura Miscarii Legionare, 1982), 251–254.

19 See Trei Ani de Guvernare, 144–145. 20 The Antonescu regime envisioned, especially from 1942 on, facilitating the

mass emigration of Romanian Jews to Palestine as a way to advance Romani-anization and solve the Jewish question. Such a massive Jewish emigration during wartime was prevented by German and British opposition and by the war, which made sea-going transportation difficult. Mihai Chioveanu, Death Delivered – Death Postponed: Romania and the Continental Wide Holocaust (Bucuresti: Editura Universitatii din Bucuresti, 2013), 137–164.

21 See Iordachi, Citizenship, Nation, and State-Building, 27–28, 38–39. 22 The pre-World-War-I economic protectionist policy promoted by the

National Liberal Party was known as Prin Noi Însine (Through Ourselves), Costin Murgescu, Mersul ideilor economice la români: Epoca moderna, vol. 1 (Bucuresti: Editura Enciclopedica si Stintifica, 1994), 177–272; Vlad Geor-gescu, The Romanians: A History (Columbus: Ohio State University Press,

194 Notes

1991), 127–130; on the demographic, economic, and cultural Romanianiza-tion of Northern Dobrogea, between 1878 and 1913, see Iordachi, Citizen-ship, Nation, and State-Building.

23 Scurtu et als. (eds.), Enciclopedia, 345. 24 Ibid., 345. 25 See Golopentia, Opere complete, vol. II, pp. 351–352. 26 Historian Keith Hitchins has emphasized the role of Stefan Zeletin in pro-

moting the idea of economic Romanianization and of building an ethnic Romanian middle class during the interwar period. Hitchins, România, 477; see also Murgescu, Mersul ideilor economice la români, 1st vol., pp. 268–272.

27 See Stefan Zeletin, Burghezia româna: originea si rolul ei istoric (Bucuresti: Editura Cultura Nationala, 1925); Idem, Neoliberalismul: studii asupra istoriei si politicii burgheziei române (Bucuresti: Editura Pagini Agrare si Sociale, 1927). I used the second edition that reprinted his two studies in one volume. Stefan Zeletin, Burghezia româna; Neoliberalismul (Bucuresti: Nemira, 1997).

28 Ibid., 430. 29 Ibid., 430. 30 Ibid., 431. 31 This is the title of one of his chapters, which was also presented as a public

lecture. Ibid., 431–445. 32 Ibid., 434. 33 Henri H. Stahl, Gânditori si curente de istorie sociala (Bucuresti: Editura

Universitatii din Bucuresti, 2001), 237–240; Murgescu, Mersul ideilor eco-nomice la români, 2nd vol., pp. 153–210.

34 Virgil Madgearu, Românizarea vietii economice si utilizarea tineretului în statul national taranesc (Bucuresti: Bucovina I.E. Torutiu, 1937), 17–21.

35 See Ioanid, Evreii sub regimul Antonescu, 32–33; Joseph Love, Faurirea lumii a treia: Teorii si teoreticieni ai subdezvoltarii în România si Brazilia (Bucuresti: Univers, 2002), 112–140; Vasile Nechita (ed.), Mihail Manoilescu creator de teorie economica (Iasi: Cugetarea, 1993); Murgescu, Mersul ideilor economice la români, 1st vol., 273–309; for Manoilescu most influential books, see for instance, Mihail Manoilescu, Theorie du Protectionnisme et du l’echange Inter-national (Paris: Girard, 1929); The Theory of Protection and International Trade (London: PS King & Son, 1931); Le Siecle du Corporatisme: Doctrine du Corpo-ratisme Integral et Pure (Paris: F Alcan, 1934); El Partido Unico: Institucion des los nuevos regimenes (Zaragoza: Biblioteca de Estudios Sociales, 1938).

36 Carol Iancu (ed.), Shoah în România: Evreii în timpul regimului Antonescu 1940–1944, Documente diplomatice franceze inedite (Iasi: Polirom, 2001), 108; Murgescu, Mersul ideilor economice la români, 1st vol., 273–280.

37 See, for instance, the article “Proportionalitatea prin Românizarea economica,” Lumea Noua (March 1935).

38 See Mihail Manoilescu, Rostul si Destinul Burgheziei Românesti (Bucuresti: Editura Cugetarea Georges Delafras, 1942); I used the second edition (Bucuresti: Athena, 1997); idem, “Politica muncii nationale,” in Enciclope-dia României, vol. 3 (Bucuresti, 1939); Stahl, Ganditori si curente, 240–242.

39 See Love, Faurirea, 115. 40 The minutes of the government meeting from 7 February 1941, in Ciuca

et al. (eds.), Stenogramele, vol. II, p. 180. 41 Benjamin, (ed.), Legislatia antievreiasca, 123.

Notes 195

42 See the Minister of Justice’s report to Antonescu, published as the preamble of the 28 March 1941 law for the expropriation of urban, Jewish real estate in Ghimpa et al. (eds.), Codul de Românizare, 131–134.

43 Benjamin et al. (eds.), Legislatia antievreiasca, 133. 44 “6 Septembrie 1940–6 septembrie 1941. Înfaptuiri de un an ale guvernarii

Maresalului Ion Antonescu. Proclamatia dui. Maresal Ion Antonescu. Expunerea dlui. Profesor Mihai Antonescu, Vicepresedinte si Presedinte ad-interim al Consiliului de Ministrii,” quoted in Dana Honciuc Beldiman (ed.), Statul National legionar: Cadrul Legislativ (Bucuresti: INST, 2005), 121.

45 Hilberg, Exterminarea Evreilor; Confiscation of Jewish Property in Europe, 1933–1945, New Sources and Perspectives (Washington DC: The Center for Advanced Holocaust Studies, USHMM, 2003); Martin Dean, Robbing the Jews: The Confiscation of Jewish Property in the Holocaust 1933–1945 (Cam-bridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008); Jean Marc Dreyfus, Pillages sur ordonnances. La confiscation des banques juives en France et leur restitution: 1940–1953 (Paris, Fayard, 2003); Gerard Aalders, Nazi Looting: The Plunder of Dutch Jewry during the Second World War (Oxford: Berg Publishers, 2004); Tal Brutmann, Aryanisation Économique et Spoliations en Isère: 1940–1944 (Grenoble: Presses Universitaires du Grenoble, 2010).

46 Tatjana Tonsmeyer, “The Robbery of Jewish Property in Eastern European States Allied with Nazi Germany,” in Martin Dean, Constantin Goschler, and Philip Ther (eds.), Robbery and Restitution: The Conflict over Jewish Prop-erty in Europe (New York, Oxford: Berghahn Books, 2007), 81–96.

47 Ezra Mendelsohn, The Jews of East Central Europe Between the World Wars (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1983), 85–128, 171–211.

48 Hilberg, Exterminarea evreilor, vol. I, pp. 668–752; Dean, Robbing the Jews, pp. 314–352.

49 For a comparison of anti-Jewish policies of World-War-II Romania and Bul-garia, emphasizing the similar outcome, see Ethan Hollander, “The Final Solution in Bulgaria and Romania: A Comparative Perspective,” in East European Politics and Societies 22 (2) (2008), 203–248.

50 See, for instance, Ioanid, Evreii sub regimul Antonescu, 393. 51 See, for instance, Hilberg, Exterminarea evreilor, vol. I, 656–667; Dean, Rob-

bing the Jews, 335–342. 52 Tönsmeier, The Robbery of Jewish Property, 84–85. 53 Ibid., 90. 54 Dean, Robbing the Jews, 317–334; Hilberg, Exterminarea evreilor, vol. 1, 668–

702, 636–655; Tönsmeier, The Robbery of Jewish Property, 81–96. 55 As I discuss in Chapter 2, “Romanianization Legislation,” Law no. 2650 for

the Legal Status of Jewish Inhabitants (8 August 1940) established three categories of Jews according to the moment when they acquired Roma-nian citizenship, favoring those most assimilated with ethnic Romanians, the second category (citizens before December 1918, front line veterans, wounded, decorated, dead, and their heirs). As a result of this “classifica-tion,” most Romanian Jews fell into the first and third categories, and held an inferior status: most of the antisemitic measures, including those of Romanianization, applied only to first- and third-category Jews.

56 French and Swiss embassies were among the most active protesters; some foreign embassies also threatened retaliation. See ANR, MEN-Directia

196 Notes

Industrie (MEN-DI) 26/1941, pp.14–15; MEN-DI 45/1941, p. 7; MEN-Directia Organizare Profesionala Comert Interior (MEN-DOPCI) 71/1941, pp. 4–10; MEN-DOPCI 86/1941, pp. 197–198; Ministry of Justice (MJ) - Directia Judiciara (DJ) 80/1941, pp. 26–37, 57; MJ-DJ 114/1941, vol. I, pp. 86, 91–93; Ana Maria Stan, Relatiile Franco-Române în timpul regimului de la Vichy (Cluj-Napoca, Argonaut, 2006); René de Weck, Jurnalul unui diplo-mat elvetian în România: 1939–1945 (Bucuresti: Editura Fundatiei Culturale Române, 2000).

57 Antonescu allowed Germans limited participation in Romanianization. For more details on this issue, see Chapter 5, “Romanianization versus Germanization.”

58 ANR, MEN-DI 26/1941, pp. 16–18, 30–31; Ministerul Muncii Sanatatii si Ocrotirii Sociale (MMSOS) 59/1941, vol. II, p. 267; MEN-DS 50/1941, p. 27.

59 ANR, MEN-DOPCI 86/1941, pp. 27–28. 60 MEN’s secret directive no. 149381/1941 adopted restrictions against all

ethnic-minority entrepreneurs, except Germans and Italians, initially until December 1941, but gradually extended, up to the end of 1944. MEN-DOPSF 1/1940, p. 318.

61 Viorel Achim, “Deportarea Tiganilor în Transnistria,” Anuarul Institutului Român de Istorie Recenta, No. 1 (2002), pp. 127–141; Idem, Documente privind deportarea tiganilor în Transnistria, 2 vols. (Bucuresti: Editura Enciclopedica, 2004); Lucian Nastasa and Andeea Varga (eds.), Minoritati etnoculturale. Marturii documentare: Tiganii din România 1919–1944 (Cluj-Napoca: Fundatia CRDE, 2001); Michelle Kelso, Luminita Cioaba, Radu Ioanid (eds.), Tragedia romilor deportati în Transnistria 1942–1944 (Iasi: Polirom, 2009).

62 For instance, in 1941, the Ministry of Interior (MAI) requested that the Min-istry of Justice adopt a decree law to appoint managers for the property of the Iron Guard “just as we did with the administration of property belong-ing to individuals and companies who moved to the lost provinces [mainly Jews].” ANR, MJ-DJ 124/1941, vol. I, pp. 148–149, 169–172, 202, 204; see also Ministerul Afacerilor Interne (MAI)-Diverse 5/1942, pp. 51–52, 56–57.

63 ANR, MJ-DJ 46/1941, p. 199. 64 See ANR, Centrala Evreilor din Romania (CER), 33/1941, p. 307; MEN-DS

22/1941, p. 43; Manuila (ed.), Recensamântul general al României din 6 Aprilie 1941, p. 159; Constantin C. Giurescu, Istoria Bucurestiului, 3rd edition (Bucuresti: Editura Vremea, 2009), 516.

65 Felicia Waldman, Anca Ciuciu (eds.), Istorii si imagini din Bucurestiul evreiesc (Bucuresti: Noi Media Print), 124–139.

66 Golopentia, Opere complete, vol. II, pp. 385–387. 67 About Antonescu’s concern for law and order, see, for instance, the observa-

tions of historian Lucian Boia, Lucian Boia, Capcanele istoriei: Elita intelectu-ala româneasca între 1930 si 1950, 2nd edition (Bucuresti: Humanitas, 2012), 197–245.

68 This did not prevent several cases of popular participation in anti-Jewish violence in urban environments, such as those organized by the Iron Guard in Bucharest (January 1941), and Romania’s intelligence and army in Iasi (June 1941). For more details on Romania’s World-War-II pogroms, see George Voicu (ed.), Violenta si teroare în istoria recenta a României (Bucuresti: Editura Universitara, 2006); Idem, Pogromul de la Ia Iasi: 28–30 iunie 1941:

Notes 197

Prologul Holocaustului din România (Iasi: Polirom, 2006); Jean Ancel, Preludiu la asasinat: Pogromul de la Iasi 29 Iunie 1941 (Iasi: Polirom, 2005); Henry Eaton, The Origins and the Onset of the Romanian Holocaust (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 2013).

69 ANR, MEN-DS 48/1940, pp. 108–109. 70 See Ancel, The History of the Holocaust in Romania; Friling, Ioanid, and

Ionescu (eds.), Final Report. 71 Avram Rosen, Contributia evreilor la progresul industrial în România interbelica

(Bucuresti: Hasefer, 2002); Idem, Participarea evreilor la dezvoltarea industriala a Bucurestiului din a doua jumatate a secolulului XIX pâna în 1938 (Bucuresti: Hasefer, 1995); Idem, “Jews in Romanian Industry,” in Liviu Rotman and Raphael Vago (eds.), The History of the Jews in Romania, 3rd vol. (Tel Aviv: The Goldstein Goren Diaspora Research Center, Tel Aviv University, 2005), 77–108; Chirot, Schimbarea sociala, 175–179, 232–235; Giurescu, Istoria Bucurestiului, 515–518; Carol Iancu, Evreii din România. De la emancipare la marginalizare: 1919–1938 (Bucuresti: Hasefer, 2000), 60–70; Mendelsohn, The Jews of East Central Europe, 178–180.

72 Ancel, Contributii, vol. I, part II, pp. 70–73; for the opinion of a Bucharest inhabitant that “Jews occupied too many important positions” during the 1930s–1940s, see, for instance, the interview with Elisabeta Odobescu-Goga, in Zoltán Rostás (ed.), Secolul Coanei Lizica: Convorbiri din anii 1985–1986 cu Elisabeta Odobescu-Goga. Jurnale din perioada 1916–1918 (Bucuresti: Paideia, 2004), 116.

73 Jean Ancel, Contributii la Istoria României: Problema Evreiasca, 1933–1944 (Bucuresti: Hasefer, 2001–2003), vol. 1 part II, pp. 70–71.

74 ANIC, MEN-DOPCI 80/1941, pp. 113–114. 75 Ancel, Contributii, 75. These statistics do not include other foreigners, such

as Germans, Armenians, and Greeks. 76 See Mendelsohn, The Jews of East Central Europe, 171–211; Carol Iancu, Evreii

din Romania: De la Emancipare la Excludere (Bucuresti: Hasefer, 2000); Irina Livezeanu, Cultural politics in Greater Romania; Regionalism, Nation Build-ing, and Ethnic Struggle, 1918–1930 (Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1995); Camelia Craciun, “The Clash of Generations: The Identity Dis-courses of Romanian Jewish Intellectuals in the Interwar Period,” in Diana Mishkova, Balazs Trencsenyi, and Maria Jalava (eds.), Regimes of Historicity in Southeastern Europe: 1890–1945 (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2014), 316–336.

77 Giurescu, Istoria Bucurestiului, 362–427. 78 For an account (produced by a former Romanianization commissar) of

a  working-class neighborhood around one of Bucharest’s textile compa-nies  (Juster Factory) targeted by the Romanianization of personnel, see Gheorghe Ungureanu, Prin labirintul vietii (Suceava: Musatinii, 2010), 85–86.

79 Dumitru Hâncu (ed.), Confidential, Bucuresti-Berna: Rapoarte diplomatice ale lui René de Weck, 1940–1944 (Bucuresti: Hasefer, 2002), 69.

80 The number of refugees who settled in Bucharest after the territorial loses of 1940 is still debated. According to the Colonization Department’s partial data, 47,099 refugees (from Northern Transylvania, Bessarabia, and Buko-vina) lived in the Bucharest area by the end of November 1940. Although

198 Notes

the authorities were supportive in general of ethnic Romanian refugees, they also complained about their behavior. According to official reports, many refugees refused to accept jobs outside Bucharest, preferring to stay in the capital where they received salaries for no work. See ANIC, Presedintia Consiliului de Ministrii-Cabinet Militar (PCM-CM) 31/1940, pp. 2–14; MEN-DS 46/1941, pp. 69, 99; MEN-DS 52/1941, p. 16; PCM-CM 31/1940, pp. 2–14. Gradually, Antonescu grew hostile towards ethnic Romanian refugees who requested Jewish property, accusing them of profiting from Romanianization to the detriment of other categories of more deserving would-be beneficiaries (such as war invalids and veterans). See 8 December 1943 government meeting minutes, in Ciuca and Ignat (eds.), Stenogramele, vol. IX, pp. 603–619.

81 Hâncu (ed.), Confidential, 69; R G Waldeck, Athenée Palace (Bucuresti: Humanitas, 2006), 226.

82 See Ciuca and Ignat (eds.), Stenogramele, vol. V, p. 705. 83 See the interview with Catherina Iernici in Zoltán Rostás, Sorin Stoica

(eds.), Istorie la firul ierbii: Documente sociale orale (Bucuresti: Tritonic, 2003), 118–119.

84 Vacaresti, Dudesti, Mosilor, and Rahova neighborhoods were named after local streets. For more details on Bucharest neighborhoods with signifi-cant numbers of Jews, see Waldman and Ciuciu (eds.), Istorii si imagini din Bucurestiul evreiesc, 81–103.

85 Ciuca et al. (eds.), Stenogramele, vol. II, p. 180–181. 86 See the report of the Minister of Justice on the Law for the Transfer of Jew-

ish Urban Real Estate of 27 March 1941, in Ghimpa et al. (eds.), Codul de romanizare, 131–134.

87 Historian Armin Heinen has argued that Antonescu abandoned his idea to establish a Jewish ghetto in Bucharest because this measure would have also required ethnic Romanians to move out of the ghetto area, trigger-ing resentments and major turmoil in the context of the authorities’ weak managerial capabilities. Heinen, România, Holocaustul si logica violentei, 70–71.

88 Mihail Sebastian, Journal: 1935–1944, (Chicago: Ivan R. Dee, 2000), 491; for the Romanian version, see Mihail Sebastian, Jurnal 1933–1944, (Bucuresti: Humanitas, 1996); 456.

89 Waldeck, Athenée Palace, 228; Emil Dorian, Jurnal din vremuri de prigoana: 1937–1944 (Bucuresti: Hasefer, 1996), 182, 272.

90 Axis country officials abhorred the idea that Jews could share public spaces (such as swimming pools) with gentile inhabitants of their capital cities. As historian Tim Cole shows, Hungarian officials introduced strict regulations aiming to segregate and, ultimately, isolate Budapest Jews from their Chris-tian neighbors. These restrictions were more severe than those in Bucharest. Tim Cole, Holocaust City: The Making of a Jewish Ghetto (New York: Rout-ledge, 2003).

91 The Council of Ministers’ minutes of 26 August 1941, in Ciuca and Ignat (eds.), Stenogramele vol. IV, 415.

92 The trend of Romanian Jews moving from small towns to the capital accel-erated in the late 1930s and early 1940s because of the increasing violence

Notes 199

plaguing the provinces. See, for instance, Annie Bentoiu, Timpul ce ni s-a dat: memorii 1944–1947 (Bucuresti: Humanitas, 2007, 2nd edition), 122; Matatias Carp, Cartea Neagra: Suferintele Evreilor din România, 1940–1944, 3 vols., 2nd ed. (Bucuresti: Diogene, 1996), 110, 127; Pana, Nascut în 02, pp. 611, 618–619, 623–625; Edgar Reichmann, Un insomniac de la Dunare (Bucuresti: Albatros, 1998), 184; Carol Buium Beniamini, Un sionist în vre-mea lui Antonescu si dupa aceea (Bucuresti: Hasefer, 1999), 41–44; Ciuca and Ignat (eds.), Stenogramele, vol. IX, p. 567; Ernest H. Latham Jr., Timeless and Transitory: 20th Century Relations between Romania and the English-Speaking World (Bucuresti: Vremea, 2012), 248–249.

93 Gheorghe Bratescu, Ce-a fost sa fie: Notatii autobiografice (Bucuresti: Human-itas, 2003), 79.

94 See the interview with Mr. Pasaco (a pseudonym; he refused to reveal his name during the interview), whose family moved in 1940 from Buhusi, a small town in Moldova, to Bucharest. Smaranda Vultur (ed.). Memoria salvata: Evreii din Banat, ieri si azi (Iasi: Polirom, 2002), vol. I, pp. 213–214.

95 Jews in parts of the Old Kingdom, especially those living in some towns in Moldova, but also in Pitesti, a town located 100 kilometers northwest of Bucharest, had to wear a yellow or black Star of David for a time. Fur-thermore, on 3–5 September 1941, Antonescu ordered all Romanian Jews, including those of Bucharest, to wear a black Star of David. After protests by Filderman, Chief Rabbi Safran, some high clergy, and Nicolae Lupu, a PNT politician, Antonescu canceled this measure a few days later; it was never implemented, except in some areas where it applied temporarily. For more details on Antonescu’s inconsistent policy of stigmatizing Jews by forcing them to wear a Star of David, see Ioanid, Evreii sub regimul Antonescu, 45–48; Ancel, The History of the Holocaust, 518–520.

96 See Gavin Bown, Paul Morand si România (Bucuresti: Corint, 2008), 147–151; Jean Mouton, Jurnal. România: 1939–1946 (Bucuresti: Vivaldi, 2008), 53, 69–70, 72; some Bucharest Jews also supplied these foreign embassies with information; see also Latham, Timeless and Transitory, 242–243.

97 See the discussion between Nuncio Andrea Cassulo and René de Weck reported by the Swiss ambassador to Berne on 13 December 1942, in Hâncu (ed.), Confidential, 66; see also the report (6 July 1942) of Cassulo to Vatican, in Ion Dumitru-Snagov (ed.), România în diplomatia Vaticanului: 1939–1944 (Bucuresti: Garamond, 1991), 156–157.

98 ANR, Inspectoratul General al Jandarmeriei (IGJ), 8/1941, p. 11. 99 Leading economists emphasized that the “camouflage” of “foreign”

property and employment had a long history in Romania, and theorized that it was responsible for the failure of Romanianization initiatives in the 1920s and 1930s. See Madgearu, Românizarea vietii economice, 13–16; D. R. Ioanitescu, Protectia muncii nationale: istoric: legiuirile regimului legionar (Bucuresti: Tipografia ABC, 1941), 13–15.

100 See, for instance, Ancel, Contributii la Istoria României; idem, The History of the Holocaust; Idem, Transnistria, 3 vols. (Bucuresti: Atlas, 1998); Idem, Preludiu la asasinat; Viorel Achim, Constantin Iordachi (eds.), România

200 Notes

si Transnistria: Problema Holocaustului. Perspective Istorice si Comparative (Bucuresti: Curtea Veche, 2004); Randolph Braham (ed.), The Tragedy of Romanian Jewry (New York: The Rosenthal Institute/CUNY, 1994); Dele-tant, Hitler's Forgotten Ally; Armin Heinen, Legiunea ‘Archanghelui Mihail’ (Bucuresti: Humanitas, 1999); Idem., România, Holocaustul si logica violentei; Eaton, The Origins and the Onset of the Romanian Holocaust; Iancu, Shoah în România; Ioanid, Evreii sub regimul Antonescu; Mihail Ionescu, Liviu Rot-man (eds.), The Holocaust and Romania: History and Contemporary Significance (Bucharest: Institute for Political Studies of Defence and Military History, 2003); Dalia Ofer, “Life in the Ghettos of Transnistria,” Yad Vashem Studies 25 (1996), 228–274; Paul Shapiro, “Vapniarka: The Archive of the International Tracing Service and the Holocaust in the East,” in Holocaust and Genocide Studies 27–1 (2013): 114–137.

101 Iancu, Evreii din România: de la emancipare la marginalizare; Maria Bucur, Eugenics and Modernization in Interwar Romania (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2001); Idem, Heroes and Victims: Remembering War in Twentieth Century Romania (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 2009); Mihai Chioveanu, Fetele fascismului: Politica, ideologie si scrisul istoric (Bucuresti: Editura Universitatii din Bucuresti, 2004); Mihai Chioveanu and Felicia Waldman, “Public Perceptions of the Holocaust in Postcom-munist Romania, in Joanna Michlic and Jean-Paul Himka (eds.), Bring-ing the Dark Past to Light: The Reception of the Holocaust in Postcommunist Europe (Omaha: University of Nebraska Press, 2013); Clark, European Fas-cists and Local Activists; Heinen, Legiunea ‘Archanghelui Mihail;’ Iordachi, Charisma, Politics, and Violence; Livezeanu, Cultural Politics in Greater Roma-nia; Michelle Kelso, Recognizing Roma: A Study of the Holocaust in Contem-porary Romania, (unpublished PhD dissertation, University of Michigan, 2010); William Oldson, A Providential Antisemitism: Nationalism and Pol-ity in Nineteenth Century Romania (Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1991); Liviu Rotman. Evreii din România în perioada comunista: 1944–1965 (Iasi: Polirom, 2004); Raphael Vago. “Holocaust Studies: Recent Historiographical and Methodological Trends,” in Mihail Ionescu, Liviu Rotman (eds.) Holocaust in Romania: History and Contemporary Significance (Tel Aviv, Bucuresti: Goren Goldstein Center, ISPAIM, 2003), 134–144; Michael Shafir, Între negare si trivializare prin comparatie. Negarea Holo-caustului în tarile postcomuniste din Europa Centrala si de Est (Iasi: Polirom, 2002); Benjamin M. Thorne, The Anxiety of Proximity: The Gypsy Question in Romanian Society: 1938–1944 (unpublished PhD dissertation, Indiana University, Bloomington, 2012); Marius Turda, Eugenism si antropologie rasiala în România, 1874–1944 (Bucuresti: Cuvântul, 2008); Leon Volovici, Nationalist Ideology and Anti-Semitism: the Case of Romanian Intellectuals in the 1930s (Oxford, New York: Pergamon Press, 1991); Shannon Woodcock, The Tigan is not a Man: The Tigan Other as a Catalyst for Romanian Ethno-national Identity (unpublished PhD dissertation, The University of Sydney, Sydney, 2005); Mariana Hausleitner, Die Romanisierung der Bukovina: Die Durchsetzung des nationalstaatlichen Anspruchs Grossrumaniens 1918–1944 (Oldenbourg: Oldenbourg Verlag, 2000).

Notes 201

102 As exception, see, for instance, Diana Dumitru, “The Attitude of the Non-Jewish Population of Bessarabia and Transnistria Toward the Jews during the Holocaust: A Jewish Perspective,” in Yad Vashem Studies 37, no.1 (2009): 53–83.

103 See Livezeanu, Cultural Politics in Greater Romania.104 Hausleitner, Die Romanisierung der Bukovina.105 Benjamin (ed.), Legislatia antievreiasca, XXXVII–XXXVIII.106 Ancel, The Economic Destruction of Romanian Jewry, 194–196, 361.107 Regarding Bucharest, Ancel relied heavily on periodicals, official prop-

aganda, and sources published in the 1980s but lacked access to rel-evant archival documents produced by the institutions involved in the process.

108 Ancel, The Economic Destruction of Romanian Jewry, 149–153, 166–168, 351–353. Facing the unavailability of key Romanianization collections, other historians of the Antonescu regime were not able to explore thor-oughly the Romanianization of real estate and uncover its failure. Writing in the early 1990s, the findings of Radu Ioanid resembled Ancel’s conclu-sions about the failure of the Romanianization of labor and the success of the expropriation of Jewish property (“took place rapidly”). Overall, Ioa-nid has a more nuanced perspective (“with a relative efficiency”) about the result of the Romanianization of Jewish property. Ioanid, Evreii sub regimul Antonescu, 36.

109 Ancel, The Economic Destruction of Romanian Jewry, 149–153.110 Solonari, Purifying the Nation, 237–263.111 Bancos based his argument mainly on the lack of a written order for execu-

tions and his erroneous interpretation of the legal concept of genocide. Dorel Bancos, Social si national în politica guvernului Antonescu (Bucuresti: Eminescu, 2000), 164–166.

112 Bancos, Social si national, 135–188.113 See, for instance, Frank Bajohr, Aryanization in Hamburg; Brutmann, Aryani-

sation Economique et Spoliations en Isere; Cole, Holocaust City; Dreyfus, Pilages sur Ordonnaces; Gordon Horwitz, Ghettostadt: Lodz and the Making of a Nazi City (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press, 2008); Itamar Levin, Walls Around: The Plunder of Warsaw Jewry during World War II and Its Aftermath (Westport, CT: Praeger, 2004).

114 See Levin, Walls Around, 3.115 These documents are located in the National Archives of Romania and

Municipal Archives in Bucharest, in collections such as the Ministry of Interior, Presidency of the Council of Ministers of Romania, Presidency of the Council of Ministers of Romania – Special Information Service, Ministry of Justice, and General Police Department. Among them, the collections of three governmental bodies charged with the implementa-tion of Romanianization, the Ministry of National Economy, Ministry of Work, Health, and Social Protection/Central Office of Romanianization, and Under-Secretariat of Romanianization, Colonization, and Inven-tory/National Romanianization Center, comprise the primary sources for this study.

202 Notes

116 The files of the wartime Jewish community are housed at the Center for the Study of the History of Jews from Romania, together with the Jewish Center collection from the National Archives.

117 For the importance of Holocaust diaries, memoirs, and testimonies, see Alexandra Garbarini, Numbered Days: Diaries and the Holocaust (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2006); David Patterson, Along the Edge of Annihilation: The Collapse and Recovery of Life in the Holocaust Diary (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1999); James Young, Writing and Rewriting the Holocaust: Narrative and the Consequences of Interpretation (Indiana: Indiana University Press, 1988).

Chapter 2

1 The only successful, pre-World War I, proto-Romanianization regional pro-ject was the colonization of Northen Dobrogea with ethnic Romanians, after 1878. As historian Constantin Iordachi has shown, in less than four decades, ethnic Romanian colonists managed to eliminate the previous dominance/supremacy of Ottoman Muslims, Greeks, Armenians, and Jews, and to acquire economic prominence in local commerce and real estate. Iordachi, Citizenship, Nation, and State-Building, 20–46.

2 Madgearu, Românizarea vietii economice, 11–16; Virgil Madgearu, Evolutia economiei României dupa Razboiul Mondial (Bucuresti: Independenta Economica, 1940), 240–244; see also Costin Murgescu, “Ofensiva capita-lului strain în perioada 1919–1922,” in Costin Murgescu, N. N. Constanti-nescu (eds.), Contributii la istoria capitalului strain în România: De la sfârsitul Primului Razboi Mondial pâna la iesirea din criza economica din 1929–1933 (Bucuresti: Editura Academiei RPR, 1960), 1–85.

3 Ibid., 15–16. 4 Close scrutiny of the 1934 law shows that it refers to citizenship rather then

ethnicity, but the subsequent implementation norms required companies to submit data on the ethnicity of their personnel as well, which suggests that authorities envisioned the replacement of domestic foreigners in the future. Historian Lya Benjamin has argued that the terminology and the propositions submitted in companies’ reports mean that the law’s aim was to fire ethnic minorities as well as foreign citizens. In July 1939, the Ministry of National Economy (MEN) cleared up this issue by emphasizing that the law targeted only foreign citizens. Benjamin (ed.), Legislatia antievreiasca, 75–76; see also Iancu, Evreii din România: 1919–1938, pp. 238–243; Mendel-sohn, The Jews of East Central Europe, 204–205.

5 Madgearu, Românizarea vietii economice, 15–16. 6 Ibid., 16. The failure to enforce the 1934 law should not be a surprise;

Romania has struggled historically to implement its laws, including the antisemitic provisions. Mendelsohn, The Jews of East Central Europe, 209.

7 Ibid., 17–21. 8 Iancu, Evreii din România: 1919–1938, pp. 256–264; Ancel, The Economic

Destruction of Romanian Jewry, 40–43; Idem, The History of the Holocaust in Romania, 31–34; Paul Shapiro, “Prelude to Dictatorship in Romania: The National Christian Party in Power, December 1937–February 1938,” in Canadian American Slavic Studies 8, no. 1 (1974): 45–88.

Notes 203

9 Filderman, Memoirs and Diaries, 484–503. 10 Ancel, The History of the Holocaust in Romania, 25–38; Idem, The Economic

Destruction, 33–58; Filderman, Memoirs and Diaries, 484–503; Heinen, România, Holocaustul si logica violentei, 62–63; Leon Volovici, “The Response of Jewish Leaders and Intellectuals to Antisemitism,” in Rotman and Vago (eds.), The History of the Jews in Romania, 3rd vol., 171–173. According to historian Paul Quinlan, at the end of January 1938 French and British Prime Ministers “threatened to regard the treaties which recognized Romania’s ownership of Transylvania and Bessarabia as being annulled if the Goga Government continued its attacks on the Jews.” Paul Quinlan, Clash over Romania: British and American Policies towards Romania 1938–1947 (Los Angeles: American Romanian Academy of Sciences, 1977), 29.

11 See the memoirs of Gerhard Stelzer, a German diplomat who worked as counselor for the German Legation in World War II Bucharest. Cristian Scarlat (ed.), Diplomati germani la Bucuresti: 1937–1944 (Bucuresti: All, 2001), 124; see also Benjamin (ed.), Legislatia antievreiasca, 46–50; 74–78; Filderman, Memoirs and Diaries, 509–510.

12 For nineteenth- and twentieth-century local antisemitic traditions, see Volo-vici, Nationalist Ideology and Antisemitism; Oldson, A Providential Antisemi-tism; Carol Iancu, Evreii din România 1866–1918: de la excludere la emancipare (Bucuresti: Hasefer, 1996); Iancu, Evreii din România: 1919–1938; Ancel, The History of the Holocaust, 101–102; Bucur, Eugenics and Modernization; Heinen, România, Holocaustul si logica violentei, 57–63, 185; for a comparison with Nuremberg racial laws showing that the Romanian definition of a Jew was stricter than the Nazi concept, see Ioanid, Evreii sub regimul Antonescu, 26–31.

13 Ioanid, Evreii sub regimul Antonescu, 29–30. 14 Bucur, Eugenics and Modernization, 3, pp. 210–211. It should be pointed out

that Bucur had access to key Romanian archival collections (such as the Ministry of Health) only up to 1940 and after 1945.

15 See articles no. 7–14; according to historian Victor Neumann, law no. 2650 and the subsequent antisemitic laws were especially disadvantageous to the Jews of Banat and Transylvania. These former Habsburg Empire provinces joined Romania in 1918, and the Jews had enjoyed full political and civil emancipation since 1867. Victor Neumann, Istoria evreilor din România: Stu-dii documentare si teoretice (Timisoara: Amarcord, 1996), 222–224.

16 This law had a precursor. As historian Maria Bucur has noted, the 1938 Penal Code forbade ethnic Romanian army officers from marrying noneth-nic Romanian women. Bucur, Eugenics and Modernization, 202.

17 Historian Marius Turda pointed out the racial philosophy used by Minister of Justice Ion Gruia – the author of those antisemitic laws – in the preamble of Law no. 2650. See Marius Turda, Modernism and Eugenics (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010), 110.

18 See the letter of H Spitzmuller to the French Minister of Foreign Affairs in Iancu (ed.), Shoah în România, 69.

19 See Alexandru Safran, Un taciune smuls flacarilor (Bucuresti: Hasefer, 1996), 103; Sebastian, Jurnal, 424. Sometimes Jews bought fake baptismal cer-tificates: Maria Banus, Sub Camuflaj, Jurnal: 1943–1944 (Bucuresti: Cartea Româneasca, 1978), 252. After the war, many converts returned to Judaism: ANR, Directia Generala a Politiei (DGP) 61/1945, pp. 245–246.

204 Notes

20 According to Radu R Rosetti, the minister of education, Antonescu believed that the Jews chose to convert to Catholicism in order to bypass Romani-anization laws. Radu R Rosetti, Pagini de jurnal (Bucuresti: Adevarul, 1993), 190; see also the diplomatic report of Nuncio Andrea Cassulo (from 31 August 1942) in which he informed the Vatican about difficulties he faced during his interventions in favor of baptized Jews “because the government believes that Jews convert to Catholicism to avoid the laws.” Ion Dumitru-Snagov, România în diplomatia Vaticanului: 1939–1944 (Bucuresti: Editura Garamond, 1991), 158–159; see also the 4 February 1943 government meet-ing minutes, in Ciuca and Ignat (eds.), Stenogramele, vol. IX, p. 26.

21 Benjamin (ed.), Legislatia antievreiasca, 119–121. 22 A decision of the ministry of religious affairs and arts from early September,

immediately after Antonescu and the Iron Guard came to power, suggests that Orthodoxy and Greek Catholicism (affiliated to Rome) were considered the national religions of ethnic Romanians; documents from the ministry of the interior support this view: MJ-DJ 116/1942, p. 45. Islam, for instance, as the religion of former Ottoman rulers and, after 1878, of Turkish and Tatar minorities, was not considered a national region. Ibid., 58–61.

23 As my book focuses on Bucharest, the largest city in World War II Romania, the laws that targeted Jews’ urban real estate, jobs, and businesses are of greatest interest here. For an overview of the antisemitic legislation passed by the National Legionary government see Ancel, The History of the Holo-caust, 96–102; Iron Guard leader Horia Sima claimed in his postwar mem-oirs that the laws for the expropriation of Jewsih rural land and agricultural assets were inspired by his party, which benefited the excellent collaboration (“one of the few issues we had a perfect mutual undertsanding”) between Ion and Mihai Antonescu (as a lawyer, the latter drafted these laws). Sima, Era libertatii, vol. I, 251–254.

24 Even though the law mentioned Jews and foreigners, in practice it tar-geted Jews almost exclusively. In the entire MMSOS/OCR archival collec-tion I found (out of thousands) only a few cases of ethnic Armenians who were to be replaced based on this law. See ANR, MMSOS (including OCR), 1940–1944.

25 The training period of ethnic Romanian doubles could be extended by suc-cessive periods of six months, but only in cases of “absolute necessity,” with special approval from MMSOS. See articles 2, 9, and 10 of the Decree Law no. 3825/ 12 November 1940. Constantin Gr C Zotta (ed.), Decret Lege pentru Românizarea Personalului din Întreprinderi – publicat in Monitorul Oficial no. 270 din 16 Noiembrie 1940 (Bucuresti: Cugetarea – Georgescu Delafras, 1940).

26 See articles 2, 9, and 10 of the Decree Law no. 3825/12 November 1940. 27 For more details on this topic, see Chapter 8, “Sabotaging the Process of

Romanianization.” 28 The November law punished only companies engaging in camouflage of

Jewish employees, not individuals. While the sanctions were severe (confis-cation or liquidation of the perpetrating company), the judicial procedure was very long and complicated.

29 See, for instance, Nicolae Bagdasar, Notatii autobiografice (Bucuresti: Tritonic, 2004), 277–284; ANR, CER 175/1942; 184/1942; 197/1942; CER 198/1942;

Notes 205

CER 203/1942; CER 219/1942; CER 2/1943; CER 3/1943; CER 35/1943; CER 37/1943; CER 38/1943; CER 46/1943; CER 49/1943; CER 52/1943; CER 224/1943; CER 227/1943; MMSOS 609/1943, pp. 132–135; see also the 11 May and 12 June 1945 interrogations of Radu Lecca by SMERSH and the 14 November 1944 interview with Berg Gheorghe Isakovici, Lecca’s Jewish driver during July–August 1944 in Ioanid (ed.), Lotul Antonescu în ancheta Smers, 374–377, 390–394.

30 See, for instance, the interview with Leonida Marlaub, a Bucharest Jewish inhabitant who though he was fired twice during that era on racial grounds, concluded that he did not really suffer because his family did not own real estate that could be confiscated: “We went through worries, intense emo-tions, but we did not [really] suffer, [because] we had no houses that could be taken from us.” Zoltán Rostás (ed.), Chipurile orasului: Istorii de viata în Bucuresti Secolul XX (Iasi: Polirom, 2002), 202; see also Dorian, Jurnal, 160–161; Sebastian, Jurnal, 318–319; Solly Border, Între doua lumi cu un român american (Bucuresti: Aldo Press, 2007), 11.

31 Jacques Truelle’s report of 1 April 1941 to Admiral Darlan in Iancu (ed.), Shoah în România, 132.

32 The following categories of Jews were exempted from expropriation of urban real estate: Jews who became citizens before August 1916; Jews enrolled in the Romanian army, who had been injured, decorated, or cited for bravery in Romania’s wars; the heirs of Jews who died in Romania’s wars; Jews bap-tized to Christianity at least 20 years prior if they were also married to eth-nic Romanians; Jews baptized to Christianity if they were married to ethnic Romanians for at least 10 years and if from that marriage they had children who had been baptized Christian; Jews who were baptized to Christianity at least 30 years ago; the heirs of those mentioned above. Jews who brought exceptional proof of devotion or performed exceptional services for Roma-nia could be exempted from this law, but only by a special and distinct law. As I discuss in chapter 7 (“Jewish Legal Resistance to Romanianization”), not only exempted Jews but also many others embraced this legal loophole and struggled in court to reverse or postpone the expropriation of their houses.

33 In his study on the Antonescu regime’s robbery of Romanian Jews, his-torian Jean Ancel argued that “the compensation was purely symbolic, a pure joke” and that in practice, the Jews did not receive any money at all. Ancel, The Economic Destruction of Romanian Jewry, 150, 152. This situation resembles the Armenian genocide, where despite the promises made in the various Ottoman laws to compensate the “relocated”/deported Armenians for the property left behind, historians could not find even one such case. Taner Akcam, The Young Turks’ Crime against Humanity: The Armenian Geno-cide and Ethnic Cleansing in the Ottoman Empire (Princeton: Princeton Uni-versity Press, 2012), 352–356.

34 See, for instance, the 31 March 1941 report of French diplomats in Bucha-rest to their superiors in Paris, in Iancu (ed.), Shoah în România, 134.

35 In an internal memo assessing this topic, the Ministry of Justice experts rec-ognized the difficulties faced by local banks that tried to retrieve the loans awarded to Jewish debtors prior to the expropriation laws. See ANR, MJ-DJ 127/1941, pp. 143–144.

206 Notes

36 ANR, MEN-DOPSF 10/1941, pp. 106–107. 37 ANR, SSRCI-D Contabilitate 12/1941, p. 12, 19/1941, pp. 1–4. 38 See the memo addressed by the General Jewish Council to the new

Sanatescu government on 16 September 1944 in Harry Kuler (ed.), Evreii în România anilor 1944–1949: Evenimente, documente, comentarii (Bucuresti: Hasefer, 2002), 389–394.

39 Historian Jean Ancel also noted the regime’s “permanent effort to present the robbing of the Jews as a ‘legal’ measure adopted in the framework of legality and equity,” but did not make the connection with the regime’s plans for the green table. Ancel, The Economic Destruction of Romanian Jewry, 151. While, as historian Martin Dean has noted, Nazi leaders were also pre-occupied with legitimizing the robbery of Jewish property by confiscating it with legal title, they aimed to ease the concerns of German bureaucrats involved in the process and of would-be profiteers about the legality of Aryanization, contrary to Romania, whose leaders’ obsession for legal title sprung from their desire to legitimize Romanianization at the postwar green table. Dean, Robbing the Jews, 2–4, 256, 378–397. Legalized plunder of vic-timized groups took place not only during the Holocaust but also in other cases of genocide. Antonescu’s government strategy also resembles the Young Turks’ “legalization of pillage” plan to rob their Armenian citizens during World War I. As scholars Ügur Ümit Üngör, Mehmed Polatel, and Taner Akcam have persuasively shown in their recent books on the Arme-nian genocide, even the German allies of the Ottoman Empire considered the dispossession of the Armenians as legalized robbery. Ügur Ümit Üngör and Mehmet Polatel, Confiscation and Destruction: The Young Turks’ Seizure of Armenian Property (London: Continuum, 2011), 41–60; Akcam, The Young Turks’ Crime against Humanity, 341–372.

40 For more details on the concerns of Ion and Mihai Antonecu with paralyz-ing Jewish claims at the green table, see the 13 November 1941 government meeting minutes in Ciuca and Ignat (eds), Stenogramele, vol. V, pp. 122–123.

41 The regime’s second in command, Mihai Antonescu (a professor of interna-tional law at the High Academy of Commercial and Industrial Studies and Bucharest Law School), was probably behind the legal strategy to present the confiscations of Jewish property as legitimate expropriations.

42 See, for instance, the 9 May 1941 government meeting minutes in Ciuca and Ignat (eds.), Stenogramele, vol. III, pp. 355–356; see also the 11 May 1945 minutes of the interrogation of Radu Lecca by Soviet counter-intelligence unit, SMERS in Ioanid (ed.), Lotul Antonescu în ancheta Smers, 373–374.

43 Recognition of Romania’s independence in the 1878 Berlin Peace Treaty also depended upon the change of Romania’s constitution in order to allow the emancipation of the Jews. This episode reinforced the belief of Roma-nian politicians in international Jewish conspiracy.

44 Ciuca and Ignat (eds.), Stenogramele, vol. V, p. 501; as Martin Dean has demonstrated, after the deportation of German Jews to the East, the Nazis also “used legal artifice to make it appear that they were merely collecting, on behalf of the state, ownerless property left behind.” Dean, Robbing the Jews, 3.

45 Deletant, Hitler’s Forgotten Ally, 118. Other minutes of the government meet-ings illustrate the same trend. On 20 April 1943, for instance, Antonescu

Notes 207

declared, “I am fighting to win the war, but the democracies may happen to win it. And we know what democracy means; it means Judeocracy. So, why should I expose future generations of the nation to punishment for such a measure of mine.” See the minutes of the government meeting of 20 April 1943 in Ciuca and Ignat (eds.), Stenogramele, vol. IX, p. 185.

46 Quoted in Deletant, Hitler’s Forgotten Ally, 118–119. 47 Boris Desliu, Jurnal de avocat (Bucuresti: Vremea, 2002), 37. 48 Establishing his dictatorship, King Carol II replaced the 1923 Constitu-

tion with his own constitution (1938). Both of them, however, stipulated the inviolability of private property and banned any law that would have mentioned the confiscation of such property, allowing only the public util-ity expropriation with a preliminary and fair compensation. Preparing to abdicate, Carol II suspended the 1938 Constitution and appointed Anto-nescu as prime minister with “full powers to rule the state” on 5 Septem-ber 1940. See Flavius Baias, Bogdan Dumitrache, and Marian Nicolae (eds.), Regimul juridic al imobilelor preluate abuziv (Bucuresti: Rosetti, 2001), 5–7; Eleodor Focseneanu, Istoria Constitutionala a României: 1859–2003, 3rd edi-tion (Bucuresti, 2007), 124–136; Boia, Capcanele istoriei, 197–199, 345.

49 S Friedman, Expropriation in International Law (London: Stevens & Sons, 1953); George Costi, Exproprierea pentru cauza de utilitate publica în România (Arad: Imprimeriile Judetului Arad, 1940).

50 See the General Jewish Council memo to the government, in Kuller (ed.), Evreii în România anilor 1944–1949, pp. 389–394.

51 For the significant role of Nazi racial legislation and legal experts in the elab-oration of Antonescu’s antisemitic laws, see the report (16 July 1941) of Swiss ambassador René de Weck in Hâncu (ed.), Confidential, 32, 48–49, 57, 61.

52 See Reinhard Heydrich’s memo sent to the German Ministry of Foreign Affairs on 27 August 1941 in Ottmar Trasca and Dennis Deletant (eds.), Al III-lea Reich si Holocaustul din România: 1940–1944. Documente din arhivele germane (Bucuresti: Editura INSHR-EW, 2007), 276–278; see also Heinen, România, Holocaustul si logica violentei, 54; Ancel, The History of the Holo-caust, 101–102; see also the 11 December 1944 and 12 June 1945 minutes of the interrogation of Radu Lecca by SMERSH in Ioanid (ed.), Lotul Antonescu în ancheta Smers, 342–343, 371–373, 381–382.

53 ANR, MJ-DJ 114/1941, vol. I, p. 186. 54 ANR, Ibid., vol. II, pp. 85–86. Slovak authorities adopted the Jewish Codex

on 9 September 1941. Dean, Robbing the Jews, 20. 55 ANR, SSRCI-DC 35/1942, p.73. Ironically, private initiative prevailed over

bureaucracy’s formalism and a (sort of) Romanianization Code reached the public in 1942. Four judges (led by Nicolae Ghimpa, a Bucharest Appeals Court judge and Assistant Professor of Law) gathered all the Romanianiza-tion laws and published them at the printing house of a major national newspaper (Universul). While this was not a typical legal code, the book grouped together updated legislation regulating the confiscation of Jewish property, various administrative directives, and Central Judicial Commis-sion’s jurisprudence. See Ghimpa, et al. (eds.), Codul de Românizare.

56 ANR, SSRCI-D. Contencios 9/1941, pp. 1–14. 57 Few collections of this periodical that survived in Romanian archives and

libraries belonged to private companies, who bought subscriptions. The

208 Notes

Jewish community’s legal experts also read it constantly, looking for pos-sible avenues for maneuver. See Pandectele Românizarii no. 1 (September 1941)–16 (November 1943); ANR, SSRCI-D. Contencios 9/1941, pp. 1–14; CER 33/1942, pp. 14–25.

58 ANR, MEN-DOPCI 80/1941, p. 226. 59 See Solonari, Purifying the Nation, 254–256. Historian Marius Tura has also

argued that interwar and World War II scientists failed to identify a homog-enous distribution of blood and physical anthropological charcteristics among ethnic Romanians. Turda, Eugenism si antropologie rasiala, 96–116.

60 For a detailed study of Romania’s interwar eugenics, see Bucur, Eugenics and Modernization.

61 See Heinen, România, Holocaustul si logica violentei, 57. As historian Marius Turda argued, despite intense public debate, Romanian eugenists failed to obtain political and administrative support to legislate and implement ster-ilization or conscious racial annihilation of Jews and Roma, as happened in Nazi Germany. Turda, Eugenism si antropologie rasiala, 71–78.

62 As historian Maria Bucur noted, Romanian eugenicisist Iordache Facaoaru conducted a series of bioanthropometric measurements in Transnistria (in 1942) to establish the “authenticity” of ethnic Romanians living in that area and to identify some “scientific” criteria for weeding out undesirable “oth-ers.” Bucur, Eugenics and Modernization, 39, 215, 224. Other scholars partici-pated in the Central Statistics Institute’s expedition into the Soviet territory to identify ethnic Romanians located on the East of Bug river. The Anto-nescu regime wanted to repatriate those “brothers” to Romania, part of a wider population exchange strategy. See Anton Golopentia, Romanii de la Est de Bug (Bucuresti: Editura Enciclopedica, 2006); Viorel Achim, “Romanian Population Exchange Project Elaborated by Sabin Manuila in October 1941,” Annali dell’Instituto Storico Italo-Germanico in Trento, XXVII (2001): 593–617.

63 Chris R. Davis, “Nationalizing the Moldavia Csangos: Clericalism and Ethnic Mobilization in World War II Romania and Hungary,” in Robert Pyrah and Marius Turda (eds.), Re-Contextualizing East Central European History: Nation, Culture, and Minority Groups (London: Legenda, 2010), 74–88; see also Chris R. Davis, “Historical Truth and Reality of Blood: Romanians and Hungarian Narratives of National Belonging and the Case of the Moldovian Csangos, 1920–1945,” in Mishkova, Trencsenyi, and Jalava (eds.), Regimes of Historic-ity, 337–356.

64 ANR, MJ-DJ114/1941, vol. II, pp. 217–222. 65 ANR, MJ-DJ 114/1941, vol. I, pp. 29–30. 66 See the 16 December 1941 government meeting minutes in Ciuca and Ignat

(eds.), Stenogramele, vol. V, pp. 464–465. 67 Ancel, The History of the Holocaust, 102. According to Radu Lecca, Antonescu

rejected his draft law aiming to gather all antisemitic laws into a coherent status of the Jews. See the 11 May 1945 minutes of Lecca’s interrogation by SMERSH, in Ioanid (ed.), Lotul Antonescu în ancheta Smers, 374.

68 ANR, SSRCI-D. Contencios, 12/1941, pp. 77–78, 147; MEN-DS 42/1941, 11–12.

69 Emilian Ezechiel, La portile infernului: 1941–1945. Amintirile unui veteran de razboi (Bucuresti: Tritonic, 2008), 162.

Notes 209

70 For another case where a Bucharest small-business owner lost his kiosk because local authorities doubted his (Macedonian)-Romanian ethnicity, suspecting him of acquiring his certificates by corrupting pre-Antonescu authorities, see Valeriu Anania, Memorii (Iasi: Polirom, 2008), 21–22.

71 Camil Roguski, Politic incorect: Despre România, dar cu dragoste. Camil Roguski în dialog cu Monica Tatoiu (Bucuresti: Neverland, 2010), 85, 105.

72 See the interview with Constantin Marinescu, in Zoltán Rostás (ed.), Strada Latina no. 8 (Bucuresti: Curtea Veche, 2009), 196; and with Henri H. Stahl, in Zoltán Rostás (ed.), Monografia ca utopie: Interviuri cu Henri H. Stahl (Bucuresti: Paideia, 2000), 225.

73 Osterman, Amintiri pentru fiica mea, 37. 74 Interview with Eduard Korn in Rostás (ed.), Chipurile orasului, 146. 75 Constantin Virgil Gheorghiu, Ard malurile Nistrului: Mare reportaj de razboi

din teritoriile dezrobite (Bucuresti, 1941). 76 Virgil Gheorghiu, Memorii (Bucuresti: Editura 100+1 Gramar, 2003), 540–

542. Other witnesses of the era, such as General Bucur Calomfirescu, com-plained in their postwar memoirs about the pressure on other categories of public employees, such as Army officers, to divorce their Jewish wives. If the officers refused to comply, they were fired. See Bucur Calomfirescu, Memorii (Bucuresti: Vitruviu, 2008), 121.

77 In this case, the term camouflage had a broader meaning, referring to all types of false certificates presented to Romanian authorities in order to bypass the strict laws of the era.

78 Pericle Martinescu, Uraganul istoriei: Pagini de jurnal intim: 1940 (Constanta; Ex Ponto, 2006), 245.

79 For an analysis of the importance of visas, false papers, and other docu-ments allowing Jews to escape Nazi Europe, see Deborah Dwork and Robert Jan van Pelt, Flight from the Reich: Refugee Jews, 1933–1946 (New York, Lon-don: WW Norton & Company, 2009).

80 Serge Moscovici, Cronica anilor risipiti (Iasi: Polirom, 1999), 224. 81 ANR, DGP 9/1945, pp. 46–49. 82 ANR, SSRCI-D. Control 64, pp. 2–7. 83 I examine the first “constructive” Romanianization measures in Chapter 4

(“The Beneficiaries of Romanianization”). 84 See Ancel, The Economic Destruction of Romanian Jewry, 147, 159. 85 See the justification by the Ministers of Justice and Finance in the prologue

for Law no. 752, in Benjamin (ed.), Legislatia antievreiasca, 164. 86 Benjamin (ed.), Legislatia antievreiasca, 163–164. 87 See MO no. 216, September 1941, in Ibid., 164. 88 For such a case, see the 23 May 1943 entry from the diary of Constantin

Radulescu-Motru, Revizuiri si adaugiri: 1943 (Bucuresti: Floarea Darurilor, 2001), 118–119.

89 According to Romanian legislation, the patrimony of a company comprised of the company’s material and intellectual property rights of economic value, including loans and debts.

90 ANR, MEN-DOPSF 10/1941, pp. 61–67. 91 Ibid., 78–79. 92 Ibid., 61–79.

210 Notes

93 See the 16 December 1942 government meeting minute in Ciuca and Ignat (eds.), Stenogramele, vol. V, 462.

94 See the article by a SSRCI lawyer in November 1943, Nicolae Rodeanu, “Legitimarea evreilor,” Pandectele Românizarii, no. 13–16, (November 1943), pp. 316–320.

95 Romanianization agencies were not the only governmental bodies who resented the legalities and complicated procedures. Other institutions com-plained about CNR’s formalities and their strict interpretation of Romani-anization laws, which prevented them from acquiring Jewish property. For the complaints of the Ministry of National Defense against CNR, see ANR, MJ-DJ 97/1943, p. 22.

96 See the diary of General Radu R Rosetti, minister of national education, in 1941. Rosetti, Pagini de jurnal, 196.

97 For such a case (October 1943), see Deletant, Hitler’s Forgotten Ally, 118–119. 98 ANR, MJ-DJ 46/1941, pp. 49–53. 99 Bucharest Jewish writer, Emil Dorian, recorded in his diary (20 January

1943) the reduction of anti-Jewish legislation. Dorian, Jurnal, 272.100 ANR, MJ-DJ 121/1943, pp. 14–17. 101 ANR, MJ-DJ 121/1943, pp. 113–119. 102 ANR, MJ-DJ 40/1944, pp. 3,6,7,10. 103 I examined three main collections of diplomatic reports produced by Ger-

man, French, and Swiss embassies. For Swiss reports on antisemitic legisla-tion, see Hâncu (ed.), Confidential, 32, 40–43, 50–51; for French reports, see Iancu (ed.), Shoah in România, 77–81, 83, 93–95, 102–108, 129–136; for German documents, see Trasca and Deletant (eds.), Al III-lea Reich.

104 See, for instance, Hâncu (ed.), Confidential, 32, 42–43. 105 Trasca and Deletant (eds.), Al III-lea Reich, 385. 106 Hâncu (ed.), Confidential, 43. 107 Hâncu (ed.), Confidential, 47. Economic departments all over the country

also noticed that the exclusion of Jews from professions left them no other option than to continue their trade on the black market, thus competing with ethnic Romanian entrepreneurs who Romanianized former Jewish businesses. See, for instance, the report of Iasi Chamber of Commerce and Industry from October 1942, MEN-DOP-SF 1/1940, p. 156. For complaints of ethnic Romanian businessmen from Bucharest against their Jewish com-petitors, who continued to practice their trade illegally after their exclusion from local economy, see ANR, PCM-SSI 91/1941, pp. 270–272.

108 Iancu (ed.), Shoah în România, 104. 109 Romanian Jews sometimes referred to this discrimination in their memoirs.

See, for instance, Reichman, Un insomniac la Dunare, 194. 110 ANR, MJ-DJ 114/1941, vol. I, pp. 86–93; see also the 9 May 1941 govern-

ment meeting minutes, in Ciuca and Ignat (eds.), Stenogramele, vol. III, pp. 335–336.

111 Ibid., p. 84; Benjamin (ed.), Legislatia antievreiasca, 221–222. See Jurnalul Con-siliului de Ministrii no. 786 of 28 July 1942, in MJ-DJ, 114/1941, vol. 1, p. 84. Other subsequent decisions reinforced this rule. See Decree Law no. 232 of 2 February 1944, published in Monitorul Oficial no. 28 of 3 February 1944, with regard to the exemption of urban real estate owned by some foreign Jews from the expropriation law no. 254 of 28 March 1941. Consiliul Legislativ,

Notes 211

Colectiune de legi si regulamente, Tomul XXII: ianuarie-februarie 1944 (Bucuresti: Monitorul Oficial si Imprimeriile Statului, 1944), 146–147; see also Jurnalul Consiliului de Ministrii no. 202 of 28 February 1944, which announced that Jews holding Argentinian, Swiss, French, Iranian, Italian, Spanish, Swedish, or Turkish citizenship on 28 March 1941, and who did not lose it in the subsequent period, would be exempted from the expropriation of urban real estate (art.1). Monitorul Oficial al României, no. 60 of 11 March 1944.

112 ANR, MJ-DJ 110/1944, pp. 2, 10, 22–28. 113 See, for instance, the letter sent by the Timis appeals court to the Ministry

of Justice in January 1943 inquiring if Jews of Hungarian citizenship were exempted from the expropriation of urban real estate because a local Jew claimed that exemption in one of its cases. MJ-DJ 121/1943, p. 5.

114 See, for instance, ANR, MJ-DJ 80/1941, pp. 26, 28–31, 33–37, 188; MJ-DJ 126/1941, pp. 1, 3–4, 9, 18, 20; SSRCI-DR 3/1941, p. 19; MEN-DOPCI 71/1941, pp. 7–10; MEN-DOPCI 86/1941, pp. 197–199; Hâncu (ed.), Confidential, 74; see also the 9 May 1941 government meeting minutes, in Ciuca and Ignat (eds.), Stenogramele, vol. III, pp. 355–356.

115 ANR, MJ-DJ 114/1941, vol. I, pp. 91–93. 116 ANR, MJ-DJ 121/1943, pp. 63, 75, 92–113. 117 For the US diplomats’ repeated interventions in MAE in favor of US citizens

of Jewish origin, as well in favor of Romanian Jews working for American press agencies in Romania and for the US legation in Bucharest, see Latham, Timeless and Transitory, 241–269.

118 ANR, SSRCI-DR 3/1940, pp. 21–22. 119 Ibid., 19. 120 Ibid., 19. 121 Ibid., 19. 122 Ibid., 20. 123 ANR, MJ-DJ 80/1941, p. 188; MJ-DJ 121/1943, pp. 66, 68. 124 ANR, MEN-DOPCI 86/1941, pp. 197–199. Another Axis partner, the Hun-

garian embassy, petitioned in favor of its Jewish citizens threatened by expropriation. See MJ-DJ 121/1943, pp. 54–56.

125 For the Swiss diplomats’ success in persuading Ion Antonescu to exempt Swiss and other foreign citizens from the obligation of producing ethnicity certificates, see René de Weck, Jurnal, 53, 117, 136.

126 Jacques Truelle’s letter to Admiral Darlan on 9 September 1941, in Iancu (ed.), Shoah în România, 153–154.

127 Ibid., 154. 128 See the interview with RL in Smaranda Vultur, Adrian Onica (eds.), Memoria

salvata, vol. II, (Timisoara: Editura Universitatii de Vest, 2009), 285–286. 129 ANR, MJ-DJ 80/1941, pp. 157–187, 219, 232; MJ-DJ 121/1943, p. 30. 130 Ibid., 347. 131 ANR, MEN-DS, 67/1941, p. 59. 132 ANR, MJ-DJ 80/1941, pp. 146–147. 133 ANR, MJ-DJ 114/1941, vol. I, p. 88. 134 ANR, SSRCI-DR 3/1941, p. 23. 135 Pana, Nascut in ’02, p. 598. 136 Dumitru-Snagov, România în diplomatia Vaticanului, 142–184. 137 ANR, MJ-DJ 114/1941, vol. I, p. 186.

212 Notes

138 ANR, MJ-DJ 116/1942, 24–26; for more details on Romania’s Concordat with the Vatican, see Mariuca Vadan, La Relazioni Diplomatiche Tra la Santa Sede e Romania: 19201948 (Citta di Vaticano: Libreria Editrice Vaticana, 2001).

139 ANR, MJ-DJ 116/1942, 28–29. 140 See de Weck’s diary entries from 18 August 1942, 13 December 1942, and

5 February 1944, in Hâncu (ed.), Confidential, 51, 65–66, 74. 141 Dumitru-Snagov, România în diplomatia Vaticanului, 142–184. 142 ANR, MJ-DJ, 116/1942, p. 39. 143 ANR, MJ-DJ 116/1941, p. 30. 144 ANR, MJ-DJ 116/1942, pp. 22–23. 145 ANR, MJ-DJ 114/1941, vol. II, p. 172. 146 ANR, MJ-DJ 116/1942, pp. 48–49. 147 Ciuca and Ignat (eds.), Stenogramele, vol. IX, pp. 226–227. 148 ANR, PCM-SSI 96/1941, p. 91. 149 ANR, PCM-SSI 96/1941, p. 91. 150 For the case of a Bucharest Orthodox priest who converted Jews during

the Antonescu regime see, for instance, Gala Galaction, Jurnal, 4th vol. (Bucuresti: Albatros, 2000), 135, 153.

151 ANR, MJ-DJ 114/1941, vol. I, p. 31. 152 For more details on the cooperation of the Romanian Orthodox Church

with Antonescu’s antisemitic policies, see Ancel, The History of the Holocaust in Romania, 56–60; Ancel, Transnistria, vol. 3; for the relation between the Iron Guard and the Orthodox Church, see Paul Shapiro, “Faith, Murder, Resurection: The Iron Guard and the Romanian Orthodox Curch,” Kevin Spicer (ed.), Antisemitism, Christian Ambivalence, and the Holocaust (Bloom-ington: Indiana University Press, 2007), 136–172; for more details on the role of Patriach Miron Cristea and other high-ranking Orthodox clergy in supporting local antisemitism during the last years of the Carol II regime, including the policy of Romanianization and the ban on converting Jews who could not prove their Romanian citizenship, see Ion Popa, “Miron Cri-stea, the Romanian Orthodox Patriarch: His Political and Religious Influ-ence in Deciding the Fate of the Romanian Jews: February 1938–March 1939,” in Yad Vashem Studies, 40–2 (2012): pp. 11–34.

153 ANR, MJ-DJ, 116/1942, p. 38; for more details on the relation between Romanian modern state and the local Orthodox Church during late 19th and early 20th century, see Lucian N. Leustean, Orthodoxy and the Cold War: Religion and Political Power in Romania: 1947–1965 (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009), 24–56.

154 See, for instance, Onisfor Ghibu, Nulitatea Concordatului dintre România si Sfântul Scaun (Cluj: Institutul de Arte Grafice Ardealul, 1935); Cristian Vasile, Între Vatican si Kremlin: Biserica Greco-Catolica în timpul regimului comunist (Bucuresti: Curtea Veche, 2003), 66–74.

155 ANR, MJ-DJ 116/1942, pp. 35–36. 156 See, for instance, the observations of René de Weck, the Swiss ambassador

in Romania, in Hâncu (ed.), Confidential, 51. 157 ANR, MJ-DJ 114/1941, vol. I, pp. 97–101. 158 Ibid., 99. 159 ANR, MJ-DJ 114/1941, vol. II, pp. 39–40. 160 ANR, MJ-DJ 114/1941, vol. I, p. 193.

Notes 213

Chapter 3

1 See the Decree Law “for the Establishment of National Romanianization Center” no. 1216 of 3 May 1941, published in Monitorul Oficial no 102 of 3 May 1941, in Ghimpa et al. (eds.), Codul de Românizare, 30–43.

2 Pana, Nascut la 02, p. 641. 3 ANR, SSRCI- D. Contencios (DC), 12/1941, p. 41. 4 ANR, MEN-DS, 22/1941, pp. 25–29. 5 See her interview in Uwe Lehners, Karin Gundisch and Alexandru Murat

Mironov (eds.), Trasee ale memoriei: Biografii de tineri din România. Amintiri dupa cincizeci de ani (Bucuresti: ADZ, 2003), 73–75.

6 For the numerous Ministry of Finance investigations of CNR activity see ANR, MF-CSIS 277/1941; 278/1941; 279/1941; 280/1941.

7 ANR, MF-CSIS 280/1941, pp. 86–88. 8 Ordinary Bucuresteni believed that Romanianization agents (from OCR)

got their jobs through “protection,” even though they had little educa-tion. See the interview with Eduard Korn in Rostas (ed.), Chipurile orasului, 146–147.

9 See, for instance, the case uncovered by a Ministry of Finance investigation at CNR, where a clerk managed to appoint her brother as custodian of an expropriated Jewish factory, with a good salary. ANR, MF-CSIS 279/1941, pp. 47–50.

10 See, for instance, ANR, SSRCI–D. Contabilitate (Cont.) 2/1941, p. 53; 3/1941, pp. 13, 26; MMSOS 584/1943 vol. II, p. 175.

11 ANR, SSRCI-D. Cont. 2/1941, p. 53. 12 ANR, PCM-SSI 93/1941, pp. 28–37. 13 Ibid., 45. 14 Ibid., 43–44; 50–51. 15 ANR, PCM-SSI 93/1941, pp. 43–44. 16 According to Sabin Manuila, head of the Central Statistics Institute,

Zwiedeneck joined the local German Ethnic Grup (GEG), the Nazi-style organization of local ethnic Germans during the Antonescu regime. See the 21 October 1944 government meeting minutes, Marcel Dumitru Ciuca (ed.), Stenogramele Sedintelor Consiliului de Ministrii: Guvernarea Constantin Sanatescu, vol. II (Bucuresti: Saeculum, 2012), 51.

17 Iancu (ed.), Shoah in România, 169; on the career of Zwiedeneck, see also Trasca and Deletant (eds.), Al III-lea Reich, 297.

18 ANR, MF-CSIS 279.1941, p. 56. 19 De Weck’s report to Berne of 28 November 1941, in Hâncu (ed.),

Confidential, 39. 20 See Trasca and Deletant (eds.), Al III-lea Reich, 297. 21 ANR, PCM-SSI, 121/1939, pp. 248–249. 22 See the Decree Law no. 692 of 6 March 1942, for the Reorganization of

National Romanianization Center, in Ghimpa et al. (eds.), Codul de Românizare, 64–82.

23 See Timpul, 27 August 1942. 24 See the diary entry from 22 March 1943 in Hudita, Jurnal: 1 februarie 1943–

31 decembrie 1943, p. 129. 25 ANR, MF-CSIS 278/1942, pp. 2–3.

214 Notes

26 Antonescu blamed Dragos not only for the disorganization and failures of SSRCI, but also for intentionally refusing to implement his directives on how to improve the efficiency of Romanianization (“sabotage”). Antonescu appointed Ovidiu Vladescu as the head of SSRCI because, as the chief of the Prime Minister Chancellery, Vladescu was familiar with the problems sur-rounding Romanianization and colonization. See the 8 December 1943 gov-ernment meeting minute, in Ciuca and Ignat (eds.), Stenogramele, vol. IX, pp. 598–601.

27 See, for instance, the diary of General Radu R Rosetti, an official of the Anto-nescu government, who recorded in his diary (15 April 1943) the meeting with one of his colleagues, General Dobre, the head of MEN. Dobre was outraged by the dishonesty of his subordinates. Rosetti, Pagini de jurnal, 223, 228–229.

28 ANR, MEN-DS 22/1941, pp. 25–29. 29 ANR, MF-CSIS 280/1941, p. 50. 30 ANR, MEN-DS 55/1940, pp. 2, 5, 9; MEN-DS 15/1940, pp. 35, 52–53. 31 See Monitorul Oficial no. 207 of 7 September 1940. 32 Honciuc-Beldiman (ed.), Statul National-Legionar, 195–198. 33 ANR, MEN-DS 79/1941, p. 81. 34 ANR, MEN-DS 79/1941, pp. 18–35; SSRCI-DLE 35, pp. 1–39. 35 ANR, MJ-DJ 117/1941, p. 37; MJ-DJ 119/1942; MEN-DS 34/1940, pp. 1–58;

SSRCI-D Control (Ctr.), 1/1940, pp. 1–2; for more details on Romanian-Hungarian tensions during World War II, see Case, Between States.

36 Benjamin (ed.), Legislatia antievreiasca, 68–69. 37 Sima Era libertatii, vol. 1, 187, 193, 195, 198–201. 38 Emil Dorian, The Quality of Witness: A Romanian Diary 1937–1944 (Philadel-

phia: The Jewish Publication Society of America, 1982), 143; for the Roma-nian version, see Dorian, Jurnal, 151; see also Carp, Cartea Neagra, 74, 103, 123, 147–148.

39 Theodor Cazaban, Captiv în lumea libera: Thedor Cazaban în dialog cu Cristian Badilita (Cluj: Echinox, 2002), 63–64.

40 ANR, MEN-DS 79/1941, pp. 18–32. 41 Ibid., 58. 42 ANR, MEN-Oficiul de Studii si Documentare (OSD), 12/1941, pp. 62–64. 43 See MAE memo from 23 May 1941 informing the Ministry of Justice that

Romania’s retaliations worked and Hungary asked (5 May 1941) for a recip-rocal removal of controllers appointed to companies owned by each other’s nationals. ANR, MJ-DJ 117/1941, p. 37. Antonescu abolished control inspec-tors appointed to Hungarian-owned companies through Law no. 489 of 31 May 1941. See ANR, SSRCI-D. Românizarii (R) 8/1941, pp. 4–5; see, for instance, the 23 June 1942 minute of the Commission for the Preparation of the Peace Conference at the End of World War II (the Peace Bureau), in Petre Otu (ed.), Pacea de Mâine: Documente ale Comisiei Constituite în Vederea Pregatirii Conferintei De Pace De Dupa Cel De-al Doilea Razboi Mondial 1942–1944 (Bucuresti: Editura Militara, 2006), 139–141. Later, in August 1942, Mihai Antonescu considered Hungary’s continuance of its campaign against ethnic Romanians’ companies in Northern Transylvania and advocated for further retaliation against Hungarian-owned businesses in Romania. Otu (ed.), Pacea de Mâine, 309–312.

44 ANR, MEN-DS 79/1941, pp. 8–9.

Notes 215

45 ANR, MEN-DS 79/1941, pp. 42–43. 46 ANR, SSRCI-DLE, 6/1942, pp. 6–10. By March 1943, SSRCI appointed

149 Romanianization controllers at various companies. SSRCI-DLE 35, pp. 46–56.

47 ANR, MEN-DS 69/1941, pp. 44–53; MEN-DS 70/1941, pp. 10–15. 48 ANR, MEN-DS 5/1940, pp. 187–189. 49 Ion Dumitrescu-Borsa, Cal troian intra muros: Memorii legionare (Bucuresti:

Lucman, 2002), 363. 50 For instance, the Hungarian and British shareholders of Ardeleana Bank

were so pleased with its Romanianization commissar’s efforts to conserve its assets and save the Jewish employees from Romanianization of labor, they made him director of its Romanian branch. See Niculescu (ed.), Un mar-tor . . . Ghilezean, 58–59; see also, Dumitrescu-Borsa, Cal troian intra muros, 364–367.

51 ANR, MEN-DS 48/1940, pp. 58–62. 52 ANR, MJ-DJ 124/1941, pp. 245–246; MEN-DS 79/1941, pp. 8–9; MEN-DS

40/1941; MEN-DS 41/1941. 53 See ANR, MEN-DS 65/1941; MEN-DS 79/1941; SSRCI-DCIC 6/1944, pp. 1–2;

SSRCI-DLE 12/1942, p. 41; MJ-DJ 123/1941, pp. 173–176. 54 See the complaint of SSRCI-DOPCI against previous Romanianization

appointments and special commissars and control inspectors that were made without its participation. ANR, SSRCI-D. Contabilitate 3/1941, p. 4; see also SSRCI-DR 3/1940, p. 25.

55 ANR, MEN-DS, 55/1940, p. 9. 56 ANR, MEN-DS 79/1941, pp. 68, 81. 57 ANR, MEN-DEI, 48/1941, p. 4. 58 ANR, SSRCI-DLE 18/1942, pp. 25–30. 59 ANR, SSRCI-DLE 12/1942, pp. 4–7, 15–19, 32–38. 60 Building managers were a controversial category of gentile participants in

Holocaust persecutions, including dispossession of the Jews, in other Axis countries as well. For the role of the superintendents of Budapest yellow star houses, see Máté Rigó, Ordinary Women and Men: Superintendents and Jews in Budapest Yellow Star Houses in 1944–1945, in Urban History 40–1 (2013): 71–91.

61 See article no. 43 of Law 692 of 6 March 1942, in Ghimpa et al. (eds.), Codul de românizare, 78.

62 See, for instance, the case recorded by Alice Voinescu in her diary on 1 April 1942. Alice Voinescu, Jurnal (Bucuresti: Albatros, 1997), 374.

63 Banus, Sub camuflaj, 55–56. 64 Ibid., 56. 65 Banus, Sub camuflaj, 56. 66 Ibid., 57. 67 Ibid., 60–61. 68 ANR, SSRCI-Directia Corpul Inspectorilor de Control, 6/1944, p. 12. 69 Ibid., 86–88. 70 ANR, PCM-SSI 90/1941, pp. 40, 164–165; ACG 113, pp. 6, 10–13. 71 ANR, PCM-SSI 90/1941, pp. 164–165. 72 ANR, SSRCI-DLE 35, pp. 1–56. 73 ANR,SSRCI- D. Contab. 3/1941, pp. 50–53. 74 Zane’s reticence to discuss this topic is understandable: he wrote his mem-

oirs during the communist regime, in the 1960s, after serving a six-year

216 Notes

political sentence. Despite omissions in his memoirs, Zane could not escape his past: his name was recorded on the official lists of the Economic Com-missars, and a PNT colleague, Ioan Hudita, mentioned in his diary this aspect of Zane’s World War II activity. While Zane was silent about his role as Romanianization field agent, he mentioned the abuses perpetrated by two of his (rival) fellow professors from the same university during the Romanianization of businesses and real estate. Zane, Memorii, 74–75, 78–79.

75 Trasca and Deletant (eds.), Al III-lea Reich, 385. 76 ANR, MEN-DS, 79/1941, pp. 18–35. 77 ANR, MEN-DDI 26/1941, p. 19. 78 ANR, MEN-DS 40/1941; MEN-DS 41/1941. 79 See SSRCI’s activity report for September–November 1940, PCM-Cabinet

Militar (CM) vol. II (19401–944), 31/1940, pp. 2–14. 80 Mihai Rautu and Emil Ghilezean worked as Romanianization commissars

and Gheorghe Zane as economic commissar. As all political parties were for-bidden during the Antonescu regime, Zane and other PNT members adopted a lower political profile and stayed away from their former party colleagues who opposed Antonescu. See Ioan Hudita, Jurnal politic: 25 august 1944–3 noiembrie 1944 (Pitesti: Paralela 45, 2006), 237, 242, 314–315; Hudita, Jurnal politic 7 decembrie 1944 – 6 martie 1945, pp. 341, 370–371; Hudita, Jurnal politic: 9 februarie 1941–24 iunie 1941, pp. 137–147; Niculescu (ed.), Un martor al istoriei: Emil Ghilezean, 58–61; according to the diary records of Hudita, in February 1943, Antonescu blamed PNT leaders (friends and rela-tives of Iuliu Maniu) for profiting as “nationalization commissars in com-panies confiscated by the state.” Hudita, Jurnal politic: 1 februarie 194331 decembrie 1943, p. 70.

81 After the death of their leader, Corneliu Zelea Codreanu (November 1938), two main factions fought for supremacy within the Iron Guard. While the first one was lead by a young radical teacher, Horia Sima, who in principle refused any “compromises” with those guilty of the death of their leader and was thus more inclined to avenge him, the second one grouped around Ion Codreanu, the father of the slain leader, who appeared more willing to negotiate with opposing political forces. In the end, Sima’s faction took control of the Iron Guard and ruled it until their demise during the Janu-ary 1941 Rebellion. See Heinen, Legiunea; Clark, European fascists and local activists.

82 Dumitrescu-Borsa, Cal troian intra-muros, 363–367; see also Voinescu, Jurnal, 374; MEN-DS 17/1940, p. 140.

83 ANR, MEN-DS 53/1940, p. 32. 84 Niculescu (ed.), Un martor al istoriei: Emil Ghilezean, 58–59, 92. 85 Ungureanu, Prin labirintul vietii, 78–87. 86 Dumitrescu-Borsa, Cal troian intra muros, 362–367. 87 See Armand Gosu, “Ghita Ionescu despre Nicolae Titulescu,” in Despre

Comunism si Holocaust: Anuarul Institutului Român de Istorie Recenta, no. 1 (2002), pp. 321–322.

88 Sebastian, Jurnal, 365. 89 Ionescu’s job at SSRCI required him to investigate thoroughly the workings

of oil companies. It fell to him to find out “who were the real shareholders and managers, the raw materials supplies owned by the company, the num-ber of employees and their citizenship and ethnic origin,” and so on. This

Notes 217

probably offered great opportunities for extra income. For one of Ionescu’s assignments at Venus Oil Company in Bucharest in March 1941 see ANR, MEN-DS 15/1940, p. 58.

90 Sebastian, Journal, 387–388. 91 Sebastian, Journal, 443, 445. 92 See, for instance, SSRCI-Directia Control (DC), 64/1941; MEN-DS 20/1940;

MEN-DS 22/1940; MEN-DS 40/1941; MEN-DS 50/1940; MEN-DS 53/1940; MEN-DS 41/1941; MEN-DS 79/1941.

93 ANR, MEN 40/1941; 41/1941; SSRCI-D Ctr., 1/1940, p. 43. 94 ANR, SSRCI-DLE, 12/1942, pp. 32–38. 95 ANR, SSRCI-D Ctr. 64, pp. 16, 18; SSRCI D Ctr. 1/1940, pp. 31–32. 96 ANR, SSRCI-D Conta. 7/1941, p. 33; MEN-DOPCI 89/1941; MEN-DS

50/1940. Many ethnic Romanians sought to dodge their draft orders, including offering bribes to military authorities, to avoid serving on the Soviet front. See, for instance, the interview with Ilie Georgescu in Rostás and Stoica (eds.), Istorie la firul ierbii: Documente sociale orale, 29; Dumitru Amzar, Jurnal Berlinez (Bucuresti: România Press, 2005), 295; Calomfirescu, Memorii, 362; Radulescu-Zoner, A fost un destin, 129; ANB, LJB 14/1936, p. 28; LJB 114/1943, p. 66; ANR, PCM-SR 27/1944, pp. 38, 58–59.

97 See the article “Contra falsilor inspectori de românizare,” Viata, no. 485, (23 August 1942), 5.

98 Argetoianu, Însemnari zilnice, vol. X, pp. 535–536. 99 ANR, MEN-DOPCI 79/1941, pp. 5–15. 100 ANR, SSRCI-D. Contencios 12/1941, pp. 189–191. 101 See, for instance, the case when Antonescu ordered his chancellery to

warn an officer (Colonel Soimu), whose complaint that CNR distributed a Jewish apartment he wanted was published in another newspaper, that “for personal problems, he should have not complained to a newspaper.” PCM-SSI 93/1941, pp. 13–14; see also Rosetti, Pagini de jurnal, 189; PCM-SSI 121/1939, pp. 229–230.

102 See the minutes of 16 July 1942 of the Press and Propaganda section of the Peace Bureau, in Otu (ed.), Pacea de mâine, 204.

103 ANR, MF-CSIS, 277/1941, p. 2. 104 Pericle Martinescu, Uraganul istoriei: pagini de jurnal intim: anul 1940

(Constanta: Ex Ponto, 2005), 204, 241. 105 Martinescu, Uraganul istoriei . . . 1940, p. 184. 106 ANR, MEN-DCI 60/1944, pp. 97–126. 107 See the SSRCI activity report from April 1944. ANR, SSRCI-D Control

73/1941, pp. 9–13; on the disorganization of Romanian economy and bureaucracy in spring 1944, see the 27 May 1944 report of French diplomat Vyau Lagarde to Vichy, in Stan, Relatiile Franco-Române, 261–262.

108 ANR, SSRCI-DLE 12/1942, pp. 4–9. 109 ANR, SSRCI-D. Contab. 3/1941, p. 89. 110 After the April 1944 bombardment, SSRCI delayed the payment of salaries

to its employees. See the 8 May 1944 government meeting minute, in Ciuca and Ignat (eds.), Stenogramele, vol. XI, pp. 46–47.

111 ANR, SSRCI-D. Control 73, pp. 18–19. 112 See the interview with Ianuli Anghelichi, a former CNR employee, in Leh-

ners, Gundisch, and Mironov (eds.), Trasee ale memoriei, 75. Despite its illus-trious name, Alexandria was a small town in Teleorman county, located

218 Notes

90 kilometers southwest of Bucharest, which received publicity during the 1940s for its widespread tuberculosis (TB) epidemic. After his 1943 visit, Antonescu described Teleorman county as “a paradise full of TB” and Alex-andria as having “the highest percentage of TB . . . where people die like the flies because of TB.” See the minute of the government meeting of 15 October 1943 in Ciuca and Ignat (eds.), Stenogramele, vol. IX, pp. 459–460.

113 ANR, SSRCI-D. Control 73, pp. 18–19. 114 See the petition of a former CNR building manager, a MEN civil servant and

a law graduate now retired, who requested to be rehired by SSRCI because his pension was insufficient even to buy enough food. ANR, SSRCI-D. Contab. 2/1941, p. 109.

115 ANR, MMSOS 584/1943, vol. II, p. 132. 116 ANR, MMSOS 406/1944, vol. II, pp. 170–180; MMSOS 407/1944, vol. I,

pp. 14–16.

Chapter 4

1 I discuss Romanianization bureaucrats and Romanianizers separately, as two main categories of profiteers, in Chapters 3 and 4.

2 ANR, MEN-DS 41/1940, pp. 11–12; MEN-DS 50/1940, p. 7. 3 Sebastian, Journal, 337; for the Romanian version, see Sebastian, Jurnal, 319. 4 Martinescu, Uraganul istoriei . . . 1940, p. 207. 5 Ibid., 207. 6 But not everybody welcomed the expropriation of Jewish property. Dorian

recorded in his diary (9 April 1941) that some upper-middle-class ethnic Romanians “did not receive [the expropriation law] with satisfaction, knowing that such an upheaval would affect them as well . . . [for them,] this act means the beginning of communism.” Dorian, Jurnal, 162.

7 From her diary, it is unclear if Voinescu wanted a CNR house for ownership or for cheap rent. Either way, Voinescu’s situation would have matched that of nearly all beneficiaries of the Romanianization of real estate because in Bucharest the Antonescu regime failed to implement the second stage of the Romanianization of houses (the distribution as ownership to deserving citizens), and nearly all the profiteers of the process occupied former Jewish homes as tenants of CNR.

8 Nicoale Malaxa was an opportunistic, rich industrialist: in the 1930s, he belonged to the inner circle of King Carol II, in fall of 1940 he joined the Iron Guard, and after the war he jumped into the communists’ boat and later emigrated to the US.

9 Voinescu, Jurnal, 455. 10 See her constant worry, during the war and postwar time, about not owning

a house. Ibid., 315, 481, 489. 11 For more details of the history of ACG, see the report on its first 20 years

of activity (“Asociatia Cercurilor de Gospodine. Dare de seama a activitatii societatii: 3 aprilie 1920–31 martie 1940”), in Mihailescu (ed.), Din istoria feminismului românesc, 353–358.

12 ANR, ACG 113/1942, pp. 3, 18. 13 ANR, ACG 113/1942, pp. 1–2.

Notes 219

14 Ibid., p. 2. 15 ANR, MF-CSIS 278/1941, pp. 47–50. 16 Ibid., pp. 47–50. 17 See MEN’s internal instructions adopted in January 1941. ANR, MEN-DDPI

32/1941, pp. 1, 19. 18 Banus, Sub camuflaj, 111–112. 19 ANR, SSRCI- D. Contab. 3/1941, p. 6. 20 See, for instance, ANR, MEN-DOPCI 79/1941, pp. 5–15. 21 Ungureanu, Prin labirintul vietii, 102–103. 22 Ioan Hudita, Jurnal Politic: 1 februarie 1943–31 decembrie 1943 (Bucuresti,

Comunicare.ro, 2010), 95, 145. 23 For more details on the activity of SONFR, see Mihailescu (ed.), Din isto-

ria feminismului românesc, 35–36, 67–69, 225–231; on the interwar activity of SONFR, especially in the field of commemoration of Romania’s role in World War I, see Bucur, Heroes and Victims, 98–143.

24 ANR, SONFR 79/1941, p. 3. 25 ANR, SONFR 79/1941, p. 7. 26 ANR, SSRCI-D. Contab. 3/1941, pp. 19–21. 27 Ibid., 19–21. 28 Trei ani de guvernare, 146. 29 Benjamin (ed.), Legislatia antievreiasca, 213. 30 See, for instance, SSRCI’s answer to SONFR’s request to buy a Jewish build-

ing. “We cannot sell you the building you have requested yet, because there is still uncertainty about its legal status.” ANR, SONFR 79/1941, p. 10.

31 ANR, MEN-DOPCI 65/1941, pp. 35–36. 32 ANR, SSRCI-DC 35/1942, pp. 85–94. 33 ANR, SSRCI-DC 35/1942, pp. 95–99. 34 See, for instance, the newspapers Evenimentul (27 July 1943); Curentul (27

July 1943); Viata (1 August 1943); Rapid (no. 555 of 28 July 1943); Poporul (29 July 1943); România Viitoare (22 August 1943). ANR, MEN-DRI 37/1940, pp. 8–11.

35 ANR, MEN-DRI 37/1940, pp. 4–5. 36 ANR, MEN-DRI 37/1940, p. 6. 37 Ibid., 12, 13. 38 Ibid., 13. 39 Ibid., 3. 40 ANR, MEN-DS 63/1941, pp. 195–196; MEN-DDI 48/1941, pp. 42–56; MEN-

DOPSF 23/1941, p. 140; MEN-DOPCI 72/1941, p. 70; MEN-DDI 48/1941, pp. 25–26, 42.

41 See ANB, LJB 79/1942, pp. 13–14; ANR, MEN-DOPCI 5/1941, p. 6; PCM-SSI 121/1939, pp. 19–22; Bagdasar, Note autobiografice, 275; Hudita, Jurnal: 1 ianuarie 1944–24 august 1944, p. 354.

42 MEN-DDI 48/1941, pp. 25–26, 42. 43 MEN-DDI, 48–1941, pp. 25–26. 44 ANR, MEN-DS 63/1941, pp. 195–196. 45 ANR, PCM-SSI 173/1941, p. 481. 46 MEN-Directia Dezvoltarii Industriale (DCI) 48/1941, pp. 1–2. 47 Similar strategies existed among Aryanizers from other East European satel-

lites of Nazi Germany. As Martin Dean noted, in Slovakia, Nazi observers

220 Notes

complained about the behavior of “lazy” Slovak Aryanizers, who “simply extracted the capital from companies for personal benefit and allowed them to go bankrupt, leaving taxes unpaid.” Dean, Robbing the Jews, 320.

48 ANB, LJB 14/1936, p. 45. 49 While Romanianization laws stipulated that citizens who already owned a

house were ineligible to receive a CNR apartment, in practice this rule was often disregarded. For instance, Antonescu blamed Transylvanian ethnic Romanian refugees settled in Bucharest for acquiring Romanianized assets from CNR even though they owned real estate in and outside the capital. See the 8 December 1943 government meeting minutes, in Ciuca and Ignat (eds.), Stenogramele, vol. IX, pp. 606, 618–619.

50 ANR, MJ-DJ 110/1944, p. 106. 51 ANR, SSRCI- Directia Drepturilor Statului (DDS), 453/1941, pp. 49–50. 52 ANR, Fondul Personal Anton Alexandrescu (FPAA), f 208, p. 542. 53 ANR, PCM-SSI 132/1942, pp. 47–50, 59–60. 54 ANR, MJ-DJ 4/1942, vol. I, pp. 44–51. 55 ANR, MEN-DOPSF 2/1941; MEN-DCI 16/1940, pp. 214, 223–224; MEN-DCI

17/1940, pp. 130, 178, 215; PCM-SSI 96/1941, pp. 3, 70. 56 ANR, MEN-DOPCI 80/1942, pp. 273–274; MEN-DOPSF 4/1941, pp. 1–10;

MEN-DCI 78/1940, p. 8; MEN-DOP 1/1940, pp. 327–329; MEN-DS 67/1941, p. 59.

57 ANR, MJ-DJ 127/1941, p. 88. 58 ANR, SSRCI- Directia Contencios (D Contec) 12/1941, pp. 1–5. 59 ANR, PCM-SSI 90/1941, pp. 43–49. 60 Ibid., 41–42. 61 ANR, MJ-DJ, 127/1941, p. 158. 62 ANR, MJ-DJ 110/1944, pp. 49–56. 63 ANR, MJ-DJ 97/1943, p. 22. 64 ANR, MF-CSIS 414/1942, pp. 10–25. 65 See, for instance, the memoirs of Radu Lecca, Antonescu’s Commissioner for

the Jewish Question, who supervised Centrala Evreilor and the distribution of work permits allowing Jews to keep their jobs and avoid Romanianization of employment. Lecca accused high army officials of extorting huge profits from the Jews to allow them to keep their positions and thus avoid deporta-tion. In fact, he did the same. Because Lecca wrote his memoirs at the request of communist officials while he served a sentence for his role in the imple-mentation of Antonescu’s antisemitic policy, his hostility towards army gen-erals, who were his competitors in robbing the Jews, probably comes from his attempt to deflect responsibility for the persecution (including extortion of money) of Jews. Radu Lecca, Eu i-am salvat pe evreii din România (Bucuresti: Roza Vânturilor, 1994); see also PCM-SSI 115/1939, pp. 57–59.

66 ANR, MMSOS, 80/1943, p. 4. 67 Ibid., 5. 68 Ibid., 25, 29. 69 ANR, MMSOS 80/1943, p. 27. 70 ANR, ACG, 113/1942, p. 2. 71 ANR, SONFR 79.1941, pp. 3–19. 72 Ibid., 10–19. 73 ANR, Consiliul de Patronaj 1/1941, pp. 72–74. 74 ANR, MMSOS 80/1943, p. 11.

Notes 221

75 Ibid., 22. 76 Ibid., 16, 25, 28. CNR awarded the Krainic villa to MMSOS but, between the

moment of signing the lease and the time when MMSOS wanted to move in, the judicial executor of Bucharest Court returned the building to its former Jewish owner.

77 See Law no. 625 of 9 March 1943 in Benjamin (ed.), Legislatia antievreiasca, 231–241.

78 Ibid., 231–241. 79 See the Argetoianu’s diary record from 4 September 1942. Argetoianu,

Însemnari, vol. X, p. 510. 80 ANR, PCM-SSI, 94/1941, vol. II, pp. 204–205.

Chapter 5

1 See Tudor Georgescu, “Pursuing the Fascist Promise: The Transylvanian Sax-ons ‘Self-Help’ from Genesis to Empowerment, 1922–1935,” In Pyrah and Turda (eds.), Re-Contextualizing East Central European History, 55–73; Vasile Ciobanu, Contributii la cunoasterea istoriei sasilor transilvaneni (Sibiu: Hora, 2001), 159–264.

2 After several interventions from Nazi leaders requesting Antonescu to allow local ethnic Germans to enroll in Wermacht and Waffen SS Antonescu agreed, and in May 1943 Romania and Germany signed a convention. As a result, more than 60,000 ethnic Germans from Romania joined various Nazi military units and Germany’s war industry. Dumitru Sandru, Reforma agrara din 1945 si taranimea germana din România (Bucuresti: Institutul National pentru Studiul Totalitarismului, 2009), 28–31.

3 The formalities of “voluntary repatriation” of local ethnic Germans from Romania – identification of people, assessment of properties and transpor-tation – had been conducted by a special office of the German Legation in Romania called DAS. See Solonari, Purifying the Nation, 110–111.

4 These former German properties were, for the most part, distributed to ethnic Romanian refugees from Bulgaria who could not be accommodated with the properties of ethnic Bulgarians expelled from Romania after the Bulgarian-Romanian population exchange agreement. See Solonari, Purify-ing the Nation, 110–111; Dumitru Sandru, Miscari de populatie in România 1940–1944 (Bucuresti: Editura Enciclopedica, 2003); Bancos, Social si National, 107–117; 189–214.

5 For instance, Radu R Rosetti, the minister of national education, culture, and arts, in 1941 believed that, just as the “departure of the Jews would be a great thing . . . The departure of Saxonen, Schwaben, and other Germans would allow us to implement a new land reform [in favor of ethnic Roma-nian peasants] with the German land,” but worried that such a measure would require systematic studies and a national consensus of all Romani-ans. Rosetti, Jurnal, 106–107.

6 AMB, LJB 14/1936, p. 24; ANR, PCM-SSI, 10/1939, pp. 35–36, 40–42. 7 See articles 9 and 10 from the Decree Law for the Romanianization of (Pri-

vate) Companies’ Personnel, Zotta (ed.), Decret Lege pentru Românizarea Per-sonalului din Întreprinderi, 6–7.

8 ANR, MEN-DOPCI 86/1941, pp. 27–28.

222 Notes

9 MEN’s secret directive no. 149381/1941 adopted restrictions against all ethnic minority entrepreneurs except Germans and Italians. Initially valid until December 1941, they were extended gradually to the end of 1944. ANR, MEN-Directia Organizarii Profesionale Serviciul Firme (DOPSF) 1/1940, p. 318; MEN-DS 66/1941, pp. 13–14; MEN-DOPSF 1/1940, p. 328.

10 As sociologist Jan Gross noted, the collaboration with (or occupation by) Nazi Germany led to a significant growth of industry and agriculture in all Central Eastern European countries. See Jan Gross, “Teme pentru o istorie sociala a experientei razboiului si a colaborationismului,“ in Istvan Deak, Jan Gross, and Tony Judt (eds.), Procese în Europa: Al doilea razboi mondial si consecintele lui (Bucuresti: Curtea Veche, 2003), 34–36.

11 See Haynes, Romanian Policy Towards Germany; Hitchins, România, 431–436; Friling, Ioanid, and Ionescu (eds.), Final Report, 57–60.

12 See Hillgruber, Hitler, Regele Carol si Maresalul Antonescu; Florian Banu, Asalt asupra economiei Romaniei. De la Solagra la Sovrom: 1936–1956 (Bucuresti: Nemira, 2004); Hitchins, România, 453–454; ANR, SSRCI-DC, 23/1942, 24/1942; for the expansion of German corporation IG Farben into Roma-nian industry and agriculture, see Peter Hayes, Industry and Ideology: IG Far-ben in the Nazi Era (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), 255, 298–315; Ciobanu, Contributii, 134–7, 156–8.

13 Aryanization, in its broadest sense, was the transfer of Jewish wealth mainly to private “Aryan” entrepreneurs and to the Nazi state, which often took place in the context of a growing official pressure on German Jews. Some scholars distinguish Aryanization, in its narrow sense (operating in the first years of the Nazi regime in favor of individual Aryan entrepreneurs), from confiscation (transferring Jewish wealth to the German state that took place from late 1930s on). When Nazi Germany started to expand throughout Europe in the late 1930s, it exported its policy of Aryanization in order to plunder Jews in conquered states. For the Nazis, any project of dispossess-ing the Jews was a legitimate form of Aryanization from which they felt entitled to benefit. In Central-Eastern Europe, however, the Nazis encoun-tered the opposition of their Axis allies and satellites, who resented German interference in the robbery of local Jews in what they saw not as German Aryanization enterprises, but as nationalization projects that should have only benefited their national communities. See Dean, Robbing the Jews.

14 See Ciobanu, Contributii, 136; Hâncu (ed.), Confidential, 21; Zane, Memorii, 73. 15 Nazi diplomats in Romania had pressured German companies and Roma-

nian officials to eliminate Jews from local economy since the late 1930s, during the Carol II regime. Friling, Ioanid, and Ionescu (eds.), Final Report, 59; for IG Farben’s policy of firing its Jewish employees working for its Romanian and other foreign branches at the pressure of Nazi officials in Berlin, see Hayes, Industry and Ideology, 198–199.

16 ANR, MEN-Directia Comertului Interior (DCI), 83/1940, p. 33. 17 ANR, MEN-DOPCI, 48/1941, pp. 5–6. 18 ANR, MEN-DOPCI, 48/1941, pp. 5–6. 19 Ibid., 8. 20 Trasca and Deletant (eds.), Al III-lea Reich, 385–387. See also Cristian Scarlat

(ed.), Diplomati Germani la Bucuresti 1937–1944: Din memoriile dr. Rolf Pusch si Gerhard Stelzer (Bucuresti: ALL, 2001).

Notes 223

21 Matei Gall, Eclipsa (Bucuresti: Du Style, 1997), 268–269; Iancu (ed.), Shoah, 168–169; Hâncu (ed.), Confidential, 25, 35–36.

22 Gall, Eclipsa, 268–269. 23 SSRCI received many applications from ethnic Germans who requested

Jewish properties and businesses not only in Banat and Transylvania, but also in the Old Kingdom. See the memo of the head of SSRCI, General Zwiedeneck, of September 1941. Trasca and Deletant (eds.), Al III-lea Reich, 283–286, 298–299.

24 Ibid., 298–299. 25 Their actions were not a novelty for German-Romanian relations. German

diplomats in Romania had protested against proto-Romanianization meas-ures since the mid-1930s, afraid that the protectionist legislation adopted at that time might have harmed the interests of local ethnic Germans, who were one of Romania’s largest minoritites. See Friling, Ioanid, and Ionescu (eds.), Final Report, 59.

26 Trasca and Deletant (eds.), Al III-lea Reich, 297. 27 GEG also asked the German embassy and the German Foreign Affairs Min-

istry to support their claims of participating in Romanianization. Ibid., 281–286; 297–299; 385–387. As Tatjana Tonsmeyer noted, the German minority in Slovakia also complained that the Tiso government prevented them from getting their share of the expropriated Jewish assets. Tonsmeyer, The Rob-bery of Jewish Property, 84–85.

28 Trasca and Deletant (eds.), Al III-lea Reich, 298. 29 According to Law no. 3361 of 4 October 1940, MEN had the authority to

appoint a Romanianization commissar to any company. Empowered by vaguely defined limits, the commissar could dictate what products to make and sell; when to acquire raw materials; to which retailers to sell the prod-ucts, whom to hire or fire, and so on. The company was obliged to pay the commissar’s salary. As far as companies were concerned, the commissars trammeled their businesses and burdened their finances.

30 ANR, MEN-DS, 47/1940, p. 39. 31 ANR, MEN-DOPSF 23/1941, pp. 129–134. 32 ANR, MEN-DOPSF, 23/1941, pp. 140, 143; MEN-DCI, 83/1940, p. 98. 33 See Hillgruber, Hitler, Regele Carol si Maresalul Antonescu, 280. 34 See the secret cable sent to the German Foreign Affairs Ministry (August

1941) by Manfred von Killinger (head of German legation in Bucharest) and Hermann Neubacher (the special appointee for economic problems in Romania), Trasca and Deletant (eds.), Al III-lea Reich, 249–250.

35 See Hillgruber, Hitler, Regele Carol si Maresalul Antonescu, 280. 36 See Reinhard Heydrich’s letter of 23 August 1941 to Martin Luther in Trasca

and Deletant (eds.), Al III-lea Reich, 276–278. 37 See the Report no. Be 202/43 by Manfred von Killinger to the German For-

eign Affairs Minister in Berlin, Trasca and Dennis Deletant (eds.), Al III-lea Reich, 637–638.

38 Orchestrated by Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy, the Second Vienna Agreement (August 1940), through which Romania agreed to return Northern Transylvania to Hungary, stipulated that the German minority from both Romania and Hungary would enjoy equality of rights with members of the hegemon nations and the ability to create their own

224 Notes

political oraganizations, such as the GEG in Romania. Case, Between States.

39 Ibid., 634–639. 40 Ibid., 638. 41 See Dorian, Jurnal, 319–320, 323. 42 See the 20 April 1943 government meeting minutes, in Ciuca and Ignat

(eds.), Stenogramele, vol. IX, p. 185; see also Idem, Stenogramele, vol. V, p. 501. 43 See the Report no. Be 202/43 by Manfred von Killinger, to the German for-

eign affairs minister in Berlin, in Trasca and Deletant (eds.), Al III-lea Reich, 640–641.

44 See Ancel, The History of the Holocaust in Romania, 177. 45 See Heinen, România, Holocaustul si logica violentei, 56. 46 See Tonsmeyer, The Robbery of Jewish Property, 81–96. 47 See Antonescu’s letter of 23 June 1941 to Iuliu Maniu, the leader of the

National Peasant Party, in Calafeteanu (ed.), Iuliu Maniu-Ion Antonescu, 54. 48 Calafeteanu (ed.), Iuliu Maniu-Ion Antonescu, 55; see also the comments

(and the satisfaction: “That is an excellent measure, because [Germans] were about to buy everything from us, and especially from the Jews”) of Constantin Argetoianu, a former politician, after the government lim-ited German expansion in Romanian economy. Constantin Argetoianu, Însemnari zilnice, vol. IX (Bucuresti: Machiavelli, 2009), 484; Idem, vol. X, pp. 312–313.

49 ANR, Fondul Personal Nicolae Caranfil, file 472, pp. 1–3. 50 Ibid., 1–3. 51 Friedman, Expropriation in international law, 31. 52 See Hillgruber, Hitler, Regele Carol si Maresalul Antonescu, 193. 53 See ANR, SSRCI-DC 24/1942, pp.1–118; 23/1942, pp. 1–65; MEN-DS

65/1941, p. 328. 54 Perhaps the chambers of commerce and the courts were not the most

appropriate institutions to conduct such a survey because, as the Bucharest court emphasized, many of the transactions could have been closed under “private signature,” without being registered to the public notaries attached to the courts. In this case, the local fiscal authorities would have been better suited to the task. ANR, SSRCI-DC, 24/1942, p. 36.

55 ANR, SSRCI-DC, 23/1942, pp. 14–15. 56 Ibid., 14–15; also ANR, MJ-DJ, 179/1942, pp. 4–5. 57 Assessing SSRCI’s work, the Ministry of Justice reached the same conclu-

sion, namely that registered German acquisitions underrepresented the economic reality. ANR, MJ-DJ 179/1942, pp. 4–5.

58 ANR, SSRCI-DC, 23/1942, pp. 1, 33. 59 Ibid., 12. 60 ANR, MEN-DS, 65/1941, p. 328. 61 ANR, MJ-DJ, 179/1942, pp. 4–5. 62 ANR, SSRCI-DC, 24/1942, pp. 37–39. 63 See, for instance, the observations of a US journalist who lived in Bucha-

rest from June 1940 to January 1941. Waldeck. Athénée Palace, 175–179, 241–244.

64 Viorel Trifa, Memorii (Cluj-Napoca: Limes, 2003), 15. 65 Nistor Chioreanu, Morminte vii (Iasi: Institutul European, 1992), 84.

Notes 225

66 Trifa, Memorii, 57. 67 Besides the military collaboration in the war against the Soviet Union

(which increased tensions between the two partners along with the grow-ing number of Romanian casualties on the Eastern front), the economic privileges enjoyed by Germans located in Romania were a major source of anti-German hostility. Thus, according to the Gendarmerie’s reports, the poor inhabitants of Bucharest blamed German soldiers for the rise in prices, for having better accommodation and food compared with Romanian sol-diers, dating beautiful local women, and so on. AMB, LJB 20/1938, p. 89; 61/1941, p.101; 66/1941, pp. 7–8; 77/1942, p. 175; for other reports on anti-German hostility based mainly on economic grounds see also Ioan Hudita, Jurnal politic: 22 iunie 1941–28 februarie 1942 (Bucuresti: Lucman, 2005), 81–82; idem, Jurnal Politic: 1 februarie 1943–31 decembrie 1943 (Bucuresti, Comunicare.ro, 2010), 170–171, 412; Martinescu, Uraganul istoriei. . . . anul 1940 (Constanta: Ex Ponto, 2005), 169–171; idem, Uraganul istoriei: pagini de jurnal intim 1941–1945 (Constanta: Ex Ponto, 2007), 264–265.

68 Ioan Hudita, Jurnal politic: 1 martie 1942–31 ianuarie 1943 (Bucuresti: Comu-nicare.ro, 2009), 223, 405–406.

69 See, for instance, the case recorded in N D Cocea’s diary: his former driver became a wealthy Bucharest entrepreneur by obtaining lucrative contracts to repair cars belonging to the German army. N D Cocea, Jurnal, 164–165.

70 See, for instance, ANR, Anton Alexandrescu Collection, file 246, pp. 7–8; Ioan Hudita, Jurnal politic: 1 februarie 1943–31 decembrie 1943 (Bucuresti: Comunicare.ro, 2010), 60–61; Cocea, Jurnal, 149.

71 ANR, MEN-DOPCI, 71/1941, pp. 76–77. 72 MEN bureaucrats buried the issue, arguing that they did not have the com-

petency to control the German army’s auctions. 73 ANR, MEN-DCI, 63/1940, p. 13. 74 ANR, MEN-DCI, 78/1940, pp. 14–16. 75 ANR, MEN-DS, 5/1940, pp. 132–189. 76 Ibid., 132–189. 77 See the 17 May 1941 report of René de Weck to Berne, in Hâncu (ed.),

Confidential, 26–27.

Chapter 6

1 Achim, Deportarea Tiganilor în Transnistria; Idem, Documente privind depor-tarea tiganilor în Transnistria; Idem, Tiganii in istoria României; Nastasa and Varga (eds.), Minoritati etnoculturale; Kelso, Cioaba, and Ioanid (eds.), Trage-dia romilor deportati în Transnistria.

2 Viorel Achim, “Tiganii din România în timpul celui de-al Doilea Razboi Mondial,” Revista istorica, 1–2, VIII (1997), 53–59. In a memo sent to PCM (July 1942), Sabin Manuila, the head of Central Statistics Institute (ICS), argued that the number of Roma was higher than the official data of the 1930 census because some Roma, wanting to avoid the stigma associated with Roma identity and benefiting from the complicity of local officials and the ambiguity created by “racial mixture,” registered as non-Roma; Idem, Documente, vol. I, pp. 53–55, 162–177. Ethnographer and statistician Ion

226 Notes

Chelcea also argued that the 1930 official census underestimated the num-ber of Roma because they “camouflaged themselves” among the local popu-lation. Ion Chelcea, Tiganii din România: Monografie etnografica (Bucuresti: Editura Institutului Central de Statistica, 1944), 63.

3 Achim, Deportarea Tiganilor în Transnistria, 127–128. 4 Achim (ed.), Documente, vol. I, pp. 53–55, 162–177. 5 Achim (ed.), Documente, vol. I, pp. 23–28. 6 If the proportion between Ilfov and Bucharest Roma remained the same

(60/40) and if the Roma from the capital and Ilfov declined at the same rate, Bucharest would have accommodated around 5,200 Roma in 1941. Viorel Achim has argued that the April 1941 census was especially rigorous con-cerning the registration of ethnic minorities, an aspect also noted by the German demographer Friedrich Burgdörfer, who inspected the censors on the ground for six days. Burgdörfer was particularly interested in the identifi-cation of Jews and Gypsies. See Viorel Achim, “Evreii în cadrul recensaman-tului general al României din 6 aprilie 1941,” in Caietele Institutului National pentru Studierea Holocaustului din România “Elie Wiesel,” no. 2–4 (2008).

7 Achim (ed.), Documente, vol. I, pp. 45–51. This number (1,946 persons) prob-ably included Roma from other parts of Romania who were arrested in Bucha-rest and detained by the Bucharest Police Prefecture. Other documents give different numbers of Roma deported from Bucharest. For instance, according to an IGJ memo (September 1942) on the number of deportable Roma in the jurisdiction of LJB (that is, the suburbs of Bucharest), 687 Roma were eligible for deportation. Achim (ed.), Documente, vol. I, pp. 133–135; among Bucharest’s suburbs, Baneasa and Grivita harbored a “large number” of Roma targeted for deportation. Achim (ed.), Documente, vol. I, pp. 179–180.

8 Achim, Tiganii in istoria României, 133. 9 Benjamin M. Thorne, “Assimilation, Invisibility, and the Eugenic Turn in

the “Gypsy Question” in Romanian Society: 1938–1942,” in Romani Studies, vol. 21, no 2 (2011), 177–206.

10 Thorne, Assimilation, Invisibility, and the Eugenic Turn, 177–206. 11 Ibid., 189. 12 Achim, Tiganii în istoria României, 135; Bucur, Eugenie si modernizare, 201–

204; Marius Turda, “Controlling the National Body: Ideas of Purification in Romania 1918–1940,” Christian Promitzer, Sevasti Trubeta, and Marius Turda (eds.), Health, Hygine and Eugenics in Southeastern Europe to 1945 (Budapest, New York: Central European University Press, 2011), 325–350; Thorne, Assimilation, Invisibility, and the Eugenic Turn, 181–187.

13 Achim, Tiganii în istoria României, 135; Chelcea, Tiganii din România, 100–101.

14 Bucur, Eugenie si modernizare, 203–204; see also Chelcea, Tiganii din România, 89–101; Turda, Controlling the National Body, 344–348.

15 Quoted in David M. Crowe, A History of the Gypsies of Eastern Europe and Russia, 2nd edition (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007), 134.

16 Turda, Modernism and Eugenics, 97, 116; according to Turda, there are no documents attesting to the sterilization of Roma in Romania or in Transnis-tria; see also Turda, Controlling the National Body, 325–350.

17 Heinen, România, Holocaustul si logica violentei, 66, 70; as Thorne has shown, in October 1940 Bucharest municipal authorities had already forbade nomadic Roma from encampament in Bucharest suburbs and Antonescu

Notes 227

ordered (April–May 1941) the Gypsies without occupation, especially the nomads, to be expelled from Bucharest slums and “to organize them in labor colonies.” Thorne, The Anxiety of Proximity, 117, 121.

18 Thorne, The Anxiety of Proximity, 37–40; see also George Potra, Contributiuni la istoricul tiganilor din România (Bucuresti: Fundatia Regala Carol I, 1939), 122–123; for more details on Bucharest’s mahalale, see Adrian Majuru, Bucurestii mahalalelor sau periferia ca mod de existenta (Bucuresti: Editura Compania, 2003).

19 Ciuca et al. (eds.), Stenogramele, vol. II, 181. According to historian Jean Ancel, some Roma participated, together with other local citizens, in the anti-Jewish robberies perpetrated during the January 1941 Rebellion. Ancel, “Pogromul de la Bucuresti: Influente germane, reactii interne si repercusiuni asupra politicii regimului fascist fata de evrei,” in Voicu (ed.), Violenta si teroare, 21–22, 130. Other Roma, such as Dumitru, the apprentice at the carpenter workshop of Mr Goldstein, helped his boss’s besieged Jewish family during the pogrom. See the testimony of Ticu Goldstein, quoted in Anca Ciuciu, Alexandru Florian, “Pogromul de la Bucuresti: Oameni si locuri,” in Ibid., 111, 115.

20 Achim (ed.), Documente, vol. I, pp. 106–107. 21 ANR, IGJ, 126/1942, pp. 4–6. 22 For Ion Antonescu’s belief that one of the main themes of Hungarian anti-

Romanian (revisionist) propaganda was that “Romania was a country of gyp-sies,” see the 14 April 1946 interrogation of Antonescu at the People’s Tribunal, in Marin Radu Mocanu (ed.), Avram Bunaciu: Documente (Bucuresti: Editura Fundatiei Culturale Libra, 2006), 237; see also Vasile Gh Boghiu, Prizonier în URSS (Bucuresti: Fundatia Academia Civica, 2012), 36, 45, 53, 70, 99; the interview with Margareta Oglinda, in Vultur (ed.), Lumi în destine, 122; Vasile Scârneci, Viata si moartea în linia întâi: Jurnal si însemnari de razboi: 1916–1918, 1941–1943 (Bucuresti: Editura Militara, 2013), 180, 397; ANR, PCM-SR 38/1944, p. 263.

23 Ciuca and Ignat (eds.), Stenogramele, vol. V, p. 134; see also Ciuca et al. (eds.), Stenogramele, vol. II, p. 424. Other scholars also noted this aspect of Antones-cu's anti-Roma hostility. See Solonari, Purifying the Nation, 139–140, 266–267.

24 Thorne, Assimilation, Invisibility, and the Eugenic Turn, 189–193. 25 Ibid., 192. 26 Achim (ed.), Documente, vol. II, pp. 145–146. 27 Viorel Achim, “Atitudinea contemporanilor fata de deportarea tiganilor

în Transnistria,” in Viorel Achim and Constantin Iordachi (eds.), România si Transnistria – Problema Holocaustului: Perspective istorice si comparative, (Bucuresti: Curtea Veche, 2004), 205.

28 Ibid., 206. 29 Achim, Deportarea Tiganilor în Transnistria, 130–131. 30 See Woodcock, The Tigan is not a Man. 31 Michelle Kelso, “Recognizing the Roma: A Study of the Holocaust as Viewed

in Romania,” (unpublished Ph D dissertation, The University of Michigan, 2010), 41–42.

32 ANR, DGP-Ziare 48, p. 3. 33 See the 25 July 1942 secret cable sent by IGJ to all gendarmes legions and

inspectorates in Achim (ed.), Documente, vol. I, pp. 74–75. 34 Theories on hereditary transmission of criminal impulses were based on

the works of nineteenth-century criminologists, such as Caesare Lombroso, Richard Dugdale, Raffaele Garofalo, Enrico Ferri, Ernest Hooten, and Henry

228 Notes

Goddard. See Freda Adler, Gerhard Mueller, and William Laufer (eds.), Criminology, 2nd edition (New York: McGraw Hill, 1995), 60–67, 70–72, 91. Lombroso, for instance, considered the Roma (“Bohemians”) as “the living image of an entire race of criminals.” Caesare Lombroso, Le Crime: Cause et Remedes (Paris: Librarie Reinauld Schleicher Freres, 1899), 46–49.

35 See articles 1–80 (especially 1, 22, 25 para 6, and 80) of Romania’s Penal Code during the Antonescu regime, in Constantin Zotta (ed.), Codul penal “Mihai I” (Bucuresti: Cioflec, 1942), 1–25; see also the crucial “legality prin-ciple” of the penal law, consecrated through the Latin expressions “nullum crimen sine lege,” and “nullum poena sine lege,” “nullum judicium sine lege.” Vintila Dongoroz, Drept penal (Bucuresti: “Tirajul” Institutul de Arte Grafice, 1939), 82–85, 577–633.

36 The petition of a group of Husi inhabitants to PCM, in Achim (ed.), Docu-mente, vol. I, pp. 231–233.

37 See the letter of the mayor of Târgoviste to MAI, in Achim (ed.), Documente, vol. I, pp. 238–239. Responding to the subsequent investigation, Târgoviste police denied that the census criteria was “[skin] color” of local inhabitants and blamed the mayor of philo-Roma attitude. Achim (ed.), Documente, vol. I, pp. 284–285.

38 Achim, Tiganii în istoria României, 137. 39 Ethnic Romanians living in rural areas and major landlords did not under-

stand the deportation of Roma to Transnistria, especially in the middle of a shortage of agricultural labor. For more details on the attitude of local society toward Antonescu’s anti-Roma policies, see Achim, Atitudinea con-temporanilor, 206–207.

40 Like the Jewish minority, World-War-II Roma did not have a state to pro-tect them. But the Romanian leaders believed that, contrary to the case of the Jews, the Great Powers lacked any sympathy for or interest in the fate of local Roma. The regime did not worry that the Roma would have a lobby at the green table to advocate for the restitution of their seized assets and compensation: perhaps the regime felt that there was no need to give an appearance of legality (adopting decree-laws and following legal proce-dures) to anti-Roma measures, as it did in the case of anti-Jewish measures (because, as I discussed in chapter 2, “Romanianization Legislation: Con-cepts, (Mis)interpretations, and Conflicts,” Antonescu believed that Jews ruled the world and would have a major role at the green table. He therefore attempted to rob the Jews legally in order to be able to invoke the “legality” of those measures at the green table and, thus, paralyze any Jewish claims for restitution or other accusations from the victorious powers). See Ciuca and Ignat (eds.), Stenogramele, vol. V, p. 501; Ibid., vol. IX, p. 185.

41 Crowe, A History of the Gypsies, 133. 42 The crucial contribution of local bureaucrats to the persecution of Roma

during World War II was not specific only to Romania. As anthropologist Michael Stewart has argued, keen local officals played a decisive role in the articulation of anti-Roma policy in Nazi Germany. See Michael Stew-art, “The Other Genocide,” in Michael Stewart and Marton Rovid (eds.), Multi-Disciplinary Approaches to Romany Studies (Budapest: Central European University Press, 2010), 187–190.

Notes 229

43 See the interview with Roma survivor Brânzan Anuta Androneta in Nastasa and Varga (eds.), Minoritati etnoculturale, 617.

44 Achim (ed.), Documente, vol. I, p. XI. 45 Shannon Woodcock, “Romanian Romani Resistance to Genocide in the

Matrix of the Tigan Other,” Anthropology of the East European Review, Fall (2007), 26–40.

46 Ioanid, Evreii sub regimul Antonescu, 311; Thorne, Assimilation, Invisibility, and the Eugenic Turn, 178; Kelso, Recognizing the Roma, 40–43.

47 See the interview with Roma survivor Ioan Marin, in Nastasa and Varga (eds.), Minoritati etnoculturale, 607.

48 Ioanid, Evreii sub regimul Antonescu, 315; see interview with Roma survivor Traian Grancea, in Cioaba (ed.), Deportarea, 11–12.

49 See the interviews with Roma survivors Ioan Marin and Gongoroiu Florica, in Nastasa and Varga (eds.), Minoritati etnoculturale, 593–615, 623–626.

50 Achim, Deportarea tiganilor, 132–133; Achim (ed.), Documente, vol. II, pp. 65, 105, 221–222.

51 Achim (ed.), Documente, vol. II, pp. 309–310. 52 For other such cases, see the petition of a Roma inhabitant, “We are Roma-

nianized Gypsies,” in Achim (ed.), Documente, vol. II, pp. 331–332; see also “We belong to the Romanian nation; we are Romanianized.” Achim (ed.), Documente, vol. I, pp. 326–327.

53 Achim (ed.), Documents, vol. II, pp. 323–326. 54 See the interview with Roma survivor Ioan Marin in Nastasa and Varga

(eds.), Minoritati etnoculturale, 602–605. 55 See Achim (ed.), Documente, vol. II, pp. 24–29, 56–64. 56 Achim, Tiganii în istoria României, 146; interview with Roma survivor Traian

Grancea in Cioaba (ed.), Deportarea, 17; see also Achim (ed.), Documente, vol. I, pp. 320–321.

57 See the interviews with Roma survivors Ioan Marin and Gongoroiu Florica, in Nastasa and Varga (eds.), Minoritati etnoculturale, 610, 625; interview with Traian Grancea, in Cioaba (ed.), Deportarea, 16–17; see also the report of Vasile Gorsky in Achim (ed.), Documente, vol. II, pp. 24–29.

58 The number of typhus victims cannot be estimated precisely but, taking into account the panic of Romanian authorities at the prospect of contagion among soldiers and civilians and the spread of the epidemic in Romania, it must have been quite high. For reports by Romanian authorities on this topic, see Nastasa and Varga (eds.), Minoritati etnoculturale, 536–542, 547–548, 550; see also Ancel, The History of the Holocaust, 347–348; Ioanid, Evreii sub regimul Antonescu, 315; Kelso, Recognizing the Roma, 68–73. Because many of the Roma repatriated from Transnistria during the winters of 1942–1943 had typhus (including 48 cases from Bucharest), MMSOS requested the postponement of any return in order to avoid an epidemic in Romania. Antonescu agreed. Achim (ed), Documente, vol. II, pp. 85–86, 88–89, 91, 111–112, 121–122.

59 As Maria Bucur has noted in her book of eugenics in Romania, Holocaust historians have contradictory opinions on the attitude of Romanian offi-cials toward the typhus epidemic. While Ancel has argued that Romanian officials did nothing to contain the typhus epidemic among the Jew-ish and Gypsy deportees “because it proved an excellent and convenient

230 Notes

extermination method,” Ioanid disagreed with Ancel’s conclusion, and offered a more nuanced and contextual analysis, underlining the ineffi-ciency of local military authorities. Bucur noted that there was insufficient evidence to support Ancel’s strong argument, and emphasized the need for further research to clarify the role of Romanian authorities, especially the physicians, in the typhus epidemic. Bucur, Eugenie si modernizare, 285–287; Ancel, Transnistria, vol. III, pp. 7–140; Ancel, The Holocaust in Romania, 414; Ioanid, Evreii sub regimul Antonescu, 321, 401.

60 Achim, Tiganii în istoria României, 144–146. 61 See the interviews with Roma survivors Ioan Marin, Branzan Andruta

Androneta, Gongoroiu Florica, in Nastasa and Varga (eds.), Minoritati etno-culturale, 609, 618–619, 624; interview with Traian Grancea in Cioaba (ed.), Deportarea, 17. On Roma deportees’ resistance strategies, see Woodcock, Romanian Romani Resistance to Genocide, 26–40; see also Kelso, Recognizing the Roma, 73–76; Thorne, The Anxiety of Proximity, pp. 204–266.

62 Sociologist Kelso has argued that escape to Romania was the only “active resistance” strategy adopted by deported Roma. Kelso, Recognizing the Roma, 73; historian Thorne uncovered several cases of Roma using armed resist-ance agains the gendarmes to liberate their peers or acquire supplies. For more details, see Thorne, The Anxiety of Proximity, 259–262.

63 For more details on Roma escape from Transnistria, see the reports of gen-darmes legions, quoted in Nastasa si Varga (eds.), Minoritati etnoculturale, 528, 531, 534–535, 553, 556–560, 567–569, 571; Achim (ed.), Documente, vol. I, p. 272; vol. II, pp. 99–101, 145–146, 196–198; for the testimony of a former Bucharest student who believed that Romanian soldiers helped Roma deportees escape Transnistria in exchange for bribes, see the inter-view with Camil Roguski, in Roguski, Politic incorrect, 128–129.

64 Achim (ed.), Documente, vol. II, p. 84. 65 See, for instance, the 31 December 1943 observation of a non-Roma Bucha-

rest inhabitant, the PNT opposition politician, Ioan Hudita. Hudita, Jurnal politic: 1 februarie 1943–31 decembrie 1943, p. 462.

66 Achim (ed.), Documente, vol. II, pp. 163–164. 67 Kelso, Recognizing the Roma, 73, 75. 68 See the petition (September 194) of the General Association of Roma, in

Achim (ed.), Documente, vol. I, pp. 142–143. 69 Achim (ed.), Documente, vol. I, pp. 348–349. 70 See the memo of Mihai Antonescu’s chancellery of 26 November 1942, in

Achim (ed.), Documente, vol. I, pp. 348–350. 71 See, for instance, Achim, Deportarea tiganilor, 132–134; Achim (ed.), Docu-

mente, vol. II, p. 105. 72 According to the standards of the era, some of the deportees were quite well

off. For example, Câmpeanu Nicolae from Craiova owned two brick houses and five other land lots located in the same city. See the 13 September 1942 property seizure minute, in Achim (ed.), Documente, vol. I, pp. 205–206; see also Ibid., vol. II, pp. 13, 136–138.

73 Achim (ed.), Documente, vol. II, pp. 50–51. 74 Achim (ed.), Documente, vol. I, pp. 302–304; Ibid., vol. II, pp. 3–35. 75 Concerning the results of the special commission activity, see the gendar-

merie report of 5 February 1943 in Nastasa and Varga (eds.), Minoritati etno-culturale, 542–564; see also Achim (ed.), Documente, vol. II, pp. 73–77.

Notes 231

76 Achim (ed.), Documente, vol. II, pp. 88–89; Solonari, Purifying the Nation, 284–288.

77 Achim, Atitudinea contemporanilor, 199–233; Achim (ed.), Documente, vol. I, pp. 273–277; Achim (ed.), Documente, vol. II, pp. 122–123, 152–153; Chel-cea, Tiganii din România, 100–101.

78 Achim, Atitudinea contemporanilor, 223. 79 Achim (ed.), Documente, vol. II, p. 97. 80 Ibid., 93. 81 Voinescu, Jurnal, 408. 82 In the same petitions in which they protested against the deportation of

settled Roma, some peasants approved the deportation of the nomads. Achim, Atitudinea contemporanilor, 230–232.

83 Chelcea, Tiganii din România, 112–116; Potra, Contributiuni, 122, 127–135. 84 Martinescu, Uraganul istoriei . . . anul 1940, pp. 255–256. 85 Achim (ed.), Documente, vol. I, pp. 330–331. 86 Achim, Atitudinea contemporanilor, 216–218; Achim (ed.), Documente,

vol. I, pp. 301–302; also René de Weck, the Swiss ambassador in Bucharest, reported to Berne about Bratianu’s intervention with Antonescu in favor of deported Roma. Hâncu (ed.), Confidential: Bucuresti-Berna, 56–57.

87 Achim, Atitudinea contemporanilor, 207–208; see, for instance, the petition of retired Captain N Dogaru (from Târgu Jiu), who requested from DGP the depor-tation of his Roma neighbors in July 1942, Achim (ed.), Documente, vol. I, p. 70.

88 Hudita, Jurnal politic: 1 martie 1942–31 ianuarie 1943, p. 268. 89 Hudita, Jurnal politic: 1 februarie 1943–31 decembrie 1943, p. 462. 90 According to a local police report, 931 Roma labeled “criminal and asocial”

were arrested in September 1942 from Bucharest’s four urban districts, and held in seven local Jewish schools before being loaded into deportation trains. Achim (ed.), Documente, vol. I, pp. 148–149; see also Ibid., 22–28, 45–51, 201–204.

91 See the 1 September 1942 letter sent by IGJ to SSRCI, in Achim (ed.), Docu-mente, vol. I, pp. 145–146.

92 Achim (ed.), Documente, vol. I, pp. 182–183. 93 Achim (ed.), Documente, vol. I, pp. 179–180; and this was exactly what hap-

pened in some areas. For instance, scared by the official census, some Roma from Giurgiu started to sell their property in a rush, while others departed from their town. Achim (ed.), Documente, vol. II, pp. 66–67.

94 Achim (ed.), Documente, vol. I, pp. 9–10. 95 Ibid., 145–146. 96 Ciuca and Ignat (eds.), Stenogramele, vol. IX, 377–378. 97 Achim (ed.), Documente, vol. II, pp. 259–260. 98 Ibid., 129–130. 99 For example, the authorities justified the seizure of Roma wealth by invok-

ing the abandoned properties law (no 315 of 30 January 1942). Thus, in the cases when the deported Roma had un-deportable relatives who claimed legal title for the deportees’ property (as their heirs and/or representatives), CNR was unable to take those assets over.

100 For instance, the house of Roma deportee Gheorghe Busuioc from Iasi went into the custody of his daughter, Anica Ursu, who was married to an ethnic Romanian. Achim (ed.), Documente, vol. I, pp. 197–198.

101 Achim (ed.), Documente, vol. II, pp. 158–159.

232 Notes

102 See, for instance, police reports from several areas in Southern Transylva-nia, as well as in Muntenia. Achim (ed.), Documente, vol. I, pp. 213–215, 224–225; vol. II, pp. 14–15, 66–67, 80, 84–85.

103 Not everybody believed the official propaganda and rumors that the regime would give land to the Roma relocated in Transnistria. According to a local police report, Roma of Sighisoara, who escaped the first waves of deporta-tion, believed (in September 1942) that the authorities “adopted this meas-ure solely to annihilate them.” See the Sighisoara police report to Alba Iulia police inspectorate, in Achim (ed.), Documente, vol. I, pp. 213–215.

104 For instance, this happened with the deportation train that departed from Bucharest (to Tighina): instead of 1,922 Roma designated for “evacua-tion,” 1,991 persons were handed over by police and 2,188 Roma arrived in Transnistria! Achim (ed.), Documente, vol. I, pp. 307–313, vol. II, pp. 80, 86–87; according to Romanian army general staff, several units reported such rumors among the Roma deported to Transnistria. See Achim (ed.), Documente, vol. II, pp. 143–144.

105 See the interview with Roma survivor Ioan Marin in Nastasa and Varga (eds.), Minoritati etnoculturale, 602–603.

106 ANR, LJB 95/1943, p. 37. 107 Achim (ed.), Documente, vol. I, pp. 236–237, 341, 352–353. 108 Ibid., 242–243, 262–263. 109 Achim (ed.), Documente, vol. II, pp. 156–158. 110 For example, Roma survivor Ilinca Cristea returned legally from Transnistria

to her native Craiova in November 1942, and she requested (1 December 1942) the Minister of Interior to order CNR to restitute her Romanianized houses. Achim (ed.), Documente, vol. II, p. 13; see also Ibid., 36–37.

111 Ibid., 68–69. 112 Ibid., 113–114. 113 Achim (ed.), Documente, vol. II, pp. 465–466. 114 Ibid., 466–467. 115 This Roma response to World War II persecution resembles the Ottoman

Armenians’ attempts to sell their property before deportation into the Syr-ian Desert during World War I. See Üngör and Polatel, Confiscation and Destruction, 68–70.

116 See the 22 October 1943 “Report Concerning the General Situation and the Pretura’s Measures for Providing Housing for the Gypsies and Assign-ing them to Villages for the Winter” in Achim (ed.), Documentele, vol. II, pp. 353–354.

117 Achim (ed.), Documente, vol. I, pp. 231–233. 118 Achim (ed.), Documente, vol. I, pp. 246–247. 119 Rudari, an ethnic group considered Roma by most Romanians and perse-

cuted by Antonescu, claimed an alternative prestigious ancestry. Denying they were Roma, Rudari deported from Zimnicea claimed they were the descendants of ancient Daci – a native population living in the area before the Roman conquest in second-century AC – and, thus, the official ances-tors of the Romanian nation. Ibid., 326–327; for more details on Rudari’s controversial origin, see Ion Chelcea, Rudarii, Contributie la o “enigma” etno-grafica (Bucuresti, Casa Scoalelor, 1944).

120 Ibid., 298.

Notes 233

121 Solomon, Am sa povestesc cândva aceste zile, vol. I, p. 110. 122 Rumors about the future deportation of poor ethnic Romanians to Transn-

istria circulating in Bucharest after the 1942 deportation of local Roma are illustrated by a gendarmerie report of November 1942, which ordered Bucharest gendarmes legion, charged with the surveillance of the capital’s suburbs, “to investigate such tendentious rumors.” AMB, LJB 61/1941, p. 103. The rumor that poor ethnic Romanians would follow the deportation of Roma to Transnistria circulated in other parts of the country, such as the Transylvanian town of Sighisoara and Tarnava Mare and Sibiu counties, whose inhabitants believed that all Roma and ethnic Romanians would be replaced by German colonists. See Achim (ed.), Documente, vol. I, pp. 213–215; according to Hudita’s diary, PNT leaders such as himself and Iuliu Maniu also believed the rumor that the Germans wanted to relocate Tran-sylvanian Roma and ethnic Romanians to Transnistria and replace them with ethnic-German colonists. Hudita, Jurnal politic: 1 februarie 1943–31 decembrie 1943, p. 198; see also Ciobanu, Contributii, 255–258.

123 The persecution faced by Bucharest Roma during the war years is largely absent from the official documents available in public archives. For example, during my research in national and municipal archives located in Bucharest I found that the collections of the main Romanianization agency – SSRCI/CNR – held almost no documents on the victimization of Roma, even though the houses and movable properties of deported Roma were supposedly seized by this institution. Still, some documents revealing the confiscation of Roma properties and jobs do exist in other collections, such as those of the general police department and general inspectorate of gendarmeries, as well as regional archives.

124 See, for instance, the case of three Roma women from Bucharest Tei neigh-borhood deported to Transnistria in September 1942 who managed to return to Bucharest in early 1943. According to the report of local police, who rearrested them in April 1943, they did not own any property and lived in a rented house. Achim (ed.), Documente, vol. II, pp. 145–146.

125 See, for instance, the report of the Galati police inspectorate on settled Roma inhabitants of the Brates neighborhood of Galati who built their houses without having proper legal title to the land. Achim (ed.), Docu-ments, vol. I, pp. 71–74; see also the 12 September 1942 minutes of the seizure of property belonging to Gheorghe Busuioc, a Roma inhabitant of Iasi. Achim (ed.), Documents, vol. I, pp. 197–198. In general, the authorities suspected that deported Roma all over the country “did not own too many properties.” ANR, IGJ, 126/1942, p. 32.

126 For a description of the poor housing, sanitary, and economic situation of Roma living in Bucharest’s Floreasca neighborhood (“numerous shacks . . . a life of misery”), see the memoirs of Maria Golaescu, a doctor who visited the area in the spring of 1945 during the campaign against a typhus epi-demic. Maria Golaescu, Amintiri din razboi, 2nd edition (Bucuresti: Editura Medicala, 2007), 75–78; Carl Hirsch, a Czernowitz Jewish engineer who studied at Bucharest Polytechnic in the 1930s and visited the city until 1940, described the local Roma’s houses as “huts.” Carl Hirsch, A Life in the Twentieth Century: A Memoir, www.ghostsofhome.com, 40; for another tes-timony of the poor shape of Roma accommodation (“wrecked shacks,”) see

234 Notes

the diary of PNT politician Ioan Hudita. Hudita, Jurnal: 1 februarie 1943–31 decembrie 1943, p. 462.

127 Some Roma owned houses in Bucharest under the regimes of Carol II and Antonescu and rented their houses to incoming Jews, who flocked to Bucharest looking for employment and safety. See, for instance, the inter-view with an anonymous Jewish survivor, whose family rented a house in a poor neighborhood from “an emancipated Roma” landlord and enjoyed a friendly coexistence with him. Vultur (ed.), Memoria salvata, 275–276.

128 Because of the disorganization of Romanian occupation authorities and war events, we lack precise statistics of the Roma who died as a result of depor-tation. Achim, Tiganii în istoria României, 147; according to a March 1944 report by the Odessa gendarmes inspectorate, 12,083 Roma were still alive in Transnistria. Achim (ed.), Documente, vol. II, pp. 457–458. There is no consensus on this issue, however. Woodcok, for instance, has argued that only 6,000 out of 30,000 Roma survived the deportation. Woodcock, Roma-nian Romani Resistance, 26–27.

129 I am paraphrasing Michael Stewart’s expression of the plight of Roma sur-vivors in Nazi Germany. See Stewart, “The Other Genocide,” in Stewart and Rovid (eds.), Multi-Disciplinary Approaches to Romany Studies, 172–195, 178.

Chapter 7

1 By resistance, I understand the enlarged version of the concept amidah, which includes various forms of opposition to the Antonescu regime, espe-cially the massive use of legalities to disrupt the process of Romanianiza-tion. During that time the regime treated (many of) its Jews as “domestic enemies.” The official vocabulary belonged to the warfare/conflict realm: “domestic enemies,” “saboteurs,” “infiltration,” and so on. Notwithstand-ing this governmental assault, Jews refused to (and could not) engage in a military struggle against a state that held a monopoly on power and vio-lence; they did not stand a chance of winning. At the same time, the major-ity of local Jews were loyal citizens of the state. Instead of armed opposition Jews chose to undermine (in an asymmetric struggle) the policy of Romani-anization that threatened their livelihoods. In this struggle, Jews’ weapons were legal tools and documents, such as real and fictitious contracts, court battles, foreign citizenships, visas, and Christian identities. The term resist-ance best describes this costly and risky effort against Romanianization.

 2 Having real estate, jobs, and businesses made Jews “useful” to the national economy and qualified them for exemption (at a price) from forced-labor units, which typically operated far from home and called for heavy work in conditions that endangered their lives. Furthermore, with no money to “con-tribute” to the periodic official requisitions (clothes, household items, public subscriptions), Jews risked deportation to Transnistria. Unable to bribe Roma-nian bureaucrats (policemen, militaries from recruiting offices, clerks, and so on), Jews exposed themselves to malicious treatment that could have such serious consequences as deportation to Transnistria. Finally, without income from jobs, businesses, or real estate, Jews risked starvation and had no means to pay the increasing rent demanded by landlords.

Notes 235

 3 See, for instance, Banus, Sub camuflaj, 133–135; Dorian, Jurnal, 208; Sebas-tian, Jurnal, 327.

 4 ANR, MEN-DS, 52/1941, pp. 135–137. 5 See ANR, MEN-DS 52/1941, pp.135–137. 6 ANR, Centrala Evreilor din România (CER), 35/1942; 197/1942; 202/1942. 7 See Michael Marrus, Holocaust in History (Hanover and London: University

of New England Press, 1987), 108–109; Tom Lawson, Debates on the Holo-caust (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2010), 235–269.

8 See, for instance, Hilberg, Exterminarea evreilor din Europa. 9 The concept of amidah emerged in the late 1960s and replaced the notion

of armed resistance. See Robert Rozett, “Jewish Resistance,” in Dan Stone (ed.), The Historiography of the Holocaust (Basingstoke, Palgrave Macmillan, 2004), 345–347; Yehuda Bauer, Rethinking the Holocaust (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2000), 119–166.

10 See Rozett, Jewish Resistance, 353–356; Bauer, Rethinking the Holocaust, 120. 11 Rozett, Jewish Resistance, 341–363; Dan Michman, Holocaust Historiography:

A Jewish Perspective (London and Portland: Vallentine Mitchell, 2003), 217–248; Lawson, Debates of the Holocaust, 235–269.

12 Historian Istvan Deak has also noted that the only significant opposition to the Antonescu regime came from the Iron Guard fascists and not from other groups (such as the communists). See Istvan Deak, “Introducere,” in Deak, Gross, and Judt (eds.), Procese în Europa, 22.

13 Benjamin (ed.), Legislatia antievreiasca, 332; Schwefelberg, Amintirile, 131–132; Argetoianu, Însemnari zilnice, vol. IX, pp. 156, 159, 247, 320, 432; Safran, Un taciune, 70–71.

14 Jean Ancel, Preludiu la asasinat: Pogromul de la Iasi, 29 iunie 1941 (Iasi: Poli-rom, 2005); Stefan Ionescu, “Myths, Narratives, and Patterns of Rumors: The Construction of “Jewish Subversion” and Retributive Violence in 1940–1941 Romania,” Culture and Psychology 15, no. 3 (2009): 327–336; Voicu (ed.), Violenta si teroare.

15 See Banus, Sub Camuflaj, 354; Dorian, Jurnal, 319, 335; Sebastian, Jurnal, 525–526; Schwefelberg, Amintirile, 139–140; Buium, Un sionist, 87–88; Politzer, O tinerete, 49–50; Safran, Un taciune, 90–94; Artzi, Biografia, 111–113.

16 In the first stage, with British-American air support and, later, in collabo-ration with the Red Army. Dinu C Giurescu, România în al Doilea Razboi Mondial 1939–1945 (Bucuresti: All, 1999), 185–271.

17 ANR, MEN-DS, 52/1941, pp. 135–137. 18 ANR, Asociatia Cercurilor de Gospodine (ACG), 90/1939, pp. 60–61. 19 Both Jewish males and females were involved in legal resistance against

Romanianization. The statistics on Jewish contestation of Romanianization of real estate or businesses did not use the gender criteria. As a result, we do not know what the proportion of women and men was among Jewish plaintiffs.

20 Pana, Nascut in ’02, pp. 648–649. 21 S C Cristian, 4 Patru ani de urgie (Bucuresti: Timpul, 1945), 62, 64. 22 The law applied to 1940–1941 Romania, except Bessarabia and Northern

Bukovina, at that time part of the Soviet Union. From the summer of 1941 (when Romania expelled the Red Army from Bessarabia and Northern Bukovina) until the spring of 1944 (when the Red Army returned) these

236 Notes

two “model provinces” had a special status and were run by governors, who implemented a policy of ethnic purification, including a more radical Romanianization program. According to Decree Law no. 2507 (September 1941), the Romanian laws were extended to Bessarabia and Bukovina, but the governors could suspend these laws anytime. See Solonari, Purifying the Nation, 142–167, 256–263; Ghimpa et al. (eds.), Codul de Românizare, 100–101.

23 Ibid., 33. 24 Trei ani de guvernare: 6 Septembrie, 1940–6 Septembrie, 1943 (Bucuresti:

Monitorul Oficial si Imprimeriiile Statului, Imprimeria Nationala, 1943), 145–146. SSRCI’s internal data yields slightly higher number of Romani-anization trials at the 11 appeals courts – 39,059 cases. MJ-DJ 39/1943, pp. 84–85.

25 ANR, MMSOS, 93/1942, pp. 183–185. 26 The reach of the Bucharest appeals court included, besides the capital, sev-

eral nearby counties (Ilfov, Vlasca, Ialomita, Dâmbovita, Buzau, Muscel, Prahova) with a poorer and smaller Jewish population (around one-tenth of the Bucharest Jewish population). In Bucharest, 17,833 apartments had been expropriated; we don’t know exactly how many were Romanianized in the surrounding counties, but the number cannot be higher than the num-ber of households (several thousand). By March 1943 the Bucharest appeals court had to examine around 20,765 cases of contestations and other peti-tions related to expropriated Jewish real estate (such as requests for fixing the amount of compensation). MJ-DJ, 51/1942, vol. II, pp. 108–109; CER 33/1941, p. 307; Viorel Achim, “Evreii în cadrul recensamântului general al România din 6 aprilie 1941,” Caietele INSHR-EW: 2 (2008): annex 6.

27 See the preamble of Law no. 313. Ghimpa et al. (eds.), Codul de Românizare, 141. 28 Ghimpa et al. (eds.), Codul de Românizare, 56–63, 141–142. 29 The Bucharest appeals court established seven Romanianization panels.

ANR, MJ-DJ, 51/1942, vol. II, p. 109. 30 Trei ani de guvernare, 146; ANR, MJ-DJ 39/1943, pp. 80–85. 31 These SSRCI public data (released in late 1943) do not match – possibly due

to editorial errors. 32 ANR, MJ-DJ 51/1942, vol. II, p. 109. According to other SSRCI reports (con-

tradicting its published data and the reports of prosecution offices and courts), by September 1943 the appeals courts resolved 28,758 cases and only 10,301 trials remained to be examined, specifically at the appeals courts in Czernowitz, Chisinau, Galati, Iasi, and Sibiu. ANR, MJ-DJ 39/1943, pp. 83–84.

33 Official statistics are silent on who won at the supreme court. The random individual decisions of the supreme court that exist in the SSRCI archival collection show that Jews also won some cases at the highest court. ANR, MJ-DJ 39/1943, p. 85.

34 Trei ani de guvernare, 146. Article 80 of Law no. 1569 (26 May 1942) for the Administration and Liquidation of Properties Belonging to CNR, explicitly stipulated: “Real estate belonging to CNR can be permanently assigned . . . or sold at public auction only after it’s entered for all into CNR’s patrimony, either because there was no contestation for these properties or because the contestations failed [in courts].” Benjamin (ed.), Legislatia antievreiasca, 213.

Notes 237

35 The relocation sites – usually small towns – did not have the facilities to host as many institutions with their substantial logistics and personnel, which further slowed the judicial process (insufficient space for archives and offices, interruptions of communications and transportation, and so on). SSRCI illustrated the decrease of its activity in the spring of 1944, show-ing that requests for approving stock-exchange transactions dropped from 250–260 before the air bombardment of Bucharest, to only 5–8 after that tragic event. ANR, SSRCI-Directia Controlului (DC), 73/1944, pp. 9–18. See also the complaints against the delays in the activity of SSRCI’s commis-sions, whose members – magistrates at the supreme court – were frequently out of Bucharest in the summer 1944 (probably due to fear of air bombard-ments). ANR, SSRCI-DLE 34, pp. 3, 5. On 25 April 1944 a SSRCI memo admitted that its commission could no longer function because “as at result of the eviction of capital, some members of the judicial panel left for Banat and Tg. Jiu, while others were sent abroad.” SSRCI-DC 18/1941, p. 31; see also the 8 May 1944 government meeting minutes, in Ciuca and Ignat (eds.), Stenogramele, vol. XI, p. 21; Stan, Relatiile franco-române, 261–262.

36 Even though the available documents mention only the name – which is an imperfect guide for establishing ethnicity – of theses lawyers, overall, it seems that both Jewish and gentile lawyers defended Jews targeted by CNR.

37 For instance, CER legal experts read Pandectele Românizarii carefully, the only journal dedicated to discussing the theory, legislation, and juris-prudence involved in the Romanianization project. ANR, CER, 33/1942, pp. 14–25.

38 Pana, Nascut în 02, 648. 39 For the activity of Wilhelm Filderman on behalf of the Romanian-Jewish

community at the end of World War I, during the Paris peace talks, and in interwar period, see Carol Iancu, L’ émancipation des Juifs de Roumanie: 1913–1919 (Montpelier: CREHJ, 1992); Volovici, “The Response of Jewish Leaders and Intellectuals to Antisemitism,” in Rotman and Vago (eds.), The History of the Jews in Romania, 3rd vol., 143–178; Filderman, Memoirs & Dia-ries, 1st vol.

40 The initial March 1941 law (no. 842) stipulated the categories of Jews whose real estate was exempted from Romanianization. According to arti-cle 5 of Law no. 842, the following categories of Jews were exempted from expropriation of urban real estate: Jews who became citizens before August 1916; Jews enrolled in the Romanian army, who had been injured, deco-rated, or cited for bravery in Romania’s wars; the heirs of Jews who died in Romania’s wars; Jews baptized to Christianity at least 20 years prior if they were also married to ethnic Romanians; Jews baptized to Christianity if they were married to ethnic Romanians for at least 10 years and if from that marriage they had children who had been baptized Christian; Jews who were baptized to Christianity at least 30 years prior; and the heirs of those mentioned above. Jews who brought exceptional proofs of devotion or performed exceptional services for Romania could be exempted from this law, but only by a special and distinct law. This category of deserving Jews was vague and difficult to prove. These categories of exempted and exceptional Jews were enlarged through Law no. 143 of 1943, which men-tioned explicitly which categories could apply for legal assimilation with

238 Notes

ethnic Romanians, thus modifying article 6 of the previous 1941 law. Even though these 1943 categories were more restrictive – in terms of who could claim them – than the original categories of exempted Jews stipulated in the 1941 law, they offered the perspective of becoming equal in all rights (and not just to be exempted from expropriation) with ethnic Romanians; historian Victor Neumann argues that, as former citizens of the Habsburg Empire until 1918, the Jews of Banat and Transylvania could not benefit from the exemptions from the expropriation of urban houses, because they had been fully emancipated before World War I by another country and served in another army. Neumann, Istoria evreilor din Romania, 222–224.

41 See articles 5 and 6 of Law no. 842. Ghimpa et al. (eds.). Codul de Românizare, 16–18.

42 See Benjamin, Legislatia, 234–243. See Ghimpa et al. (eds.), Codul de Românizare, 16–18. According to the government minutes, the initiative for extending these rights came from Mihai Antonescu, who mentioned (in September 1941) that some of his former professors from Bucharest Law School, at that time affected by the Romanianization of houses, should receive the status of deserving Jews. See Ciuca and Ignat (eds.), Steno-gramele, vol. IV, 500–502.

43 A centralized organization, CER, aimed to control Romanian Jews; it replaced FCER in December 1941.

44 CER’s legal department contested the expropriation of Jewish communal properties, including those of welfare organizations, in front of Romaniani-zation panels and lobbied for them to the government. ANR, CER, 14/1942, p. 13; CER 16/1942, p.159; CDCER 1/1941, pp. 3–6, 19, 26; see also Centrul pentru Studierea Istoriei Evreilor din România (CSIER) III 379/1939–1942, pp. 67, 88–90, 92, 99, 103.

45 For cases when CER refused to intervene on the behalf of expropriated indi-vidual Jews, see ANR, CER, 16/1942, p. 3; for cases when CER provided legal assistance see CSIER, III 379/1939–1942, pp. 41, 57.

46 ANR, CDCER 21/1941, p. 9; CER 16/1942, pp. 25, 28–29, 79, 83, 159, 162, 231bis, 247–248bis, 280–281, 326, 421, 468, 484, 501, 503, 505, 516, 540–541, 574–575; CER 20/1942, p. 254.

47 See, for instance, the seizure of houses belonging to the Jewish community of Fâlticeni and local NGOs between January and April 1942. ANR, CER 28/1942, pp. 180, 188, 189, 193.

48 ANR, CDCER 21/1941, p. 9. 49 See CER’s letter (May 1942) to the Czernowitz Jewish community. ANR,

CER, 20/1942, p. 365. 50 See CER’s correspondence with its branches from Botosani and Dolj coun-

ties in 1943 and 1944. CSIER, III 320 B/1943, p. 129; III 321/1944, p. 77. 51 When an entrepreneur wanted to establish or to change the legal status of

a company, he or she needed to go to the Registry of Commerce, where a delegate judge supervised commercial legal procedures to ensure they con-formed to current legislation.

52 ANR, MEN-DOPSF 1/1941, p. 191. 53 Because there were no laws stipulating the mandatory closure of an existing

Jewish company, the BNR complained that the Romanianization of Jewish businesses, through special loans awarded by the Romanian Loans Institute

Notes 239

to ethnic Romanian buyers, was a joke and, in fact, financed the Jews with Romanianization funds. ANR, MEN-DOPSF, 10/1941, pp. 61–79.

54 ANR, MEN-DOPSF 1/1940, p. 191. 55 See, for instance, similar cases from Bucharest, Roman, Bacau, Galati, Iasi,

and Timisoara counties. ANR, MEN-DOPSF 1/1940, pp. 189, 190, 192, 221–222, 227–228; MJ-DJ 111/1943, pp. 19–22, 112–114.

56 See the complaint of the Registry of Commerce Office (belonging to the Bucharest Chamber of Commerce and Industry) to MEN on 18 January 1944. ANR, MEN-DOP 1/1940, 359.

57 ANR, MEN-Directia Comert Interior (DCI), 46/1941, p. 9. 58 ANR, MEN-DOPSF 1/1940, p. 219; MJ-DJ 111/1941, pp. 111–114. 59 ANR, MEN-DOPSF 1/1940, pp. 199, 219; MEN-DOPSF, 10/1941, pp.

80–81. 60 Nichifor Crainic, Zile albe-zile negre: Memorii (Bucuresti: Gândirea, 1991),

350. 61 Complaining about Jewish legal resistance to evictions from CNR houses,

the SSRCI director sent a confidential memo to Antonescu decrying his pow-erlessness to influence court decisions “because judges are sovereign.” ANR, MEN-DS 52/1941, pp. 135–137. Antonescu and public prosecutors also com-plained of the courts’ leniency in cases of economic sabotage. Rosetti, Pagini de jurnal, 195.

62 Florea Olteanu, Un procuror incomod: interviu, (Bucuresti: Fundatia Academia Civica, 2011), 16–18.

63 See Argetoianu, Însemnari zilnice, vol. X, p. 391; Olteanu, Un procuror inco-mod, 23; Scarlat (ed.), Diplomati Germani la Bucuresti, 67.

64 The irrevocability (tenure) system was designed to protect the judiciary from the executive’s pressures, giving judges freedom of decision in the trials, at least in theory. See Trei ani de guvernare, 284; Law no. 947, which reestablished judges’ irrevocability, was adopted on 25 October 1941 and published in Monitorul Oficial no. 254 (1941). Consiliul Legislativ, Colecti-une de legi si regulamente, Tomul XIX August-Octombrie (Bucuresti: Imprim-eriile Statului, 1941), 2074–2077. On the importance of the decisions to suspend tenure from judges during the Iron Guard regime, see the diary of Constantin Navârlie, a supreme-court magistrate. Constantin Navârlie, Între abandon si crucificare: România 1944–1946 (Craiova: Editura de Sud, 2000), 30, 54; MEN-DS 52/1941, pp. 135–137. Judges ruled against the Antonescu government in non-Romanianization cases as well. Argetoianu, Însemnari zilnice, vol X, pp. 168–169.

65 ANR, CDCER, 3/1940, pp. 33–45. 66 ANR, MJ-DJ 124/1941, vol. I, pp. 259–260. 67 See, for instance, ANR, CDCER 3/1940, pp. 77, 92–94; Dorian, Jurnal, 150. 68 See Heinen, România, Holocaustul si logica violentei, 100–101, 205; Safran,

Un taciune smuls flacarilor, 24; Schwefelberg, Amintirile, 135; Hudita, Jur-nal: 1 februarie 1943–31 decembrie 1943, pp. 381, 390, 392, 393, 457; in September–October 1942, René de Weck, the Swiss ambassador in Bucha-rest, also suspected that the Allies’ declarations on the punishment of Axis authors of wartime atrocities led the Romanian government “to sig-nificantly slow down its antisemitic excesses.” He also reported on wide-spread rumors among Jews and gentile Bucuresteni that the British and US

240 Notes

governments had warned Romanian officials against anti-Jewish persecu-tion. Hâncu (ed.), Confidential, 55–56, 60. According to a rumor recorded in the diary of Petre Solomon (on 18 October 1942), President Roosevelt (USA) threatened Romania, saying if local Jews were deported, thousands of (Allied) airplanes would destroy Bucharest. Solomon, Am sa povestesc cândva aceste zile, 127; see also Dorian, Jurnal, 248, 250.

69 During World War II, the Romanian elites believed in the antisemitic myth that Jews ruled the world’s capitalist and communists superpowers.

70 See Jens Meierhenrich, Legacies of Law: Long-Run Consequences of Legal Devel-opment in South Africa: 1652–2000 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008).

71 ANR, MJ-DJ, 39/1943, pp. 39–40, 80, 83; MJ-DJ 111/1943, pp. 10, 15–18. 72 ANR, MJ-DJ, 128/1942, pp. 61–62, 65–66. 73 ANR, MJ-DJ, 128/1942, pp. 155–156, 159. 74 See Ciuca and Ignat (eds.), Stenogramele, vol. IX, p. 598. 75 ANR, MJ-DJ, 39/1943, pp. 86–87. 76 Ancel, Contributii la Istoria României, vol. I, pp. 450–477; Friling, Ioanid, and

Ionescu (eds.), Raport Final, 532–536; ANR, MEN-DOPCI 80/1941, pp. 259–261; CER 230/1942, pp. 2–4; CDCER 1/1941, pp. 3–6, 9, 22, 26; 19/1941, pp. 1–2, 54, 65; MJ-DJ 124/1941, pp. 292–295.

77 ANR, CDCER 1/1941,19; for a similar case in Brasov, see Safran, Un taciune smuls flacarilor, 72–73.

78 See Law no. 499 (21 June 1942) in Benjamin (ed.), Legislatia antievreiasca, 218–220.

79 Ancel, Contributii, vol. 2, part two, pp. 179–274; Lya Benjamin, Prigoana si rezistenta în istoria evreilor din România: 1940–1944: Studii (Bucuresti: Hasefer, 2001), 198–276; Heinen, România, Holocaustul, si logica violentei, 96–107; Ioanid, Evreii sub regimul Antonescu, 347–361; Neumann, Istoria evreilor din Romania, 225–228; Safran, Un taciune smuls flacarilor, 80–87; 97–107; Schwefelberg, Amintirile, 111, 128, 135–138; Andrei Siperco (ed.), Actiunea internationala de ajutorare a evreilor din România: Documente 1943–1944 (Bucuresti: Hasefer, 2003).

80 The issue of mixed marriages between ethnic Romanian public employees (such as officers, magistrates, clerks, and priests) and Jewish women and the children resulting from these marriages, and the measures to be adopted in such cases (firing the husbands, for instance) preoccupied the government, who discussed it during its meeting from 26 August 1941. Benjamin (ed.), Legislatia antievreiasca, 322–323.

81 Ibid., 239–240. 82 See the prologue and the article 79 of Law 286/ 19 May 1944 in Ibid.,

265, 276. 83 See Jurnalul Consiliului de Ministrii no. 786 of 28 July 1941, in MJ-DJ, 114/1941,

vol. 1, p. 84. Other subsequent decisions re-enforced this rule. See Decree no. 232 of 2 February 1944, published in Monitorul Oficial no. 28 of 3 February 1944, regarding to the exemption of urban real estate of some foreign Jews from the expropriation law no. 254 of 28 March 1941. Consiliul Legislativ, Colectiune de legi si regulamente, Tomul XXII: ianuarie–februarie 1944 (Bucuresti: Monitorul Oficial si Imprimeriile Statului, 1944), 146–147; see also Jurnalul Consiliului de Ministrii no. 202 of 28 February 1944, which announced that Jews holding Argentinian, Swiss, French, Iranian, Italian, Spanish, Swedish,

Notes 241

and Turkish citizenship on 28 March 1941, who did not lose it in the subse-quent period, would be exempted from the expropriation of urban real estate (art.1). Monitorul Oficial al României, no. 60, of 11 March 1944.

84 ANR, MEN-DS, 67/1941, p. 59. 85 See ANR, MEN-DS 67/1941, p. 59; MEN-DOPSF, 4/1941, pp. 1–10; MEN-

DCI 78/1940, p.8; MEN-DOP 1/1940, pp. 327–329; MEN-DOPCI, 80/1941, pp. 273–274.

86 See the complaint of the Romanianization commissar from a Bucharest fac-tory against the Jewish owner who sold his company to an Italian of “prob-lematic ethnic origin,” without the commissar’s approval, instead of selling it to a legionary group. ANR, PCM-SSI 134/1942, pp. 29–34.

Chapter 8

1 The topic of sabotaging Romanianization appeared frequently in the press, private papers, and intergovernmental communications. Sabotage of Roma-nianization should be distinguished from “economic sabotage,” which was a different and more generic crime. Any entrepreneur, regardless of his eth-nicity, could be held liable for perpetrating this crime if his actions affected the national economy by failing to supply its company with raw materials or to deliver its products, firing employees without approval, refusing to accept new orders, and so on. See the “Surveillance and the Defense of the National Economy Law” (no. 3122 of 14 September 1940). Monitorul Oficial, no. 214 (14 September 1940): 5395.

2 ANR, CER, 35/1942; CER, 197/1942; CER, 202/1942. 3 ANR, MEN-DS 63/1941, 151; PCM-SSI 77/1938, pp. 28, 30, 33, 36, 41–43;

CDCER, 21/1940, p. 13; Generalul Ion Gheorghe, Un Dictator Nefericit: Maresalul Antonescu (Bucuresti: Machiavelli, 1996), 198–199; Lecca, Eu i-am salvat pe evreii din România, 182–183; Hâncu (ed.), Confidential, 35, 39–42, 46; René de Weck, Jurnal, 250; Roguski, Politic incorect, 126–127.

4 ANR, MMSOS, 80/1941, vol. II, p. 235; see also MEN-DI, 26/1941, pp. 14–15. 5 See, for instance, the case of Matei Gall’s parents and their Christian part-

ner, Mr Dinu. Gall, Eclipsa, 267; see also Stancu, Zile de lagar, 77–78. 6 See Constantin Th Sapatino, Trairi, Trairi . . . de-a lungul unui veac (Bucuresti,

Romfel: 1994), 76; Niculescu (ed.), Un Martor al Istoriei: Emil Ghilezean, 58–61; Valentin Saxone, Sperante în întuneric: memorii (Bucuresti: Editura Viitorul Românesc, 2004), 18–19; Banus, Sub Camuflaj, 112.

7 ANR, MMSOS, 80/1941, vol. II, pp. 31–38, 58–59; MMSOS, 296/1941, pp. 35–41; MEN-DOPSIF, 1/1940; MEN-DS, 18/1941, p. 56.

8 In the summer of 1942 MEN reported to Antonescu on the systematic nature of Romanianization sabotage. ANR, MEN-DOPSF, 1/1940, pp. 171–172.

9 The November law punished companies engaged in the camouflage of Jew-ish employees and not individuals. While the sanctions were severe – con-fiscation or liquidation of the company – the judicial procedure was very long and complicated. The only punishment stipulated by the March 1941 law was that Jewish perpetrators lost their right to receive the compensa-tions promised by the state in exchange for the expropriated real estate.

10 The criminal punishment for sabotaging the Romanianization of property and business was hard labor (imprisonment) for five to fifteen years. The material punishment was confiscation of the property/business in favor of

242 Notes

CNR if both partners of the transaction, or only the Aryan one, refused to “confess” sabotage. If both partners (or only the Jewish one) confessed sabotage, the property/business was returned to the rightful owner. See Monitorul Oficial no. 63, March 14, 1942, pp. 1900–1908.

11 Three CCs were organized around SSRCI and they typically comprised four members. One represented the BNR and the other three were legal experts, usually judges. The president of each CC was a judge from the Bucharest appeals court (designated by the Ministry of Justice), and the other two members came from tribunals or lower courts (designated by SSRCI with the agreement of MJ). Public attorneys and members of administrative courts were also eligible to participate in the CCs. See articles 12–19 of Law no. 196 in Ghimpa et al. (eds.), Codul de Românizare, 118–121. See also Trei ani de guvernare, 147.

12 The CCs’ decisions mentioned the names of the judges, the transaction partners, when transactions took place, the names and addresses of the companies or real estate in question, the moment when the original trans-action took place, how the suspect pleaded, and a description of the overall case.

13 ANR, SSRCI-Directia Drepturilor Statului (DDS) – Comisia de Camuflaj, (CC), 452bis/1941–502/1944.

14 ANR, SSRCI-DDS -CC, 452bis/1941–502/1944. 15 ANR, SSRCI-DDS-CC, 471/1942. The MJ also requested public attorney

offices to keep detailed statistics of prosecuted sabotage cases. 16 ANR, MJ-DJ, 84/1943, vol. I, pp. 145–148. 17 I consulted 20 diaries written by residents of World War II Romania

that referred to Romanianization: of these, 7 diarists were Jewish: Maria Banus, F Brunea-Fox, B Branisteanu, Arnold Dagani, Camil Baltazar, Emil Dorian, and Mihail Sebastian. Non-Jewish authors wrote 13 diaries: Dumitru Amzar, Constantin Argetoianu, N D Cocea, Petru Comarnescu, Gala Galac-tion, Ioan Hudita, Constantin Radulescu-Motru, Miron Radu Paraschivescu, Radu R Rosetti, Constantin Sanatescu, Vasile Scârneci, Alice Voinescu, and René de Weck. Out of the 20 diarists, 10 (4 Jewish and 6 non-Jewish) men-tioned the sabotage and camouflage of the process. In addition to the 20, I consulted 5 other diaries, written by Jeni Acterian, Eugen Barbu, Raul Bossy, Onisfor Ghibu, and Jean Mouton, which do not mention Romanianization at all.

18 Perhaps more than 40–50 percent of Romanianization cases were camou-flaged when considering the self-censorship of diarists living in a dictator-ship and at risk of a police search at any time or fearing deportation to Transnistria. For instance, Sasa Pana, a Jewish intellectual from Bucharest, wrote about his reluctance to jot down the most sensitive events of his life during the Antonescu regime, because they “could have turned into perfect accusation proofs.” Pana, Nascut in 02, p. 634.

19 In the fall of 1941 MMSOS decided to revise the law for the Romanianiza-tion of private employment, and the draft was ready by February 1942. The draft law was put on hold and a revision was adopted only in August 1943. ANR, MJ-DJ, 46/1941, pp. 8–29.

20 Benjamin (ed.), Legislatia antievreiasca, 78–79, 195–202; this evolution of the Romanianization of companies during the Antonescu regime seems to differ significantly from what happened in other countries under Nazi

Notes 243

influence. For instance, historian Jean-Marc Dreyfus shows in his book on the Aryanization of the financial sector in France that local authori-ties engaged in a massive liquidation of Jewish banks (around 60 percent). Dreyfus, Pillages sur Ordonnances, 275–279.

21 According to Law no. 143/1943, three main categories of deserving Jews could be assimilated with ethnic Romanians from a legal point of view. First, Jews who had volunteered to serve in the Romanian army and had fought on the frontline in the Independence War (1877), Second Balkan War, and World War I; second, Jewish soldiers of the Romanian army who had been awarded citizenship during World War I for their bravery; and third, those Jews who “proved themselves useful and faithful to the Romanian nation through their devotion and exceptional deeds or through their constant and praiseworthy activity.” A special commission (made of a Bucharest appeals court judge, a SSRCI delegate, and a public lawyer designated by the govern-ment) was charged with assessing potentially deserving Jews. See Benjamin (ed.), Legislatia antievreiasca, 234–243. The milder treatment of deserving Jews did have a precursor in the law for the expropriation of Jewish urban real estate (no. 842 from 28 March 1941), which exempted exceptionally devoted Jews from Romanianization. Law no.143 enlarged the categories of deserving Jews, and offered an easier procedure for Jewish applicants.

22 During World War I, 286 Jewish soldiers obtained Romanian citizenship for their bravery. The number of Jewish volunteers who fought in Romania’s wars is still unclear. See Benjamin (ed.), Legislatia antievreiasca, 234–243; see also Boia, Capcanele istoriei, 207.

23 See article 3, paragraphs A and B of the Decree Law no. 143, 9 March 1943, published in Monitorul Oficial, no. 58, Martie 10, 1943, pp. 2038–2042.

24 Numerous and inconsistent definitions of who was Jewish and deadline extensions were among the ambiguities and exceptions that enabled misin-terpretation of Romanianization laws.

25 One report from MEN revealed that “the Romanianization technique proved to be defective.” ANR, MEN-DS, 63/1941, p. 127; see also MEN-DOPCI, 79/1941, pp. 35–41; MEN-DOPCI, 86/1941, 195–199; MJ-DJ, 114/1941, vol. I, pp. 29–30, 96, 100–10; CER, 33/1942.

26 For example, the detective office (belonging to the general police depart-ment) reported to MJ that, in order to protect his real estate from Roma-nianization, a Bucharest Jewish inhabitant, Mr Marcovici, secured the complicity of the gentile Colonel Plesnila. According to the report, Mar-covici sold his house to Plesnila in May 1941 through a predated contract (on 18 March 1941 to avoid the 27 March expropriation law), doubled by a secret agreement that nullified the official document. ANR, MJ-DJ, 127/1941, pp. 118–119.

27 See Timpul, 27 August 1942. 28 Or, they moved into a Romanianized house and rented their own house.

According to an Iasi University professor, Gheorghe Zane, his fellow profes-sor, Andrei Otetea, rented his house to a German institute and he moved into a Jewish house, whose owner had been evicted. Zane, Memorii, 75.

29 See “O comunicare a CNR-ului în legatura cu închirierile de imobile,” Viata, no. 507, 14 September 1942, p. 5. Even after September 1941 things continued to move slowly, and CNR complained to Antonescu that the avalanche of requests (more than 50,000) prevented a rapid distribution

244 Notes

of Romanianized houses to ethnic Romanian beneficiaries. See MEN-DS, 52/1941, 135–37.

30 See the article ”De ce s-a depus un numar exagerat de cereri de apartamente de inchiriat la CNR,” in Informatia, 15 September 1942.

31 ANR, PCM-SSI, 90–1941, pp. 43–49. 32 ANR, PCM-SSI, 90–1941, pp. 43–49. 33 See “Mutarea evreilor din apartamentele proprietatea CNR,” Informatia,

23 April 1942; “Închirierea imobilelor CNR,” Timpul, 11 April 1942. 34 See “Închirierea imobilelor CNR,” Timpul, 11 April 1942. 35 Probably he thought of Transnistria, the former Soviet area where many

Jewish deportees died of typhus during the Antonescu regime. See Viata, no. 477, 15 August 1942, p. 3.

36 See, for instance, “Evreii proprietari saboteaza vizitarea imobilelor CNR,” Seara, 9 August 1942; “Evrei evacuati pentru neafisarea biletului de închir-iere,” Timpul, no. 1901 24 August 1942, p. 9; and “Evrei evacuati pentru refuz de afisare a biletelor de închiriat,” Viata, no. 486, 25 August 25, 1942, p. 3.

37 See, for instance, the testimony of Hefter Avraam from 9 April 1945 col-lected during the investigation of World Jewish Congress in post-Antonescu Romania. CSIER, III-Congresul Mondial Evreiesc (CME), fisa no. 46; see also Dorian, Jurnal, 231; Banus, Sub camuflaj, 55–56.

38 See Dorian, Jurnal, 231. 39 ANR, PCM-SSI, 90/1941, pp. 164–165. The beneficiaries of Romanianized

houses rented the real estate to local Jews despite the formal obligations (assumed in the renting contracts with CNR) not to do so. See “Închirierea imobilelor evreiesti,” Informatia, 30 April 1942.

40 See Dorian, Jurnal, 232. 41 ANR, MF-CSIS, 412/1942, pp. 2–119. 42 Ibid., 2–119. 43 ANR, MF-CSIS, 405/1942, pp. 3–21. 44 For example, CNR needed two years to seize (March 1943) the house of Jew-

ish Bucharest inhabitant, Elena Vajoreanu (former Bella Rosenfeld). ANR, SSRCI-D. Contencios 55/1943, pp. 26–28.

45 ANR, MF-CSIS, 413/1942, pp. 52–58; 221–223. 46 ANR, MF-CSIS, 280/1941, pp. 67–88. 47 Ibid., 67–88. 48 See Bucur, Eugenics and Modernization; Livezeanu, Cultural Politics in Greater

Romania. 49 If they were single business owners or shareholders, Jewish entrepreneurs

could neither register new companies nor modify the existing ones. 50 Dragos (ed.), Românizarea: Înfaptuiri, 38–39. 51 ANR, MEN- DOPSF, 1/1940, pp. 171–172. 52 ANR, MEN-DOPSF 1/1940, pp. 171–172. 53 34,000 associative-participatory companies and other associative enter-

prises filed declarations on the ethnic origin of their associates by December 1942. This gives a sense of the sheer number of businesses of this type that were under close surveillance in World-War-II Romania. See Dragos (ed.), Românizarea: Înfaptuiri, 38–39.

54 ANR, MEN-DOPSF 1/1940, p. 248.

Notes 245

55 ANR, ME-DOPSF 1/1942, pp. 171–172; see also SSRCI’s “ministerial deci-sions” no. 23,681 of 7 September 1942 and no. 24,491 of 14 September 1942. Dragos (ed.), Românizarea: Înfaptuiri, 38.

56 See, for instance, Border, Între doua lumi, 11; Gheorghe, Un dictator nefericit, 198–199.

57 See Gall, Eclipsa, 268–269. 58 See René de Weck, Jurnal, 250. 59 The letter of Jacques Truelle, the head of the French Legation in Romania,

to Admiral Darlan, the Secretary of France Foreign Affairs, 14 January 1942 in Iancu (ed.), Soah, 168–169.

60 Iancu, Shoah, 169; on the career of Zwiedeneck, see also Trasca and Deletant, (eds.), Al III-lea Reich, 297.

61 See, for instance, Banus, Sub camuflaj, 98; Rene de Weck, Jurnal, 250. 62 See, for instance, Border, Între doua lumi, 11. 63 See Sapatino, Trairi, trairi, 76. 64 Saxone, Sperante în întuneric, 18–19. 65 Many companies complained about the financial burden produced by the

salaries of Romanianization and special commissars, ethnic Romanian doubles, and other controllers they had to pay. ANR, MEN-DI, 26/1941, pp. 30–31; MEN-DC, 7/1941, p. 193; MEN-DS, 79/1941, pp. 5, 42–43.

66 ANR, ANIC, MMSOS, 59/1941, vol. II; MMSOS, 74/1941, vol. I; MMSOS, 77/1941, vol. I, pp. 271–272; MMSOS, 713/1941, vol. I + vol. II; MMSOS, 717/1941; MMSOS, 718/1941; MMSOS, 689/1941, vol. II; MMSOS, 699/1941, vol. I; MMSOS, 713/1941, vol. II, pp. 79–81; MEN-DS, 40/1941, pp. 16–17.

67 They argued that OCR bureaucrats only had the right to recommend, not to impose, ethnic Romanian employees. ANR, MEN-DS, 65/1941, pp. 122–123; MEN-DOPCI, 86/1941, pp. 191–195.

68 ANR, MMSOS, 59/1941, vol. II, pp. 23–24; MMSOS, 713/1941, vol. II, pp. 184–187.

69 AMB, LJB, 76/1942; LJB, 77/1942; LJB, 79/1942; LJB, 116/1943; LJB, 119/1943; LJB, 130/1944; ANR, MMSOS, 717/1941; MMSOS, 734/1941; MMSOS, 713/1941, vol. II, pp. 184–187; SSRCI, 470/1942.

70 According to local managers, ethnic Romanian doubles complaining to authorities were frustrated beneficiaries of Romanianization who had been fired for their incompetence and negligence. Trouble making, absence, lazi-ness, and alcoholism were common complaints. ANR, MMSOS, 77/1941, vol. I, pp. 69–70, 63–64.

71 ANR, MEN-DS, 40/1941, pp. 16–17, 26–27; MEN-DS, 47/1941, pp. 254–255; MEN-DS, 50/1941, p. 66; MMSOS, 77/1941, vol. I, p. 68.

72 ANR, MMSOS, 77/1941, vol. I, p. 64. 73 For example, OCR’s special inspector, Coroiu, threatened to close down an

important store solely because the owners opposed hiring two inexperi-enced and incompetent ethnic Romanians recommended by OCR. ANR, MEN-DS, 47/1941, pp. 253–255.

74 ANR, MEN-DS, 47/1941, pp. 253–25. The statement of MEN’s officials on the “true meaning of Romanianization work” appears quite surreal in the context of the Antonescu regime when systematic Romanianization in other fields – such as real estate – was achieved only through radical expropriation. This paradoxical statement might suggest that bureaucrats

246 Notes

from different departments interpreted the Romanianization process differ-ently. It is also possible that inter-departmental rivalry between MEN and MMSOS/OCR bureaucrats played its role.

75 See the memoirs of Nicolae Bagdasar, the owner of a Bucharest printing company. After 1941 Bagdasar had to hire two generations of ethnic Roma-nian employees due to war mobilization. He was delighted when he man-aged to requisition a Jewish clerk. Bagdasar, Memorii, 275, 277–278.

76 See OCR’s letter of October 1941 to MEN, ANR, MMSOS, 77/1941, vol. I, pp. 63–64. See also MMSOS, 80/1941, vol. II, pp. 369–371; MEN-DS, 47/1941, p. 256.

77 ANR, MMSOS, 77/1941, vol. I, pp. 63–64. 78 ANR, MMSOS, 77/1941, vol. I, pp. 63–64. 79 See Directia Generala a Politiei (DGP)’s ‘Nota Informativa Anexa la Buleti-

nul Informativ’, no. 227 of 25 August 1941. ANR, MMSOS, 80/1941, vol. I, pp. 39–41.

80 They evaluated the practical problems of Romanianization and suggested improvements. Even though MEN’s memo identified correctly the main problems of Romanianization, it attributed most of them to its rival depart-ments – OCR and SSRCI/CNR – and claimed for itself a more important role in supervising the national economy. ANR, MEN-DS, 70/1941, pp. 10–15.

81 ANR, MEN-DS, 70/1941, pp. 10–15. 82 For instance, small businessmen and professionals lodged complaints

against their Jewish competitors still in business, openly or camouflaged. ANR, MJ-DJ, 4/1940, vol. II + III; MJ-DJ, 5/1940, vol. I; LJB, 79/1942; MMSOS, 23/1941; MMSOS, 69/1941; MMSOS, 201/1941; MMSOS, 713/1941/vol. II; MMOS, 714/1941/vol. I; MMSOS, 708/1941; SSRCI, 453/1941; SSRCI, 470/1942.

83 ANR, PCM-CM, 58/1940; LJB, 77/1942; LJB, 79/1942; LJB, 85/1942; LJB, 89/1942; LJB, 97/1943; LJB, 105/1943; LJB, 119/1943; LJB, 130/1944; LJB, 147/1944; MMSOS, 159/1941/vol.1; SSRCI, 470/1942.

84 AMB, LJB, 119/1943; ANR, MMSOS, 77/1941, vol. I; DGP, 21/1945, pp. 7–8. 85 ANR, DGP, 21/1945, pp. 7–8. 86 AMB, LJB, 49/1940; LJB, 57/1941; LJB, 66/1941; LJB, 77/1942; LJB, 79/1942;

LJB, 80/1942; LJB, 84/1942; LJB, 85/1942; LJB, 95/1943; LJB, 97/1943; LJB, 116/1943; LJB, 119/1943; LJB, 130/1944. ANR, PCM-CM, 58/1940; MMSOS, 63/1941, vol. I, pp. 174–183; MMSOS, 63/1941/vol.2; MMSOS, 69/1941; MMSOS, 74/1941, vol. III; MMSOS, 80/1941, vol. II, pp. 58–59; MMSOS, 201/1941; MMSOS, 296/1941; MMSOS, 714/1941, vol. I; SSRCI, 453/1941; SSRCI, 470/1942; MEN-DS, 48/1941, p. 41; MEN-DS, 50/1941, p. 152; Ros-tás (ed.), Chipurile orasului, 146, 225–226, 231; René de Weck, Jurnal, 250; Hâncu (ed.), Confidential, 26–27, 35–26, 39–41, 46, 59.

Chapter 9

1 ANR, MMSOS 407/1944, vol I, pp. 14–16; see also MMSOS 609/1943, vol. II, p. 134; MMSOS 618/1943, vol. I, p. 124; MMSOS 618/1943, vol. II, p. 134; MM, SOS 50/1943, pp. 225–242.

2 In Vichy France, for example, the liquidation of Jewish property developed further than in Bucharest. As historian Tal Brutmann has proven in his

Notes 247

recent work on Aryanization in the region of Isère, almost a quarter (23.2 percent) of Jewish real estate in the city of Grenoble had been sold by the summer of 1944. See Brutmann, Aryanisation Economique et Spoliations, 113–153. In other French urban areas the rate of liquidation was lower. In Lyon, only 8.8 percent of Jewish real estate was sold by the summer of 1944; see also Dreyfus, Pillages sur Ordonnances, 275–279; Dean, Robbing the Jews, 173–377. The liquidation of Jewish wealth in Nazi Germany was the most successful. As Frank Bajohr has demonstrated, the Aryanization of Jewish companies in Hamburg was practically completed by the outbreak of war in 1939 and “the majority of [real estate] properties owned by Jews were seized on behalf of the German Reich in 1941/1942.” Bajohr, Aryanization in Hamburg, 222–272.

3 Hâncu (ed.), Confidential, 25; Antonescu also complained that the Romani-anization of some businesses brought losses for the country's budget. See the 8 August 1941 government meeting minutes, in Ciuca and Ignat (eds.), Stenogramele, vol. III, pp. 100–101.

4 Historian Jean Ancel also noted that Antonescu’s Romanianization bene-fited local bourgeoisie and thus led them to support his regime. Ancel, The History of the Holocaust in Romania, 177–178.

5 See, for instance, ANR, PCM-SSI 24/1941; MF-CSIS 277/1941. 6 Historian Radu Ioanid has also emphasized the role of local officials’ oppor-

tunism in the survival of Romanian Jews. Ioanid, Evreii sub regimul Anto-nescu, 399.

7 See Benjamin (ed.), Legislatia antievreiasca, 124; see also Mihai Antonescu’s declaration during the government meeting of 8 July 1941, emphasizing that such a historic moment for the Romanianization of real estate (and society) would occur only once in several centuries. Ciuca and Ignat (eds.), Stenogramele, vol. IV, p. 57.

8 In this sense, see, for instance, the observations of several scholars of Roma-nian history. Bucur, Eugenie si modernizare, 93; Case, Between States, 33–34.

9 Iordachi, Citizenship, Nation, and State-Building, 22–23; concerns with a ‘problematic’ minority whose existence offered the pretext of Great Pow-ers’ frequent interventions into the domestic affairs of a country played a crucial role not only in the Romanian chapter of the Holocaust, but also in other cases of genocide. For the similarities with the Armenian genocide, see Donald Bloxham, The Great Game of Genocide: Imperialism, Nationalism and the Destruction of the Ottoman Armenians (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005).

10 Livezeanu, Cultural Politics in Greater Romania, 306. 11 For more detail on foreign governments’ interventions in favor of Roma-

nian Jews in 1937–1938, see Ancel, The History of the Holocaust in Romania, 34–38; Quinlan, Clash over Romania, 28–30.

12 For Antonescu’s worries about the international law and foreign policy implications of the Romanianization of Jewish property at the future peace conference, based on his view of World War I Paris Peace Conference, see the government minute of 13 November 1941, in Ciuca and Ignat (eds.), Stenogramele, vol. V, pp. 122–123; see also the government meeting minute of 20 April 1943. Idem, Stenogramele, vol. IX, p. 185.

13 See the minutes of the government meetings of 16 and 17 November 1943, in Ciuca and Ignat (eds.), Stenogramele, vol. IX, pp. 545, 560.

248

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261

Index

‘abandoned (ownerless) property,’ 41, 69, 138, 142, 206n43, 231n99

ACG. See Association of Housewives Circles

Achim, Viorel, 27–8, 128–31, 135–7, 146, 226n6

administratori giranti. See building managers

air bombardments of Romania, 54, 86–7, 217n110

Akcam, Taner, 206n38Alexianu, Gheorghe, 140, 141Allies, the, 15, 41, 57, 60, 95–6, 117,

149, 156, 184, 188, 239n68Amidah, 148, 234n1, 235n9Ancel, Jean, 19, 27–31, 35, 191n7,

201n108, 205n32, 206n38, 227n19, 229n59

antisemitismAntonescu and, 187–8in Bucharest, 19, 122, 178outside Bucharest, 20Germans and, 111legislation and, 15, 23, 35–44,

46, 49, 52, 54, 55, 56, 59, 157, 203n11, 203n14, 203n16, 207n50, 208n66

opportunistic economic antisemitism, 187

opposition to, 92Orthodox Church and, 212n15political parties and, 81studies of, 28, 203n11

anti-Soviet war, 4, 12, 22, 27, 41, 83, 94, 96, 112, 217n96, 225n67, 235n22

Antonescu, Ion, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 10, 12, 13, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 21, 22, 23, 24,25, 26, 27, 29, 30, 31, 36, 37,

38, 40, 41, 42, 43, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 81, 92, 108, 110, 111, 193n17, 207n47, 211n124

and anti-Roma policy, 17, 26, 124–46, 189, 226n17, 227n22, 231n86

and antisemitic policies, including Romanianization, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 12, 13, 15, 19, 23, 24, 25, 27, 30, 31, 37, 38, 40, 42, 44, 45, 46, 49, 50, 57, 59, 66, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73, 80, 84, 88, 90, 108, 122, 146–90, 191n7, 193n20, 198n88, 199n96, 206n44, 208n66, 214n26, 217n101, 228n40, 239n61, 247n3

and conversion of Jews to Christianity, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 204n19, 212n151

and ethnic Romanian refugees, 5, 80, 198n81, 208n61, 220n49

and forced labor, 38and the Germans, 10, 16, 26,

110–23, 196n58, 221n2and Hungary, 74, 214n43the Iron Guard and, 5, 17, 18, 19,

21, 38, 71, 73, 81, 95, 101, 120, 121, 235n12

Antonescu, Maria, 92–3, 106Antonescu, Mihai, 57, 92, 135, 150,

156, 160, 187, 195n45, 204n22, 206n39, 206n40, 214n43, 230n70, 238n42, 247n7

appeals courts, 39, 40, 53, 68, 150, 151, 152, 154, 155, 157, 158, 189, 192n13, 207n54, 211n112, 236n24, 236n26, 236n29, 236n32, 242n11, 243n21

Ardeleana Bank, 81, 215n50Argetoianu, Constantin, 84, 108,

224n48, 242n17

262 Index

armed resistanceby Jews, 164, 165, 234n1by Roma, 230n62

Armenian genocide, 205n32, 206n38, 232n115, 247n9

aryanization, 13, 186, 222n13in France 242n20, 246n2in Germany, 206n38, 222n13,

246n2in Hungary, 14in Romania, 26, 111, 113, 114, 115,

118, 123in Slovakia, 15, 219n47

Association of Graduates of Schools of Economics, 98

Association of Housewives Circles (ACG), 92–3, 96, 150, 218n11

Association of Romanian Banks, 40Axis, the, 3, 4, 6, 12, 13, 16. 20, 29,

41, 43, 54, 55, 57, 96, 110, 115, 118, 123, 156, 187–9, 198n91, 211n123, 215n60, 222n13, 239n68

Bagdasar, Nicolae, 246n75Bajohr, Frank, 246n2Banat, 4, 110, 114, 203n14, 223n23,

237n35, 237n40Bancos, Dorel, 28, 31, 201n112Banus, Maria, 77–8, 94, 242n17baptismal certificates, 37, 46, 47, 48,

49, 63, 132, 203n18bar association, 35, 157, 177Belzec (death camp), 7Benjamin, Lya, 27–9, 167, 202n4Berlin Peace Treaty (1878), 188,

206n42Bessarabia, 3, 4, 7, 14, 18, 19, 22, 29,

30, 31, 67, 80, 98, 127, 128, 189, 198n81,

203n9, 235n22BNR. See National Bank of RomaniaBoia, Lucian, 197n68Bossy, Raul, 52Brânzan, Andruta Androneta, 131Bratianu, (Dinu) Constantin, 137,

231n86Brutmann, Tal, 246n2Bucharest, 1, 5, 8, 15–40, 43–4, 47,

48, 49, 51, 54, 56–67, 69, 70, 71, 73, 74, 76, 79–87, 91–9, 101, 102, 103, 104, 106, 107, 112, 113, 115, 116, 117, 119, 120–9, 131, 132, 133, 134, 135, 136, 137, 138, 139, 140, 141, 144, 145, 147, 150, 152, 153, 154, 155, 159, 169, 170, 173, 176, 177, 178, 181, 182, 183, 184, 185, 186, 189, 197n69, 197n73, 198n79, 198n81, 198n85, 198n88, 199n91, 199n95, 199n96, 199n97, 201n108, 201n116, 203n10, 204n22, 205n29, 206n40, 207n54, 209n69, 210n98, 210n106, 211n106, 212n149, 216n89, 218n7, 220n49, 221n76, 224n54, 225n67, 225n69, 226n6, 226n7, 226n17, 227n18, 229n58, 230n63, 231n90, 232n104, 233n122, 233n123, 233n124, 233n126, 234n127, 236n26, 236n29, 237n35, 238n42, 239n55, 239n56, 239n68, 241n86, 242n11, 242n18, 243n21, 243n26, 244n44, 246n75

Bucharest Chamber of Commerce and Industry (CCIB), 19, 113, 115, 239n56

Bucur, Calomfirescu, 209n75Bucur, Maria, 28, 36, 126, 173,

203n13, 203n15, 208n61, 229n59Bucuresti. See Bucharestbuilding managers, 25, 41, 66, 69,

77–9, 88, 139, 215n60Bulgaria

antisemitic policies of, 13–15, 195n50

Bulgarian Jews targeted by Romanianization, 57

population exchange with, 30, 110, 221n4

territorial losses to, 3Bukovina, 18, 19, 21, 24, 28, 29, 30,

189Northern Bukovina, 3, 4, 7, 67, 80,

110, 112, 235n22Southern Bukovina, 17

Burgdörfer, Friedrich, 226n6

Index 263

camouflage, 20, 21, 27, 31–3, 34, 35, 48, 49, 72, 86, 95, 97, 108, 113, 142, 162–71, 174–82, 185, 187, 189, 199n100, 204n27, 209n76, 225n2, 241n9, 242n17, 246n82. See also sabotage

camouflage commission (CC), 32, 34, 162–6, 242n11, 242n12

Cantacuzino-Enescu, Maria, 68Carol II (King of Romania), 3, 10,

19, 35–6, 42, 62, 125, 207n47, 212n151, 222n15, 234n127

Cassulo, Andrea, 24, 60, 63, 199n98, 204n19

Centrala Evreilor. See Jewish CenterCentral Judicial Commission (CJC),

39, 53, 151, 207n54Central Romanianization Office

(OCR), 13, 25, 39, 66, 71, 80–3, 87–8, 145, 179–82, 204n23, 213n8, 245n67, 245n73, 245n74, 246n80

Central Statistic Institute, 124, 193n17, 208n61, 213n16, 225n2

certificate de botez. See baptismal certificates

certificate de nationalitate. See ethnicity certificates

Chioveanu, Mihai, 28Christodorescu, Vasile, 44Cisar, Alexandru, 61citizenship

denaturalization, 35ethnic Germans and Romanian

citizenship, 113Jews and foreign citizenship, 14,

55–9, 160, 210n110, 211n112, 211n116, 211n124, 234n1, 240n83

Jews and Romanian citizenship, 35, 153, 196n56, 202n4, 212n151, 243n21, 243n22

Roma and Romanian citizenship, 143

Ciuciu, Anca, 18Civil Code, 67CNR. See National Romanianization

CenterCocea, N. D., 225n69, 242n17

Codreanu, Corneliu Zelea, 216n81Codreanu, Ion, 80, 81, 216n81Commissars Office, 66, 70–1compensation

for German owned property, 17, 110

for Jewish owned property, 39, 40, 42, 43, 53, 104, 205n32, 207n47, 236n26 for Roma property, 228n40

Concordat with Vatican, 60, 62, 63, 212n137

confiscation of property, 5, 14, 17, 27, 39, 42–3, 131, 138, 145, 166, 179, 191n7, 207n47, 207n54, 222n13, 233n123, 241n10

Consiliul de Patronaj al Operelor Sociale, 93, 106

Constitution1866 Constitution, 206n421923 Constitution, 42, 43, 206n42,

207n471938 Constitution, 42, 207n47

control inspectors, 71, 74, 79, 180, 182, 214n43, 215n54

conversion to Christianity (of Jews), 36, 37, 59–64, 237n40

court contestations, 20, 39, 40, 53, 98, 147–8, 150–55, 158–161, 185, 189, 236n26,236n32, 236n33, 236n34

Crainic, Nichifor, 95, 156Csangos (ceangai), 45Cuza, A. C., 81Czernowitz, 4, 30, 84, 112, 233n126,

236n32, 238n49

Danulescu, Constantin, 81Deak, Istvan, 235n12Dean, Martin, 206n38, 206n43,

219n47Deletant, Dennis, 27, 28, 42deserving Jews, 14, 153, 154, 157, 180,

166, 237n40, 243n21Desliu, Boris, 42de Weck, René, 20, 24, 54–5, 60, 69,

123, 176, 186, 199n98, 207n50, 211n124, 212n155, 225n77, 231n86, 239n68, 242n17

264 Index

Dobre, Gheorghe, General, 214n27Dobrogea

Northern, 17, 36, 91, 110, 194n22, 202n1

Southern, 3, 17, 80Dorian, Emil, 72, 170, 171, 210n98,

218n6, 242n17Dragos, Titus, 41, 44, 68, 69, 70, 114,

116, 168, 214n26Dreyfus, Jean-Marc, 242n20Dumitrescu-Borsa, Ion, 80–2

economic commissars, 75, 79, 215n74, 216n80

economic protectionism, 10, 11, 34, 35, 192n8, 193n22, 223n25

Elena (Queen of Romania), 135emigration to Palestine, 4, 23, 49, 187,

188, 193n20Enescu, George, 137ethnicity certificates, 46–9, 57–8,

209n69, 211n124ethnic Germans, 17, 91, 110–123, 141,

178, 186, 213n16, 221n2, 221n3, 223n23, 223n25

ethnic origin, 5, 9, 35, 44–50, 54, 57, 58, 61, 64, 65, 69, 110, 115, 122, 124, 128, 143, 202n4, 209n69, 216n89, 237n36, see also ethnicity certificates

eugenics, 28, 45, 125, 129, 174, 208n59, 226n16, 229n59

eviction, of Jewish owners and tenants, 54, 57, 58, 79, 80, 147, 148, 149, 150, 167, 169, 170, 171, 239n61

exemption from expropriation, 39, 153, 157, 160, 166, 205n31, 237n40, 243n21

Ezechiel, Emilian, 46

Federation of Jewish Communities of Romania (FCER), 153, 154, 238n43

Filderman, Wilhelm, 19, 43, 152, 159, 199n96, 237n39

Filmul Românesc, 95forced labor, 38

Gall, Matei, 113, 176, 241n5General Association of Engineers from

Romania (AGIR), 98General Staff of Romanian Army, 104,

157–8, 232n104German Ethnic Group (GEG), 49,

113–5, 117, 213n16, 223n27, 223n38

Gheorghiu, Virgil, 47–8Ghilezean, Emil, 80–1, 215n50,

216n80Ghimpa, Nicolae, 207n54Gigurtu, Ion, 81Goga, Octavian, 35, 192n8, 203n9Golaescu, Maria, 233n126Golopentia, Anton, 193n17Greek-Catholic Church, 63, 204n21Gross, Jan, 220n10Gruia, Ion, 203n16

Hausleitner, Mariana, 28–9Heinen, Armin, 28, 198n88Heydrich, Reinhard, 116Hirsch, Carl, 233n126Hirsch, Marianne, 30Hitchins, Keith, 191n7, 194n26Homeland’s Momentum Association,

65Hudita, Ioan, 70, 95, 137, 138,

215n74, 216n80, 230n65, 233n122, 233n126, 242n17

Hungaryemigration of csangos to Hungary,

41, 45Hungarian Catholic priests, 60Hungary’s antisemitic policies, 4,

13–14, 55surveillance of, and retaliation

against Hungarian owned companies, 73–4, 214n43

territorial losses to Hungary, 3, 71, 223n38

Iancu, Carol, 28ICR. See Romanian Loans InstituteIoanid, Radu, 4, 27, 28, 31, 36, 131,

191n7, 201n109, 229n59, 247n6Ionescu, Ghita, 82, 216n89

Index 265

Iordachi, Constantin, 28, 202n1Iron Guard, the, 3, 35, 111, 125,

204n21, 235n12, 239n64antisemitism and, 5, 19, 21, 23, 24,

47, 92, 127;Codrenisti, 80, 216n81Orthodox Church and, 212n151Rebellion (January 1941), 3, 38,

103, 148, 156, 197n69, 227n19Romanianization and, 4, 5, 10, 17,

25, 38, 71, 72, 73, 80, 81, 85, 95, 101, 108, 117, 120, 121, 186, 191n7, 192n11, 196n63

Septembristi, 73Simisti, 80, 216n81

irrevocability of judges, 156, 239n64

Italydiplomatic relations with, 3, 4, 20,

57, 223n38Romanianization and Italians, 16–7,

57, 74, 110–11, 160, 196n61, 210n110, 222n9, 241n86

Jewish Center (Centrala Evreilor/CER), 153, 154, 220n65, 237n37, 238n43, 238n44, 238n45

Kelso, Michelle, 28, 129, 131, 134, 230n62

Killinger, Manfred von, 43, 117, 223n34

Kraft durch Freude, 81

labor inspectors, 80Lecca, Radu, 39, 43, 205n28, 208n66,

220n65legalized looting (robbery), 25, 32, 40,

42, 90, 188–9legal resistance to Romanianization

by Jews, 24, 27, 31, 39, 51, 52, 90, 98, 104, 107, 147–162, 175, 185, 186, 205n31, 234n1, 235n19, 239n61

by Roma, 140, 142, 189Livezeanu, Irina, 28, 29, 173Lombroso, Caesare, 227n34Love, Joseph L., 11

Madgearu, Virgil, 8, 9, 10, 11, 34, 199n100

Malaxa, Nicolae, 92, 218n92Maniu, Iuliu, 137, 216n80, 233n122Manoilescu, Mihai, 8, 10, 11Manuila, Sabin, 124, 125, 193n17,

213n16, 225n2Marin, Ioan, 131, 132, 140Martinescu, Pericle, 48, 85, 91, 137Meierhenrich, Jens, 157Mihai I (King of Romania), 42, 135, 149Ministry of Finance (MF), 67, 70, 79,

85, 94, 105, 171–3, 213n6, 213n9Ministry of Interior (MAI), 127, 136,

137, 141, 196n63, 201n116, 228n37, 232n110

Ministry of Justice (MJ), 32, 39, 46, 53–65, 85, 103, 104, 152, 155, 157, 158, 165, 196n63, 201n116, 205n34, 211n112, 214n43, 224n57, 242n11

Ministry of Labor, Health, and Social Work (MMSOS), 13, 16, 38–9, 65–6, 81, 83,105–7, 120, 145, 179, 182, 186, 204n23, 204n24, 221n76, 229n58, 242n19, 275n74

Ministry of National Defence (MAN), 76, 100, 104, 210n94

Ministry of National Economy (MEN), 13, 16, 25, 40, 45, 51, 52, 65–76, 83, 97, 88, 90, 94, 99, 100, 101, 111, 112, 115, 122, 123, 154–5, 159, 174, 175, 179, 180, 181, 182, 201n116, 202n4, 214n27, 223n29, 225n72, 241n8, 243n25, 245n74, 246n80

Minority Treaty (1919), 35mixed marriages, 14, 61, 126, 159,

209n75, 240n80Monitorul, Oficial, 44, 67, 130Moscovici, Serge, 49Munca si Lumina, 81Murgescu, Bogdan, 192n8

National Bank of Romania (BNR), 50, 51, 52, 102, 238n53, 242n11

National Christian Party (PNC), 81, 193n22

266 Index

National Liberal Party (PNL), 52, 96, 193n22

National Orthodox Romanian Women’s Society (SONFR), 96, 106, 219n23, 219n30

National Peasant Party (PNT), 80–1, 95, 96, 137, 215n80, 233n122

National Romanianziation Center (CNR), 13, 17, 21, 25, 27, 50, 53, 54, 56, 59, 66–88, 92, 93, 94, 96, 97, 98, 101, 102, 103, 104, 105, 106, 107, 108, 138, 139, 141, 142, 145, 147, 149, 150, 151, 153, 154, 157, 158, 159, 160, 168, 169, 170, 171, 172, 173, 186, 210n94, 213n6, 213n9, 217n101, 217n112, 218n114, 218n7, 220n49, 221n76, 231n99, 232n110, 233n123, 236n34, 237n36, 239n61, 240n10, 243n29, 244n39, 244n44, 246n80

Neubacher, Hermann, 223n34Neumann, Victor, 203n14, 237n40Nuremberg laws, 36, 43, 203n11,

237n40

OCR. See Central Romanianization Office

Odessa, 171, 234n128Old Kingdom, 4, 7, 15, 18, 19, 22, 24,

30, 62, 80, 127, 128, 186, 199n96, 223n23

Olteanu, Florea, 156Orientalism, 126, 128Orthodox Church

and antisemitism, 212n151and the conversion of Jews, 47, 61,

62, 63, 212n149, 212n51Patriarch Miron Cristea, 212n151Patriarch Nicodim, 61–2tensions with the Catholic Church,

62, 63

Pana, Sasa, 66, 150, 242n17, 242n18Pandectele Românizarii, 44, 207n56,

237n37Paris Peace Treaties (1919–1920), 3,

28, 188Peace Bureau, 214n43, 216n102

Penal Code, 203n15, 228n35Petrescu, Camil, 91Petrovici, Ion, 61pogroms, 15, 149, 197n69, 227n19Polatel, Mehmed, 206n38Porajmos, 131

Quinlan, Paul, 203n9

racism, 28, 45, 129, 130, 187Rautu, Mihai, 80, 216n80Red Army, the, 152, 235n16,

235n22refugees (ethnic Romanian), 5, 17, 20,

22, 35, 67, 68, 70, 80, 81, 87, 102, 108, 110, 112, 141, 162, 172, 186, 190, 198n81, 2220n49, 221n4

Registry of Commerce, 16, 19, 111, 154, 155, 238n51, 239n56

Richter, Gustav, 43, 116, 117Rigó, Máté, 215n60Romanianization

beneficiaries, 89–109bureaucracy, 66–88conversion and, 59–65ethnicity and, 44–50foreign Jews and, 55–9Germanization and, 110–23in historiography, 28–31Jewish resistance to, 147–83legislation and 37–65proto-Romanization, 4, 6–7, 25,

34–7, 192n8, 202n1, 223n25regional context, 13–15Roma and, 138–46theoretical framework, its goals,

targets, and results, 4–6, 8–13, 16–17, 184–90

Romanianization commissars, 5, 72–3, 75, 80–1, 84, 85, 95, 115, 121, 122, 192n11, 198n79, 216n80, 223n29, 241n86

Romanianization controllers, 74, 76, 83, 86, 87, 215n46

Romanian Loans Institute (ICR), 50, 51, 238n53

Rosetti, Radu R, 204n19, 210n95, 214n22, 215n81

Rotman, Liviu, 28

Index 267

sabotageof Romanianization, 20, 27, 31,

34, 35, 38, 39, 51, 88, 103, 108, 113, 147, 162–183, 185, 214n26, 241n1, 241n8, 241n9, 241n10, 242n15, 242n17

economic, 71, 100, 113, 149, 239n61, 241n1

military, 149S ¸afran, Alexandru, 159, 199n96Schwefelberg, Arnold, 152, 153, 154,

159Sebastian, Mihail, 23, 82, 91, 242n17S ¸eicaru, Pamfil, 84Sima, Horia, 10, 72, 73, 80, 81, 120,

193n18, 204n22, 216n81Slovakia

persecution of Slovakian Jews, 13, 15, 219n47

Slovakianization versus Aryanization, 15, 223n27

Slovak Jewish Codex, 43, 44Solomon, Petre, 144, 239n68Solonari, Vladimir, 27, 28, 30, 31, 45,

192special commissars, 5, 71, 74–6, 80,

215n54, 245n65spiritual resistance, 30Spitzer, Leo, 30Spitzmuller, Henry, 37, 55, 203n17state controllers, 25, 66, 74, 88,

245n65stateless Jews, 59, 65Stelzer, Gherhard, 203n10sterilization, 126, 226n16Stoicescu, Constantin, 46, 63Supreme Court, the (Înalta Curte de

Casatie si Justitie), 53, 151, 152, 236n33, 237n35, 239n64

Teodorescu, Anibal, 154Thorne, Benjamin M., 28, 125, 126,

128, 131, 230n62Tonsmeyer, Tatjana, 15, 223n27Transnistria, 4, 17, 19, 26, 31, 63,

78, 113, 124–146, 147, 176, 189, 208n61, 228n39, 229n58,

230n63, 232n103, 232n104, 232n110, 233n122, 233n124, 234n128, 242n18, 244n35

TransylvaniaNorthern, 3, 21, 71, 74, 80, 81,

127, 198–81, 214n43, 220n49, 223n23, 223n38

pre-1940, 21, 29, 47, 110, 176, 181, 203–14

Southern, 4, 74, 223n23, 233n122, 237n40

Truelle, Jacques, 57, 58, 69, 177, 245n59

Turda, Marius, 28, 126, 203n16, 208n58, 208n60, 226n16

typhus epidemic, 125, 134, 135, 229n58, 229n59, 233n126, 244n35

Üngör, Ügur Ümit, 206n38Ungureanu, Gheorghe, 81, 95Union of Romanian Jews, 20

Vago, Raphael, 28Vasiliu, Constantin (Piki), General,

61, 137Vatican, The Holy See, 60, 62–3,

199n98Vienna Agreement, 3, 16, 71, 111,

116, 223n38Vladescu Ovidiu, 57, 68, 70, 214n26Voinescu, Alice, 92, 136, 215n62

Waldman, Felicia, 18, 28Woodcock, Shannon, 28, 129, 131,

234n128World Jewish Congress, 35,

244n37

Yellow Star, 24, 199n96

Zane, Gheorghe, 79, 80, 215n74, 216n80, 243n28

Zeletin, S ¸tefan, 8, 9, 11, 194n26zionism, 20, 49, 149Zwideneck, Eugen, 53, 69, 70, 115,

177, 213n16, 213n17, 245n60