Change in Policing, Changing Police

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    http://anj.sagepub.com/ofCriminology

    Australian & New Zealand Journal

    http://anj.sagepub.com/content/28/1_suppl/62The online version of this article can be found at:

    DOI: 10.1177/00048658950280S108

    1995 28: 62Australian & New Zealand Journal of CriminologyDavid Dixon

    Change in Policing, Changing Police

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    Change in Policing, Changing Police

    avi ixon

    Introduction

    Clifford Shearings contribution to the study of policing has been outstanding.

    In a series of areas, his work has introduced new ways of seeing and

    understanding. The collection which he edited on Organizational Police

    Deviance

    1981)

    has become a standard point of reference for people trying

    to move beyond the confines of standard analyses of official corruption and

    misconduct. His work with Philip Stenning on private policing

    1984, 1987)

    criticised the orthodox identification of policing with the state in a way which,

    in the light of subsequent developments Johnston 1992; Shearing 1992),

    seems remarkably prescient. With Richard Ericson

    199 1),

    he challenged the

    accepted normative conceptualization of police culture, and in its place

    offered an account drawing on postmodernist theory which sees culture as

    carried and transmitted by narratives and stories. With Mike Brogden 1993),

    his study of policing in South Africa rejects the usual attempts simply to

    import British and North American policing, and instead suggests that South

    Africa offers much for us to learn. In each of these areas of study, Shearings

    work demonstrates a concern for theory which so often has been lacking in

    policing studies.

    Private

    and

    public policing

    In the paper above, Shearing draws from his work on police culture and

    private policing in the South African context to propose ways of transforming

    policing which are fresh and of direct relevance to those attempting to change

    policing around the world. Not surprisingly, the analysis is controversial.

    Popular policing is Janus-faced: one side is a communitarian ideal of policing

    by and for a responsible civil society; the other is discrimination, vigilantism,

    excessive punishments, and an absence of due process. Of course, the real

    world is not dichotomized in this way. Despite their enthusiasm

    for

    communal

    self-policing, Brogden and Shearing acknowledge the sometimes horrific

    expressions of popular policing in black South African communities which

    were allowed by the apartheid state to suffer appalling levels of serious crime.

    Nevertheless, some critics have been harsh about the optimism in their

    account eg Guelke

    1995:419).

    Getting away from the state is problematic in at least two respects. First,

    South Africa exemplifies the malevolent effects of the state on its subjects. The

    civil society

    of

    black South Africa has an admirable vitality and strength, but

    it also bears scars of the disorganization and ideological pollution inflicted by

    the apartheid state. Second, there is the paradox that change requires action by

    the state, and positive involvement by state institutions in their own

    Associate Professor, Faculty of Law, University of New South Wales, Sydney, 2052,

    Australia.

    6

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    64 1995) The A ustralian and New Zealand Jo urnal of Criminology

    trivial. Instead, Shearing and Ericson present these stories as the key to

    understanding police culture. It is through telling and hearing them that

    officers know how to act. Importantly, this account provides for agency:

    officers are not cultural dopes, but make choices in performing police work.

    Shearing makes clear the implications for police reform: in his view, most

    efforts at bringing about cultural change have been ineffective because their

    subject has been misunderstood. This account of culture is an excellent

    example of the use

    as

    opposed to mere recitation) of theory. Many

    criminologists who have been intimidated or alienated by postmodernist

    theory will see here the value of theorising in this way. However, some

    qualifications may be raised.

    Their account provides a convincing way of understanding police activity

    on the street. The construction and deployment of suspicion, in particular, is

    much better understood through this type of analysis than simplistic

    assumptions about cultural norms.

    This

    has important implications for the

    legal regulation of street policing, which has often failed because its nature

    was misunderstood by rule-makers Dixon et a1 1989). However, the rejection

    of a normative conception of culture is taken too far. Contrary to Shearing and

    Ericsons argument 1991:482), there are cultural rules for which the evidence

    is not merely and tautologically) the activity which they are supposed to

    explain. In my experience of fieldwork in policing, there are informal rules

    which are expressed and experienced as prohibitions and directives, and

    which are not merely retrospective justifications for action. Obvious examples

    are rules of collective solidarity eg back up your colleagues and dont snitch

    or dob) and rules of behaviour eg dont let a challenge to your authority pass

    without response). There may well be stories which convey the same message:

    stories and norms may be complementary. In challenging the orthodoxy,

    Shearing goes too far: there would appear to be good explanatory reasons for

    and no theoretical reasons against) developing a broad conception of culture

    which includes both elements. For example, Janet Chan has done this in her

    combination of insights from organisational theory with Bourdieus analysis

    of habitus and field Chan 1996a; see also 1996b). This approach, which sees

    police culture as constituted by interaction between the legal and political

    context of policing and police organisational knowledge, provides a

    sophisticated and comprehensive understanding of police culture.

    Shearings rejection of normative accounts of culture finds some of its roots

    in critiques of the conventional reform analysis by McBarnet eg 1981) and

    Ericson eg 1981). They stressed the breadth of law as a resource, its crime

    control commitment, and its role as retrospective legitimator of police action.

    McBarnets work, in particular, had a major influence in shifting the focus of

    policing studies. However, the limitations of this analysis have now to be

    acknowledged. Her theory of law was never fully articulated, and remains an

    underdeveloped combination of structuralism and radical realism which lent

    itself to excessively deterministic conclusions Dixon, forthcoming chl). The

    inherent problems are is exemplified in McConville, Sanders and Lengs The

    Ca se f o r the Prosecution 1991). The controversy over interpretations of how

    policing in England and Wales has been affected by legal regulation shows the

    need for a more positive view of the role of law in policing, and consequently

    for the prospects of using legal regulation s one of the tools of police reform

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    Crime, Criminology and Public Policy

    6

    Dixon 1992).Shearings analysis is rather ambivalent here. He acknowledges

    that new rules are important because changing the framework within which

    action can be justified does shape action. This accords with the argument in

    Policing

    for

    a

    ew

    South

    Africa

    in which Brogden and Shearing include legal

    regulation of state policing

    as

    a significant part of their program for change in

    South Africa 1993:114).However, he goes on to say that the framework of

    rules does not directly instruct and that this must be done via the creation of

    new stories. While it is clearly true to say that rules are not self-executing, it

    seems to me to be too narrow to claim that their influence must be transmitted

    through stories.

    An additional contribution to our understanding of culture is Shearings

    insistence on the link between Afrikaner culture and police culture in South

    Africa. He begins here to deal with one of the crucial questions in

    contemporary police studies: how do we distinguish and relate apparently

    universal and specific aspects of policing? His account allows police culture

    to be seen as being remarkably adaptable to contexts, and as being able to

    express varying cultural messages. The practical significance of this is that it

    shows the need to focus on local contexts of policing ts social, political,

    economic environments.

    This

    has particular importance in Australia, where

    police culture is often used loosely as a reference to all that is wrong in

    policing. Shearings account emphasises the need to see police culture as an

    expression or extension of a broader political or social culture. This arises

    most directly in relation to corruption. Australian states such as Queensland

    and New South Wales demonstrate the need to see police corruption as

    intricately related to broader patterns and traditions of corruption. Similarly,

    responses to other police misconduct must take account of social attitudes:

    authoritarian pragmatism has constituted a serious obstacle to the reform

    process in Queensland in the very material shape of juries and magistrates

    refusing to convict police officers of palpable offences in dealing with real

    criminals Bolen 1996). The implications for reform are clear enough:

    attempts to tackle undesirable elements of police culture have little chance of

    success if the contextual culture is undisturbed.

    Conclusion

    Shearings paper introduces several crucial developments in the contemporary

    study of policing. Instead of the orthodox focus on England and America,

    policing elsewhere in the world is taken seriously. It is considered not just as

    the appropriately grateful recipient of gifts from North and West, but as a

    source of inspiration and education see also Findlay Zvekic eds 1993).

    Secondly, a radical challenge is made to the identification of policing with the

    state: policing is seen as not just a concern of, but also an activity carried out

    by civil society. Thirdly, police culture is rescued from its status as little more

    than clich6, and is subjected to critique and development. Fourthly, a concern

    to use and develop theory permeates the work. Fifthly, there is an exemplary

    articulation of the proper relationship between academic work and political

    action. In all these respects, Shearings work demonstrates what is currently

    best in policing studies.

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    66

    1995)

    The

    Australian and

    ew

    Zealand Jou rnal of Criminology

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    1996a)

    Changing police culture, British Journal of Criminology

    forthcoming.

    Chan, J

    1996b)

    Changing Police Culture: Policing in a Multicultural Society

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    Dixon, D forthcoming)

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