41
Chamorro Historical Phonology Author(s): Robert Blust Source: Oceanic Linguistics, Vol. 39, No. 1 (Jun., 2000), pp. 83-122 Published by: University of Hawai'i Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3623218 Accessed: 01/10/2009 15:34 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=uhp. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. University of Hawai'i Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Oceanic Linguistics. http://www.jstor.org

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Page 1: Chamorro Historical Phonology

Chamorro Historical PhonologyAuthor(s): Robert BlustSource: Oceanic Linguistics, Vol. 39, No. 1 (Jun., 2000), pp. 83-122Published by: University of Hawai'i PressStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3623218Accessed: 01/10/2009 15:34

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available athttp://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unlessyou have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and youmay use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use.

Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained athttp://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=uhp.

Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printedpage of such transmission.

JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range ofcontent in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new formsof scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

University of Hawai'i Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to OceanicLinguistics.

http://www.jstor.org

Page 2: Chamorro Historical Phonology

Chamorro Historical Phonology' Robert Blust

UNIVERSITY OF HAWAI'I

After a brief look at the synchronic phonology of this language of the Mari- ana Islands, the details of its development from Proto-Austronesian are set forth. Questions of subgrouping within Austronesian and the original settle- ment of these islands are also considered.

1. BACKGROUND. Only two of the more than 450 Austronesian (AN) lan- guages spoken in the Pacific region do not belong to the Oceanic subgroup. One of these is Palauan, the other Chamorro. The history of these languages differs markedly from that of other AN languages in Micronesia, and from one another. Each appears to have arisen through separate migrations out of insular Southeast Asia some 3,500-4,000 years ago.

Although the historical phonology of Chamorro has been mentioned in passing by various writers (Conant I908, I9I0; Dempwolff I920; Dyen I962; Dahl

I976:46ff.; Reid, to appear) and was treated at some length by Costenoble (1940) on the basis of reconstructed forms as they were then formulated, no fully ade-

quate account has yet appeared. In fact, some features of Chamorro historical pho- nology, such as glide addition and fortition, have been persistently misunderstood. No one has looked at the ordering of historical changes in Chamorro, or sorted out the substantial loan vocabulary. In short, a thorough treatment of the phonological history of this language is long overdue.

In addition to shedding light on the nature of changes that produced some rather odd-looking results, a careful analysis of the historical phonology should have an important bearing on claims about the linguistic position of Chamorro.

2. SYNCHRONIC PHONOLOGY. The major published source of data on the

phonology and lexicon of Chamorro is Topping (1973), and Topping, Ogo, and Dungca (1975). Before considering the historical phonology of Chamorro, it will be worthwhile to briefly examine some major features of the synchronic phonology.

i. Lawrence A. Reid provided comments on an earlier version of this paper. Although we con- tinue to disagree on a number of issues, I have profited from his remarks and hereby express my thanks for them.

Oceanic Linguistics, Volume 39, no. I (June 2000) ? by University of Hawai'i Press. All rights reserved.

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Topping (1973:27) lists I9 consonant phonemes for Chamorro: p, t, k, '; b, d, g; ch, y, f s, h, m, n, n, ng, 1, r, and w. To these we can add the labiovelar gw, which is treated as a sequence gu before a vowel, but which patterns like a single consonant.2 A single possible velarized labial appears in pwengi 'night', a word that appears to have been borrowed from an Oceanic source language. Most orthographic symbols have their expected phonetic values, the most notable exception being y, which rep- resents [dz], the voiced counterpart of ch ([ts]). In addition, t and d are said to be typically alveolar, but are pronounced as postdental for some speakers.

The phonemes b, d, k, and r have no known historical source, and are found only in known or presumed loanwords. The great majority of loanwords derive from Spanish, but a smaller number are from English or various central Philippine languages, although in some cases it is difficult to pinpoint a source. Examples of traceable loanwords include:3

b: babui 'pig' (probably Tagalog bdboy), bahu 'bass voice' (Spanish bajo 'low'); d: dakdak 'knock, rap, strike with a quick, sharp blow' (Cebuano dakdak 'fall

down with a bang', or a similar form in other Philippine languages), debet 'hag- gard, debilitated' (Spanish debil 'weak, feeble');

k: kabdn 'burlap sack (IOO pound)' (Tagalog kabdn 'chest, trunk'), kanta 'sing' (Spanish cantar 'to sing');

r: arak 'distilled liquor made from fermented coconut sap' (Malay arak 'dis- tilled alcoholic liquor' (ultimately from Arabic), rumot 'rumor' (Spanish rumor 'rumor, report').

Chamorro contains many loanwords of unknown provenance. Most of these probably derive from languages in the central Philippines, although some may originate from other parts of the Philippines, or Indonesia. Examples include bachet 'blind', besbes 'sizzle, as frying fat', dulok 'bore, stab, puncture, perforate', dumang 'tooth decay', kacha' 'husk a coconut; tool for husking', kilok 'revolve, roll in a circle, spin', birak 'ghost, demon, disembodied soul', chara 'type of plant that grows near the sea', sirek 'coitus, sexual intercourse'.

Initial consonant clusters occur only in Spanish loans, but native words allow a variety of medial clusters, including geminate stops and nasals, as in pappa 'strip bark off a tree, skin an animal', or mommo' 'short-eared owl'. Topping (1973:36) states that voiced stops (b, d, g), affricates (ch, y), liquids (1, r), n, and h never

2. Topping (I973:25) points out that gw "could well be considered a single labio-velar phoneme, although I have not suggested this as a solution." Chung (1983), however, writes gw. The con- trast of Chamorro g and gw is neutralized before rounded vowels, where only g appears.

3. Reid (pers. comm.) suggests that the Philippine loanwords in this set could as easily come from Ilokano as from Tagalog or Cebuano. However, as Schurz (1959) points out, the Manila Galleon connected the Philippines with Guam in a series of annual commercial voyages that took place between I565 and 18I5. Beginning in 1565 the galleon voyages departed from Cebu. Starting in 1572 they were shifted to Manila (hence the name). While it is not impossi- ble that Ilokano-speaking passengers accompanied the Spanish and remained on Guam, the probability is far higher that the great majority of Filipinos who reached Guam through the galleon trade from the sixteenth century onward were speakers of Tagalog and perhaps other closely related Central Philippine languages.

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occur at the end of a word in Chamorro. This constraint can be generalized to the syllable coda, except for h, which may occur as coda in a few forms, as kahlang 'hang, suspend'. In addition, glottal stop and w never occur initially. While glottal stop does not contrast with zero in word-initial position, it remains unclear from Topping's discussion whether it is phonetically present in this environment. Mem- bers of the same morphological paradigm such as asi'-i 'forgive' : ma-'ase' 'mer- ciful' show that a glottal stop appears in the prefixed form. However, a glottal stop also appears in the prefixed forms of Spanish loanwords such as ankla 'anchor': ma-'ankla 'to anchor'. Because Spanish lacks this phonetic feature, we can con- clude that Chamorro automatically inserts a glottal stop between like vowels. Top- ping (1973:I6) gives six vowel phonemes: i, e, ce, u, o, and a. Of these, te is of obscure origin, and is not orthographically distinguished from a in the main dic- tionary entries, but only through a phonetic addendum preceding the gloss, as in atto' [ae] 'hide oneself', or babui [ae] 'pig, swine'.

One other point should perhaps be made. It is clear that the orthographic final vowel sequences -ai, -ao, and -ui are diphthongs -ay, -aw, and -uy, as in matai (matay) 'dead, corpse, die', ti'ao (ti'aw) 'goatfish', or babui (babuy) 'pig'.4 If this interpretation is adopted, y will come to represent two phonetic values, [dz] in nonfinal position and [y] in final position. As will be seen below, the complemen- tation of [dz] and [y], like that of [gw] and [w], supports the evidence of phono- logical alternations in pointing to single phonemes with glide and obstruent allophones. Although Topping (I973) includes w as a phoneme of Chamorro, it is very rare (I have been unable to find any examples in Topping, Ogo, and Dungca 1975). The reinterpretation of -ai, -ao, and -ui suggested here provides clear exam- ples of both w and y in final position. Because [dz] is written y in the standard orthography, there is no obvious reason why [gw] should not be written w. How- ever, in the interest of data retrievability, I have made only minimal changes to the orthography of my source. Specifically, I rewrite the final diphthongs as -ay, -aw, and -uy, and the labiovelar stop as gw. I leave the inconsistency between the repre- sentation of [dz] as y and of [gw] as gw (rather than w) untouched.

2.1 MAJOR PHONOLOGICAL PROCESSES. The four major phonologi- cal processes that operate in the synchronic phonology of Chamorro are: syncope; lowering; fronting; and the alternation of zero, y, and gw in the suffix -i.

2.1.1 Syncope. In the environment VC_CV, an unstressed vowel deletes, pro- ducing an alternation between unaffixed surface forms of the shape (C)VCVC and

4. With reference to a recent debate in this journal (Clynes 1999), Reid (pers. comm.) takes issue with my use of the term "diphthong" for vowel + glide sequences. Space does not permit a full airing of the issue here, but some Austronesian languages, as Mukah Melanau, contrast vowel sequences such as ai with vowel-glide sequences such as ay. The latter, but not the former, are often monophthongized in historical change. Clearly a term is needed for vowel + glide sequences that distinguishes them from similar sequences of two vowels. Moreover, it should be a term that captures the fact that vowel + glide sequences are commonly monophthongized, while vowel + vowel sequences are not.

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affixed counterparts of the shape CV-CCVC or (C)VCC-V(C): (I) atof 'roof': aft- e 'to roof, cover with a roof', (2) ma-'asen 'salty, saline, briny, brackish': asn-e 'to pickle, apply salt', (3) lumos 'drown, suffocate' : ma-tmos 'drown, be drowned', (4) puta' 'split, cleave burst', ma-pta' 'breaking of a wave on the shore', (5) tanon 'to plant seeds or seedlings' : tatm-e (also tanm-e) 'to plant seeds or seedlings'.

Topping, Ogo, and Dungca cross-reference tanom with tanme and tatme, and lumos with ma-tmos, but provide no indication that forms (2), (4), and (5) are syn- chronically related. It is not clear why no cross-reference is given in these cases. One possibility is that although (2), (4), and (5) are historically related, the con- nection between the simplex and affixed bases has been broken in the grammar of contemporary Chamorro. But if this is true, the cross-references for (3) and (5) are inconsistent. It appears more likely that syncope remains an active process in Chamorro phonology, but was not consistently recognized in compiling the dictio- nary. Topping (I973:55ff) confirms this suspicion by documenting the syncope rule in examples such as hutu 'louse': me-hto 'lots of lice'; haga' 'blood': me-hga' 'bloody'; orfiuot: ma-fnot 'tight'. Occasionally, syncope does not apply when we would expect it to, as with afok 'lime': afuk-i (not **afk-e) 'put lime on betel nut'.

It is noteworthy that derived clusters of stops or of nasals in the order coronal- noncoronal tend to be changed either through metathesis or in some other way, much as in Tagalog, Cebuano, and certain other languages (Blust 1979). However, where Tagalog metathesizes all derived coronal-noncoronal clusters of stops or nasals, Chamorro seems to have more than one option; compare Tagalog atip 'roof': apt-dn 'roofed' and tanim 'to plant': tamn-dn 'to plant on' with Chamorro metathesis in aft- e, but denasalization in tatm-e, which preserves the coronal-noncoronal order.

2.1.2 Lowering. In native Chamorro forms, the high vowels i, u, and their mid- vowel counterparts e, o are essentially in complementary distribution, the former occurring in open, and the latter in closed syllables. This distribution was dis- rupted by the introduction of hundreds of Spanish loanwords, so that it now is more economical to treat e and o as phonemes. To account for these facts, Topping (I973:53ff) recognizes a rule of vowel raising in Chamorro that changes mid- vowels in final closed syllables to high vowels when a suffix is added and the final stem syllable becomes open. Although he does not reserve a category heading for it (as he does for vowel raising), Topping (1973:55ff) also recognizes vowel low- ering as an active process in the synchronic phonology of Chamorro. Historically it is clear that vowel lowering and vowel raising were one and the same process: underlying forms with [e] and [o] contained only high vowels, and the rule of low- ering applied exclusively in closed syllables, as in *qapuR > afok 'lime' : afuk-i 'put lime on betel nut'.

In addition, a rule that Topping (1973:5Iff) describes as vowel harmony allows mid vowels in unstressed open final syllables if the preceding syllable is closed, as in pulu 'hair': mi- + pilu > mepplo 'hairy', or atof 'roof': aft-e 'apply a roof' (where -e is an allomorph of the 'referential focus' suffix -i).

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2.1.3 Fronting. Vowel fronting5 is one of the most conspicuous phonological rules of Chamorro, as it operates across both morpheme and word boundaries. As a result of this rule, a back vowel (generally u or o) is fronted following a prefix or particle that contains a front vowel (generally i): hutu 'louse' : me-htu (from *mi- hitu, with syncope and lowering of i in a closed syllable) 'full of lice'; puno' 'kill': pi-pino' 'assassin, killer, murderer'; g-um-upu 'to fly': g-in-ipu 'flew'; guma' 'house': i gima' 'the house' ;foggon 'stove': nifeggon 'the stove'; lagu 'north': saen Iegu 'northward'.

2.1.4 Alternation of 0, -yi, and -gui. In addition to the foregoing processes that affect vowels, there is a significant phonological process in which zero alternates with alveolar or labiovelar obstruents.

In describing the "referential focus suffix," Topping (1973:75) notes that this morpheme has three allomorphs: -i following consonants, -gui following the diph- thong -ao, and -yi elsewhere. There is a certain degree of inconsistency in Top- ping's treatment of this alternation, because in his section on the sound system of Chamorro (1973:5I) he describes the onset of -gui as an "excrescent consonant" gw (without mention of the onset of -yi). Perhaps what is needed is a recognition that certain things may happen when a suffix of the shape -V or -VC is added: (I) when a base is consonant-final, that consonant is resyllabified as the onset of the final syllable of the affixed word, and (2), a palatal glide will automatically develop between a vowel-final base and the -i of a suffix, and be strengthened to [dz]. Thus: ha.naw 'go': ha.na.gw-i 'go for'; ha.tsa 'lift' : hatsa.y-i 'lift for'. In instances such as these, the line between synchronic and diachronic analysis becomes thin. However, there clearly are strong synchronic reasons for treating [w] and [gw], and [y] and [dz], as allophones of the same phoneme, because they are not only in complementary distribution, but also alternate with one another. Traditionally, this analysis has been circumvented through the artifice of treating -ay, -aw as sequences of vowels -ai, -ao.

Finally, Chamorro has a peculiarity of canonical shape: although vowels may occur in initial and final position, vowel sequences are ruled out in native words. Historical information that will be considered below shows that this fact and the allomorphy of the suffix -i are intimately related: in pre-Chamorro, sequences of like vowels occurred only across a morpheme boundary, and these have come to be separated by a glottal stop. Sequences of unlike vowels could occur within a morpheme, but these developed automatic transitional glides that underwent glide fortition, thus changing all -VV- sequences to -VCV-, as in *ia > gwiya ([gwidza]) '3SG emphatic'.

3. HISTORICAL PHONOLOGY. With this brief background, we can now turn our attention to historical phonology. To avoid unnecessary repetition of

5. Chung (I983:44ff) calls this "umlaut."

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changes that are shared by all Austronesian (AN) languages outside Taiwan, Chamorro data are compared with Proto-Malayo-Polynesian (PMP) reconstruc- tions rather than with the temporally more remote Proto-Austronesian. The mate- rial that appears in appendix I is taken mostly from Topping, Ogo, and Dungca (I975), with occasional citations from Costenoble (I940) who, among other things, provides data on the native numeral system. Forms taken from Costenoble are followed by (C).

The distinction between "reflex" and "sound change" has not always been made in studies of the historical phonology of Austronesian (AN) languages. Most refer- ences to Chamorro in relation to reconstructed languages have simply mapped proto- phonemes onto their historical continuations without reference to probable change paths or intermediate stages. But without a chronological ordering of changes, some statements of reflexes are extremely improbable, as will be seen. For this reason the relative ordering of changes is a central feature of the discussion that follows.

3.1 VOWELS. Proto-Austronesian had a four-vowel system, the vowel triangle (*a, *i, *u), plus the schwa, an extra-short mid-central vowel conventionally writ- ten *e. The distributional restrictions on these vowels are rather trivial (*i appar- ently could not occur adjacent to *ni or *y, nor *u adjacent to *w). By contrast, the constraints on the mid-central vowel were more significant: *e could not occur in open final syllables, nor initially in prepenultimate position. The development of the PAN vowels in Chamorro is relatively straightforward. In general, *a, *i, and *u remained unchanged, while *e merged with *u.

Rule I: *e > u

Examples: *Rebek > gupu 'to fly', *beRas > pugas 'husked rice', *tebuh > tupu 'sugarcane', *qenay > unay 'sand'. Rule I must be qualified as follows: as in many other AN languages, *e was deleted in the environment VC CV; this change sometimes also affected other, presumably unstressed vowels, but only *e was consistently deleted.

Rule 2: *V > 0 / VC_CV

Because the great majority of reconstructed word bases are disyllabic, and because the environment for this rule was VC CV, the deletion of a medial vowel could occur only in trisyllables or in affixed forms of disyllabic bases. In tri- syllables, it invariably led to restructuring, producing medial consonant clusters that were not previously allowed, while in affixed disyllables it led to synchronic alternation, and perhaps occasional restructuring: (I) *qalejaw 'day' > atdaw 'sun', *huqenap > go'naf'fish scale', *aRemarj > h-akmang 'moray eel', *baqeRu 'new' > pa'go 'now, today', *taqebarJ 'insipid, tasteless, lacking in salt' > ta'pang 'rinse salt water by using fresh water, rinse urine, douche', *tuqelar > to'lang 'bone'. (2) *qatep > atof 'roof' : aft-e 'cover with thatch', *peRes-i >foks-e 'squeeze out, express, as pus from a wound, milk from an animal, etc.', *ka-besuR > ha-spok (met.) 'full (from food), satiated, glutted', *ma-getus > ma-ktos 'snap,

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as string, rubber band, etc., break off', *ma-betaq > ma-pta' 'burst, crack open', *saleR-i > satg-e 'install a floor', *tazem-i > tasm-e 'sharpen to a point'.

Topping, Ogo, and Dungca (1975) mark some of the examples in (2) as affixed forms of bases (cf. atof 'roof, put a roof on a house', gutos 'snap, break'), but others such asfckse, haspok, satge or tasme are given as underlying forms rather than as syn- chronic derivatives of bases **fugos, **pusok/supok, **salog, or **tasom. It remains to be seen whether such forms have been reanalyzed as single morphemes in Chamorro, or whether the absence of a morpheme boundary is a gap in documentation.

Occasionally vowels other than *e were deleted: (3) *qali-maraw > akmangaw, atmangaw 'mangrove crab', *qanitu > anti 'soul, spirit, ghost', *qasin-i > asn-e 'to pickle, apply salt', *ma-qati > ma-ma'te, ma'te 'low, of tide', *baRiuh > pakyo 'typhoon, storm, tropical cyclone' (where y is assumed to reflect a secondary glide, with loss of the previous *i), *sakay-an 'vehicle; catch a ride' > sahy-an 'automobile, small vehicle', *tanis-i > tangs-e 'cry for, weep for', *tutun-i > totng-e 'ignite a fire'.

Perhaps the single most important unresolved problem in the historical phonol- ogy of the Chamorro vowels is the unpredictability of conditions for medial vowel syncope. The eight examples in which syncope occurs for vowels other than *e may give the impression that syncope was equally likely to affect any vowel, but this is not true. Table I shows the frequency of deletion of the four PMP vowels in the envi- ronment VC_CV, based on the data of appendix I. Because only two categories are important in this table (deletion vs. nondeletion), vowel reflexes are marked "retained" even if there are qualitative changes, as with *talija > talanga 'ear'.

TABLE 1. FREQUENCIES OF DELETION OF THE FOUR PMP VOWELS IN THE ENVIRONMENT VC_CV

VOWEL DELETED RETAINED

e 14 o

i 5 II

u I 8

a 2 12

What is most striking about table I is the complete predictability of schwa deletion. This difference between schwa and other vowels in the tendency to delete suggests that syncope may have been sensitive to stress. In many AN lan- guages, stress is penultimate in the word unless the penultimate vowel is schwa, which is extra short and deflects stress to the final syllable (Blust I995b). Contem- porary Chamorro has phonemic stress (Topping I973:4I, Chung 1983), both lexi- cal (mohon 'want, desire' : mohon 'boundary') and morphological (asdgwa 'spouse' : dsagwa 'to marry'). However, because the great majority of forms carry penultimate stress, the role of stress contrasts in distinguishing meaning appears to be minimal, and provides no clue to the conditions for medial-vowel syncope.

In view of these observations, we might ask whether pre-Chamorro could have had a more pervasive system of phonemic stress that has since been largely lost. There have been various attempts in recent years to explain the contrastive stress

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in Philippine languages as reflecting stress contrasts in PAN. Wolff (I99I) has suggested that vowel reductions in some Formosan languages may have been stress conditioned, and it would be reasonable to suggest a similar explanation for Chamorro. Table 2 lists all known Chamorro reflexes of PMP forms in which a vowel other than *e appears in the environment VC_CV. Part A includes all forms that show syncope, and part B includes those forms that do not. If available, Proto-Philippine (PPH) cognates are given to determine the extent to which stress placement in Philippine languages correlates with vowel syncope in Chamorro. Where contrastive stress is known from witnesses in only one major Philippine subgroup, the PPH reconstruction is followed by a question mark. When witnesses in major Philippine subgroups provide contradictory indications of stress, as with *bituqen 'star', the form is omitted. The form *qalimarjaw 'mangrove crab' is listed twice, because it contains two separate VC_CV environments, the first for *i, the second for *a.

Chung (1983:39) notes that in contemporary Chamorro "words formed with suffixes are stressed on the penultimate syllable, whatever the stress of the words from which they are derived." But in broader comparative perspective, this rule is atypical. In many AN languages in Taiwan, the Philippines, and western Indonesia, stress shifts one syllable to the right in suffixed bases. If pre-Chamorro had the stress pattern of PPH, suffixed forms of *taiis and *tutirj would have maintained penulti- mate and final word stress, respectively. Adopting this assumption for the moment, we see that medial vowel deletion in Chamorro tends to correlate with the stress pat- tern in PPH, but with a number of apparent exceptions: part A shows six agreements and two disagreements, part B twelve agreements and six disagreements.6

To summarize, the evidence for an inherited system of phonemic stress in pre- Chamorro is suggestive but inconclusive. Clearly, the strongest argument that medial vowel syncope in Chamorro was stress-related is the fact that all 14 cases of *e in the environment VC_CV show syncope. But stress shift rules that oper- ate on penultimate schwa are found both in languages that have predictable stress and in languages with phonemic stress. With regard to the relative chronology of rules I and 2, it is perhaps simplest to assume that syncope preceded *e > u. If the opposite order is assumed, some phonological feature must have continued to dis- tinguish u from *e and u from *u, given the striking difference between the two in patterns of syncope. While this phonological feature could have been stress, there is no need to make this assumption if rule 2 is ordered before rule I. Evidently, all

6. The eight nonconforming cases are 2, 7, 21, 25, 27, 29, 30, and 31. However, in three of these examples, a PPH reconstruction is not available, and the position of stress must be determined from reflexes in only one major subgroup, either Central Philippines (*pa-laRiw, *ma-layd) or Cordilleran (*dalikan). Moreover, in four of the six forms that fail to show syncope where it is expected, the recalcitrant vowel is *a, and-although *a does delete in some forms-it is pos- sible that sonority has played a role in the history of medial vowel syncope in Chamorro. Finally, it is perhaps worth noting that one of the noncorrelating forms in part A, anti, also shows unpredictable medial vowel syncope in Malay (hantu 'ghost'), and that a second (tangs-e 'weep for') exists next to a suffixed form with the opposite value for deletion: tangi- son (< *taUis-en) 'large wrasse; markings under eyes suggest that it is crying'.

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91

TABLE 2. SYNCOPE OF MEDIAL *I, *U, OR *A IN CHAMORRO IN RELATION TO PROTO-PHILIPPINE STRESS CONTRASTS

PPH CHAMORRO ENGLISH

*qalimaiaw (2nd syll.)

*qanitu

*qasfn

*ma-qati *baRidh

*sakay-in *tairis

*tutuid

*qapuR

*qalimaiaw (3rd. syll.)

*qaninur ?

*qabaRa

*qasawa

*qasiq ?

*kasfli

*pa-laRiw ?

*paniki

*dalikan ?

*ma-qasiq

*ma-qasin

*ma-paqft

*ma-layd ?

*ma-linaw

*taliUa

*talisay

atmangaw anti

asn-e

ma'te

pakyo

sahy-an

tangs-e

totng-e

afuk-i

alileng

atmangaw alunan

anineng

apaga

asagwa

asiga asi'-i (i)

(h)asuli*

(h)atulay

ayuyu

fa-lagu fanihi

ha'ani

haguhi halihan

ma-'ase' (a) ma-'asen

ma-'i'ot

ma-la'et

ma-layu ma-linaw

ma-lingu ma-tuhok

puti'on

sahagu

talanga

talisay

mangrove crab

ghost

pickle, apply salt

low, of tide

typhoon vehicle

cry for, weep for

ignite, set on fire

put lime on

cateye shell

mangrove crab

pillow shadow

shoulder

spouse salt

forgive freshwater eel

big-eye scad

coconut crab

flee, escape

flying fox

daytime sand crab

hearth stones

merciful

salty narrow

bitter

wilted

calm, still (water)

lost, missing

sleepy star

reef

ear

a shore tree

ist (1989: 142) treats this as a cognate set pointing to PWMP *kasuli, but given PMP na 'freshwater eel', it may be a product of borrowing.

PART A

I.

2.

3.

4.

5. 6.

7. 8.

PART B

9. IO.

II.

12.

I3.

I4.

I5. I6.

I7. I8.

I9. 20.

21.

22.

23.

24.

25. 26.

27. 28.

29.

30.

31.

32.

33.

34.

35.

36.

37.

* Bh *tu

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that we can say with certainty, then, is that the pre-Chamorro schwa could not bear stress, whether the language had phonemic stress that agreed in cognate forms with the stress contrasts of Philippine languages, or not.

Another vocalic change was the lowering of high vowels in closed syllables, which presumably followed rule I. At first, this change was purely allophonic, but as a result of heavy borrowing from Spanish, e and o became phonemes.

Rule 3:*i,*u > e,o / C+, /_C#

Examples of vowel lowering have been seen already, and will not be extensively supplemented here: (I) In nonfinal syllables: *peRes-i >foks-e 'squeeze out', *huqenap > go'naf 'fish scale'. (2) In final syllables: *qapuR > afok 'lime, bird- lime, limestone (soft)', *zauq > chago' 'far, afar, distant', *pa-lulun >falulon 'wrap, infold, cover by winding around or folding', *dalem > halom 'in, into, inside, enter', *quRut > ugot 'massage with the feet, usually by walking on the

body'. (3) In both syllables: *zebzeb > chopchop 'suck, absord, draw in (as smoke from a cigarette)', *demdem > homhom 'dark, dim, obscure', *muRmuR > mok- mok 'gargle', *nusnus > nosnos 'cuttlefish, squid', *suqsuq > so'so' 'scrape coco- nut meat from its shell'.

Rather surprisingly, word-final high vowels also lowered in many cases follow- ing a consonant cluster: *qatep-i > aft-e 'to roof', *kamiu > hamyo 'you PL', *ma-

qati > ma-ma'ti, ma-ma'te 'low, of the tide', *baqeRu 'new' > pa'go 'now, today', *baRiuh > pakyo 'typhoon', *salaR-i > satg-e 'install a floor', *teken 'punting pole' > tohn-e 'to brace, support'.

As a result of this change, the suffix marking referential focus has both high- vowel and mid-vowel allomorphs, as in atof 'roof': aft-e 'to roof', but afok 'lime': afuk-i 'put lime on'.7 The following examples may show conditioning due to the consonant cluster, or lowering in a closed syllable that later became open through loss of word-final h: (4) *mekmek > mohmo 'chew food for baby-feeding; sediment, dregs', *bukbuk > poppo 'scum, powder substance from a decayed plant'. For rea- sons that remain unclear, *ken > hun 'quotative marker' did not undergo lowering.

Chamorro shows unexpected front vowel reflexes of *u or *e in eight forms: *qaninurj > anineng 'shadow', *qanitu > anti 'soul, spirit, ghost', *inum > gimen 'to drink' (?),8 *ijurj > gwi'eng 'nose', *linduj > liheng 'shelter', *nipen > nifen 'tooth', *beRii > pwengi 'night', *buturg (weakly attested doublet of *butun) > puteng 'a tree: Barringtonia asiatica'. The reversed frontness values in the vowels of *bituqen > puti'on 'star' are assumed to be due to metathesis. It is tempting to

appeal to the synchronic rule of vowel fronting seen in guma' 'house' : i gima' 'the house', for example, as a factor in the fronting of these vowels, but because two of the four examples involve last-syllable vowels, this explanation is unlikely.

7. Topping (I975:75ff.) lists -i, -yi, and -gui as allomorphs of the referential focus marker, but does not mention -e.

8. This etymology is problematic. Initial g suggests earlier *umin, with metathesis of both the vowels and the consonants. If so, it is the first syllable vowel that shows irregular fronting.

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Perhaps the presence of *i in an adjacent syllable was a factor in these irregular developments.

Similarly, *i is reflected as a back vowel in three words: *kasili > hasuli 'fresh- water eel', *dilaq > hula' 'tongue', *tian > tuyan 'stomach, belly, abdomen'. These reversals of frontness for the high vowels, with fronting of *u being the more common pattern, suggest that after *e and *u merged, a tendency to front u arose, creating variant pronunciations with u (careful) and i (casual). Because of this pattern of variation, forms with inherited i were occasionally reinterpreted as deriving from u. Analogical back-formation of this kind could only have contin- ued so long as variant pronunciations with u and i persisted in the language. At some point, however, these variations evidently were resolved in favor of an invariant form.

Additional unexplained vocalic irregularities appear in *luheq > lago' 'tears', *talila > talanga 'ear', and *tuqah > to'a 'mature, of fruit'. The first example may show metathesis of the vowels, because many AN languages that otherwise distin- guish schwa from a merge the two before final glottal stop. This explanation, how- ever, is contrary to the development in *peReq >fugo' 'wring, squeeze'.

Finally, the distinction between a and ce poses a number of explanatory prob- lems. Why, for example, does the front-vowel reflex appear in *paqit 'bitter' > fa'et ([ae])9 'salty', *kamiu > hamyo ([e]) 'you PL', or *qudarj > uhang ([a]) 'shrimp', but not in examples such as ma-'ase' 'merciful', *dalikan > halihan 'fireplace', or *quzan > uchan 'rain', where the vocalic environment is similar? Or, to pose the matter even more directly, why does *laki > lahi 'man, male' yield a back vowel in the first syllable, but lahen ([e]) 'son of, man of' yield a front vowel? Little progress has been made to date in understanding this apparently unconditioned phonemic split.

3.2 DIPHTHONGS. The PMP diphthongs *-ay and *-aw remained unchanged: (I) *qazay > achay 'chin', *qatulay > (h)atulay 'big-eye scad', *m-atay > matay 'die, dead', *talisay > talisay 'a shore tree: Terminalia catappa', *qenay > unay 'sand'. (2) *paRaw > a-fagaw 'hoarse', *qali-mariaw > akmangaw, atmangaw 'mangrove crab', *qalejaw 'day' > atdaw 'sun', *ma-linaw > ma-linaw 'calm, still (water)', *buRaw > pugaw 'cause to scatter (flock, herd, school of fish, etc.)', *tiqaw > ti'aw 'goatfish'.

Two cases show unexpected monophthongization: *pajay >fa'i 'rice in the field', *lakaw > lahu 'go, walk'. Both of these etyma have been reconstructed with other

diphthongs: *pajey (Dyen I949:42I, fn. 5), and *lakew (Hendon I964:373ff.). The Chamorro evidence might, therefore, be seen as confirming a distinction initially pro- posed on other grounds. The problem with this interpretation is that *-ey was also reconstructed in *m-atey, and *-ew in *buRew (Dyen 1953:363, fn. 18), but both of

9. Topping, Ogo, and Dungca (1975) show the low front-vowel parenthetically in this way, fol- lowing forms in an orthography that does not distinguish it from a.

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these forms are reflected in Chamorro with diphthongs. The monophthongization in fa'i and lahu cannot, therefore, be taken as clear evidence for *-ey and *-ew.

The PMP diphthong *-uy is reflected once as -i and once as -u; *-iw is reflected as u in the only diagnostic example: (3) *hapuy > guafi 'fire', *naruy > nangu 'swim', (4) *pa-laRiw >fa-lagu 'flee, escape'.

In addition to the single example of *-iw, PMP *kahiw 'wood, tree' underwent regular change to **kaiw. As in many other languages, postvocalic -iw resyl- labified to -yu, producing hayu. Although a reflex of *-uy also appears in babuy ([ae]) 'pig', the consonant reflexes of this form clearly reveal it as a loanword, pre- sumably from a language of the central Philippines.

3.3 CONSONANTS. The Chamorro reflexes of PMP consonants will be treated by classes.

3.3.1 Voiceless stops. Of the PMP voiceless stops *p, *t, *c, *k, and *q, *p len- ited tof in all positions, the postdental stop *t remained unchanged, the voiceless palatal *c apparently merged with *s, and *q became the glottal stop except in ini- tial position, where it disappeared. Reflexes of *k are more problematic. In nonfinal position, *k lenited to h, but word-finally it sometimes disappeared and sometimes remained unchanged.

*p >f *pasu >fasu 'cheek', *pitu >fitu 'seven', *peReq >fugo' 'wring, squeeze', *punas > funas 'eradicate, erase'; *qapuR > afok 'lime (for betel chew)', *nepuq > nufo' 'scor- pion fish', *qatep > atof 'roof', *huqenap > go'naf'fish scale';

*t > t: *tau > tawtaw 'person, human being', *tiUtir > t-il-ingteng 'clink, jingle', *telu > tulu 'three', *mata > mata 'eye', *lauiit > langet 'sky';

*c > s: *cejcerJ > songsong 'stopper, plug' (only known reflex of *c); *k > h: *kaRuki haguhi 'sand crab', *kima > hima 'clam', *ken > hun 'quotative marker',

*kutu > hutu 'louse'; *zakan > chahan 'cook in earth oven', *paniki >fanihi 'flying fox', *lukut > lu-luhot 'kind of parasitic plant', *teken 'punting pole' > tohn-e 'to brace, support';

*k > 0: *Rebek > gupu 'to fly', *ma-esak > masa 'ripe, cooked', *mekmek > mohmo 'pre- masticate food for babies', *nabek > napu 'wave, rough water, surf', *nuknuk > nunu 'banyan, fig tree', *niamuk > namu 'mosquito', *bakbak > pappa 'strip off bark', *bukbuk > poppo 'powder from a decaying plant', *tasik > tasi 'sea';

*k > k: *apak > gwafak 'mat', *lubuk > lupok 'deep hole, crevasse', *manuk > mannok 'chicken', *jekrek > Vokyok 'unclear speech', *bakbak > pakpak 'burst forth with sudden violence and noise', *tuktuk 'knock, pound, beat' > toktok 'cluck, as when a hen calls her chicks' (?);

*q > 0: *qalep > alof 'beckon', *qipil > ifet 'a tree: Intsia bijuga', *quzan > uchan 'rain'; *q > ': *daqani > ha'ani 'daytime', *tuqelarj > to'lang 'bone', *ma-qasiq > ma-'ase' 'mer-

ciful', *Rumaq > guma' 'house', *daReq > hago' 'clay; sticky soil'.

3.3.2 Voiced stops. Of the PMP voiced stops *b, *d, *z, *j, and *g, the bilabial stop *b and alveolar affricate *z underwent devoicing. PMP *d merged with *k as h in nonfinal position, but as zero word-finally-presumably through an interme- diate stage in which it first lenited to *r-and *j fell together with *q.

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*b > p: *baRu > pagu 'hibiscus', *biRaq > piga' 'wild taro: Alocasia indica', *beRas > pugas 'uncooked rice', *bulan > pulan 'moon'; *qabu > apu 'ashes', *babaq > papa' 'down, below', *tebuh > tupu 'sugarcane'; *zebzeb > chopchop 'suck, absorb, draw in, as smoke from a cigarette', *niRab > nigap 'yesterday', *teRab > tugap 'belch';

*d > h: *qadiq > ahe' 'marker of negation', *daRaq > haga' 'blood', *danum > hanom 'fresh water', *demdem > homhomn 'dark, dim, obscure', *depa 'fathom' > man-hufa 'stretch out both arms', *duha > hugwa 'two'; *ma-tuduR > ma-tuhok 'sleepy', *tiijadaq > ngaha' 'look upward', *sida > siha '3PL, they, them', *tuduq > tuho' 'drip, leak', *tuduI > tuhong 'hat, head covering', *qudalr > uhang 'shrimp';

*d > 0: *lahud 'downriver, toward the sea' > lagu 'north (in Guam and Rota), west (in Saipan)';

*z > ch (*z did not occur syllable-finally): *zalan > chalan 'road, path', *zuRuq > chugo' 'sap, juice'; *qazay > achai 'chin', *quzan > uchan 'rain';

*j > ' (*j did not occur syllable-initially): *pajay >fa'i 'rice in the field', *pija >fi'a 'how much, how many?', *ijul > gwi'eng 'nose', *iajan > na'an 'name', *ra-ijan > ngai'an 'when?'; *dalij > hale' 'root of a plant, source, origin', *lalej > lalo' 'housefly', *leiej 'sink into something' > luno' 'soft ground that caves in when one walks on it', *tubuj 'spring, source' > tupo' 'well', *qulej > ulo' 'worm, caterpillar, maggot';

*g > g: *ganas > ganas 'appetite',1' *gurgurJ 'deep resounding sound' > gonggong 'grum- ble, growl, rumble, mumble, snarl in deep tones', *getus > gutos 'snap, break off'. Next to a voiceless stop *g devoiced: *ma-getus > ma-ktos 'snap, as in string, rubber band, etc., break off'.

It is clear that the change *p >fmust have preceded *b > p, as the result was a shift rather than a merger. Because word-final *b is reflected as p rather than as f we can also be certain that Chamorro did not undergo word-final devoicing prior to the shifts in question. The constraint against final voiced consonants that holds in mod- em Chamorro must therefore be relatively recent, postdating at least the changes *b > p, *d > h, and *R > g, because otherwise the reflexes of these three protophonemes would bef, t, and g, respectively. The order of the change *k > h relative to *d > h or of *q > 'relative to *j > 'cannot be determined from the available evidence.

3.3.3 Nasals. The PMP nasals *m, *n, *i, and *J are generally reflected without

change in Chamorro.

*m > m: *mamis > mames 'sweet', *miqmiq > me'me' 'urinate, urine', *-miu > miyu 'your, yours (poss. PL)', *muRmuR > mokmok 'gargle, wash the throat', *m-utaq > muta' 'vomit, throw up'; *Rumaq > guma' 'house', *lima > lima 'five', *lemes > lumos 'drown, suffocate', *lumut > lumot 'moss, lichen, seaweed', *mamaq > mama' 'chew betel', *niamuk > niamu 'mosquito'; *dalem > halom 'in, into, inside, enter', *danum > hanwo 'fresh water', *demdem > honhon 'dark, dim, obscure';

*n > n: *naijuy > nangu 'swim', *niuR > niyok 'coconut palm', *nu > nu 'genitive/agentive marker', *nepuq > nufo' 'scorpion fish'; *qaninui > anineng 'shadow', *paniki > fanihi 'flying fox', *huqena > m-o'na 'front, be first', *bunut > punot 'coconut husk'; *qalunan > alunan 'pillow, headrest', *lulun >fa-lulon 'wrap, enfold, cover by wind- ing around', *nipen > nifen 'tooth';

10. Possibly a borrowing of Spanish gana 'desire, want, appetite'. For the arguments that *ganas might be a native Austronesian form, see Blust (I980:70).

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*fi > n (*fi did not occur syllable-finally): *fiamfiam > namnam 'chew, sound of chewing, eat', *namuk > namu 'mosquito'; *lafia 'vegetable oil' > lana 'oil (generic)', *leiej 'sink into something' > luno' 'soft ground that caves in when one walks on it';

*) > ng: *jaqlaq > nga'nga' 'open-mouthed; gape', *jekirek > ngokngok 'unclear speech'; *dereR > hungok 'hear', *lauu > ld-langu 'unconscious; faint', *ma-liju > ma-lingu 'lost, disappeared; missing'; *aRemaU > h-akmang 'moray eel' *tuqelai > to'lang 'bone', *turturJ > tongtag 'pound, beat, bang against', *quRuD > ugong 'moan, groan'.

3.3.4 Fricatives. The PMP fricatives *s and *h are reflected as s and zero,

respectively. However, as a result of secondary glide formation followed by glide fortition, the position originally occupied by *h is occupied by a velar or labiove- lar stop in a number of words. The details of this development are outlined under

glides (3.3.6). *s > s: *sakaRu 'reef' > sahagu 'deep water', *sakay-an > sahy-an 'vehicle', *siqsiq >

se'se' 'cut with a knife', *si > si 'personal article', *suqsuq > so'so' 'scrape meat from a coconut', *suluq 'torch' > sulo' 'torch-fishing'; *ma-qasin > ma-'asen 'salty, briny, brackish', *pasu >fasu 'cheek, face', *susu > susu 'breast'; *qawas > agwas 'baby mullet', *nipis > ka-nifes 'thin, flimsy', *nusnus > nosnos 'cuttlefish, squid';

*h > 0: *hapuy > gwafi 'fire', *hasaq > gwasa' 'whet, sharpen', *hipi > gwifi 'dream'; *dahun > hagon 'leaf'; *daqih > ha'i 'forehead', *baRiuh > pakyo 'typhoon', *talih > tali 'rope', *tebuh > tupu 'sugarcane'.

When *h disappeared between like vowels, the resulting cluster contracted to a

single vowel: *aRuhu > gagu 'a shore tree: Casuarina equisetifolia'.

3.3.5 Liquids. PMP had three liquids: *1, *r, and *R. Chamorro has no known reflexes of *r, but both *1 and *R have distinct syllable-initial and syllable-final reflexes: I and t for the former, and g and k for the latter.

*1 > 1: *lasuq > laso' 'penis, testicle', *lima > lima 'five', *lumut > lumot 'moss, lichen, seaweed', *lesur > lusong 'rice mortar'; *qalu > alu 'barracuda', *dilaq > hula' 'tongue', *bulu > pulu 'hair, feather';

*1 > t: *qalejaw 'day' > atdaw 'sun', *saleR-i > satg-e 'install a floor'; *kawil > hagwet 'fishhook', *qipil > ifet 'a tree: Intsia bijuga', *selsel > sotsot 'contrite, repentant';

*R > g: *Rabut 'pull out, uproot' > gapot 'pull by the hair', *Ratus > gatos 'hundred', *Runut > gunot 'coconut fibre, coir', *Rebek > gupu 'to fly'; *qabaRa > apaga 'shoul- der; carry on shoulder', *zuRuq > chugo' 'sap, juice', *piRa >figa-n 'fish eggs, roe', *daRi > hagi 'a fish: Scomberoides, pompano or jack-trevally', *um-aRi 'come' > magi 'here (toward the speaker)', *baqeRu 'new; just now' > pa'go 'now, today', *biRaq > piga' 'wild taro: Alocasia spp.';

*R > k: *peRes >foks-e 'squeeze out, express', *aRemang > h-akmang 'moray eel', *ma- qaRsem > ma-'aksom 'sour', *baRiuh > pakyo 'typhoon', *beRsay > poksay 'paddle of a boat', *saRman 'outrigger float' > sakman 'large canoe-from Polynesia or Papua, no outrigger, capable of carrying over Ioo people'; layaR > layak ([ae]) 'sail', *ma-tuduR > ma-tuhok 'sleepy', *tuRun > tunok (met.) 'get down, let down'.

It is phonetically unlikely that *1 would change directly to t. The change *1 > d is rather uncommon, but occurs preceding a front vowel in Malagasy and in some of the languages of northern Sulawesi, such as Tonsea. In Chamorro, it appears that *1 became d syllable-finally, and that a rule of final devoicing then changed *d to t and

*g to k in coda position. It is noteworthy that this change persisted as a phonotactic

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condition in the adaptation of Spanish loanwords, where syllable-final I and r were both borrowed as t: attat 'altar' (Spanish altar), uttimo 'ultimate, extreme, farthest' (Spanish ultimo), etmanu 'lay brother, friar, monk' (Spanish hermano), petna, pietna 'thigh' (Spanish piera 'leg'). As noted already, final devoicing in Chamorro must have followed the change *b > p, because otherwise PMP *b and *p would have merged. Final devoicing must also have followed the change *d > h, because other- wise the reflex of *lahud would be **lagut, not the attested lagu.

3.3.6 Glides. PMP allowed *w in all positions, but *y could not occur mor- pheme-initially. Both glides were strengthened to obstruents in Chamorro, *w becoming the labiovelar stop gw, and *y the alveolar affricate y [dz].

*w > gw : *wada > gwaha 'have, there is, there exists', *walu > gwalu 'eight', *watu > gwatu 'there-in that direction (away from speaker and addressee)'; *qawa > agwa 'milkfish: Chanos chanos', *qasawa > asagwa 'spouse', *kawil > hagwet 'fishhook', *lawas > lagwas 'long and slender', *lawit 'hook' > lagwet 'catch with a hook', *siwa > sigwa 'nine';

*y > y ([dz]): *qayuyu > ayuyu 'coconut crab', *daya 'toward the interior' > haya 'south (in Guam and Rota), east (in Saipan)', *layaR > layak 'sail'.

Glide fortition in Chamorro affected not only phonemic *w and *y, but also the

predictable transitional glides that developed in the environments *ua, *au, *ia, and presumably *ai (no examples of the latter are available). As noted earlier, before a rounded vowel, the strengthened reflex of *w is g, not gw:

0 > gw: *buaq > (*buwaq) > pugwa' 'betel nut'; 0 > g: *zauq > (*zawuq) > chago' 'far, distant'; 0 > y: *ia > gwiya '3SG emphatic', *kamiu > hamyo 'you (PL)', *liai > liyang 'cave',

*niuR > niyok 'coconut tree', *baRiuh > pakyo 'typhoon', *tian > tuyan 'stomach, belly, abdomen'.

Etymologies such as *kamiu > hamyo 'you (PL)' and *baRiuh > pakyo 'typhoon' are assumed to show fortition of a phonetic glide followed by loss of the high vowel, which triggered glide formation (*hamiyu > [hamidzu] > [hamdzo]).

A number of etymologies show that glide fortition followed the loss of *h, because it required prior glide formation:

*h > zero > gw: *dahun > (*dawun) > hagon 'leaf', *kahu > (*kawu) > hagu '2SG emphatic', *duha > (*duwa) > hugwa 'two', *lahud > (*lawud) 'toward the sea' > lagu 'north (in Guam and Rota), west (in Saipan)', *bahu-an > (*bawan) > pagwan 'give off scent, aroma, smell'.

Finally, gw or g appears in initial position in words that originally began with a vowel, or with *h, which was first lost.

0 > gw: *apak > gwafak 'mat', *aku > gwahu 'ISG emphatic', *ijulr > gwi'aeg 'nose', *idi > gwihi 'there (3PL)', *ini > gwini 'here, in this place', *ia > gwiya '3SG emphatic';

*h > (zero) > gw: *hapuy > gwafi 'fire', *hasaq > gwasa' 'whet, sharpen', *hasai > gwasang 'gills', *ipi > gwifi 'dream', *hikan > gwihan 'fish';

0 > g: *uRat > gugat 'vein, muscle, tendon, artery', *enem > gunnm 'six'; *h > (0) > g: *huqenap > go'naf'fish scale', *hunus > gunos 'wean; withdraw'.

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Because it is phonetically unlikely that a labiovelar stop would be added to ini- tial vowels, it seems nearly certain that the latter change took place in two steps: (I) addition of *w before all words that began with a vowel, (2) glide fortition.

This change has been misunderstood by some scholars. Dyen (I962), for

example, suggested that Chamorro gw, corresponding to a labiovelar gw or kw in a few other languages, must reflect an earlier labiovelar obstruent rather than the *w or zero that had previously been reconstructed, because "otherwise we should have to regard the independent phonetic agreement as a convergence and the occlusive feature as independently acquired." But, as seen in examples such as *duha > hugwa 'two', the labiovelar stop clearly is secondary, because it could only have developed after the loss of *h. Moreover, as Dahl (1976:46ff) has pointed out, glide fortition, including the change *w > gw, is found in many lan-

guage families. For reasons of space, no more than passing reference can be made to a few of these here. Prokosch (1939:9I) points out that "in Germanic words borrowed by Romance languages at various times during the Middle Ages, initial w became a stop" (war: guerre, wasp: guepe, William: Guillaume, etc.). Much the same is true of Spanish accent in English today, where English w and y are commonly pronounced by Spanish speakers as a voiced labiovelar fricative and voiced palatal affricate respectively." Under the name "Holtzmann's Law," Pro- kosch further describes the fortition of inherited glides j, w after short vowels in both Gothic and Norse, where the changes clearly were independent, and resulted in obstruents of the form ggw (a geminate labiovelar stop) and djj (a palatal stop followed by a spirantic glide). In another part of the world, Thompson (I979:712) reports that *w developed into a stop in several Salishan languages, including Coeur d'Alene and Lushootseed (gw), Comox (g), Straits Salishan (kw), and Tillamook (k). In Quinault, a similar development is subphonemic: w has the allo-

phone [gw] before vowels. According to Thompson, "the history of original *y is similar, although not entirely parallel: it develops to a stop in the same languages as *w, except for Tillamook."

What is most striking about the Chamorro change is that it affected not only phonemic glides, but also glides that were phonemically zero. However, very sim- ilar changes have occurred in a number of the languages of Borneo. In Bintulu of northern Sarawak, for example, both PMP *w and *y and the predictable transi- tional glides [w] and [y] are reflected as b and z: *qasawa > saba 'wife', *duha (> *ruwa > *raba) > ba 'two', *abuat (> *buwat > *babat) > bat 'long', *quay (> *uway > abay) > bay 'rattan'; *layaR > laza 'sail', *qalia (> *liya) > ldza 'ginger', *siaw (> *siyaw) > (sa)zaw 'chicken'. Unlike the situation in Chamorro, such glides did not develop if the first vowel was not high: *zauq > jau' 'far' (cp. Chamorro chago'). Material recorded around the beginning of the twentieth cen- tury and reported in Ray (1913) shows that Bintulu b derives from earlier gw: sagwa, saba 'wife', gwa 'two'. Similar developments are found in Miri and Long

I I. Both French orthography and the phonetics of Spanish accent in modern English suggest that glide fortition in French began with labiovelars that were subsequently delabialized.

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Terawan Berawan, where zero is reflected as b orj between *u or *i and a follow- ing unlike vowel; in Kiput, wherefw appears in the first of these environments and zero in the second; and in Tunjung of southeast Kalimantan, where g appears in the first environment, as in *duha > raga' 'two'.

It is noteworthy that gw- does not appear in the reflexes of words that began with *q-. These examples show that although *h had been lost prior to glide for- mation and fortition, *q had not. In fact, as noted earlier, it is possible that Chamorro words with initial vowel still begin phonetically with glottal stop: *qabu > apu 'ashes', *qasiRa > asiga 'salt', *qasu > asu 'smoke', *qatep > atof 'roof', *qipil > ifet 'a tree: Intsia bijuga', *quzan > uchan 'rain', *qulin > ulin 'rud- der', *qulu > ulu 'head', *qumar) > umang 'hermit crab', *qenay > unay 'sand'.

What is the source of the historically secondary labiovelar glide in words that originally contained a vowel? Dahl (I976:46ff) reconstructed it as part of the base, proposing, for example, PAN *uaku for *aku 'ISG, I', *uenem for *enem 'six', and so on. However, this solution ignores the fact that trisyllabic bases with initial high vowels are otherwise almost unknown in PAN or its primary descendants.

Another possibility is that this segment is a fossilized morpheme. Both Ivatan of the northernmost Philippines and Maranao of Mindanao use a case-marking parti- cle reflecting *u as part of the morphology of "focus" marking. Reid (1966) glosses Ivatan qo as a "topic marker," while McKaughan and Macaraya (I967:x) call Maranao o a "source marker." If such a particle had been found in pre-Chamorro, it could conceivably have resyllabified as w before words that began with a vowel, but not elsewhere; hence *u-VCVC > *w-VCVC, but *u-CVCVC > *u-CVCVC. To account fully for the data, it must be further assumed that where *u became *w, it was reinterpreted as part of the base and retained, hence *w-VCVC > wVCVC, but where it remained a vowel, it was lost: *u-CVCVC > CVCVC.

There are several problems with this theory of the history of Chamorro gw in words that originally began with a vowel. First, given the fact that they consist of a single phoneme and differ in function, it is not at all clear that the Ivatan and Maranao case-markers are continuations of the same historical form. In other words, it is not at all clear that there is comparative evidence that justifies PMP *u. Second, even if *u is reconstructed as a case-marking particle, there is no obvious reason why it would delete in prepenultimate initial position, because prepenulti- mate initial u occurs in the Chamorro reflexes of *-um- with vowel-initial stems: ugong 'a groan, lament': um-ugong 'to groan, lament'. This point is worth empha- sizing, because in many AN languages, prepenultimate vowels are neutralized as schwa, and drop entirely when initial. If a similar constraint held in Chamorro, we would expect the infix -um- to have a word-initial allomorph m- (hence **m- ugong). Because Chamorro does not have such a constraint, there is no reason to assume that case-marked forms such as *u-qatep, *u-peRes, or *u-tunu would have lost the initial vowel. Finally, initial gw appears wherever a PMP etymon has a vowel or *h, without reference to word class. Case-marking particles in Philip- pine-type languages typically mark the nominal arguments of a verb, and although the noun-verb contrast is often blurred, it is difficult to imagine that nouns such as

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go'naf 'fish scale', transitive verbs such as gwasa' 'to whet, sharpen', existential verbs such as gwaha 'have; there is, there exists', demonstratives such as guihi or guini, personal pronouns such as gwahu 'ISG emphatic', and numerals such as gwalu 'eight' all reflect a fossilized case-marking particle as the initial consonant of the Chamorro form.

A far simpler hypothesis to explain Chamorro initial gw from zero is that w was added before words that began with a vowel, and glide fortition then changed *w to gw. Although they continue to be puzzling, parallels to Chamorro glide epenthesis are in fact found in other languages. Palauan, the only other non-Oce- anic language in Micronesia, has added a velar nasal before words that originally began with a vowel, and many Oceanic languages have added a palatal glide before words that originally began with *a (Blust 1990).

3.3.7 Irregularities. The Chamorro lexicon generally exhibits regular patterns of sound change, but as in any language, some irregularities occur. These do not appear to be especially numerous, nor are they particularly rare. The irregular changes of Chamorro can be divided into canonical irregularities and segmental irregularities.

3.3.7.1 Canonical irregularities. Several reflexes of PMP forms show canoni- cal irregularities in Chamorro. In *bunbun > pupon 'group of, bunch of, gathering of', and *bujbuU > pupong 'ridge of a roof', the preconsonantal nasal is irregu- larly lost. Attempts to discover a condition in these forms appear to founder on *demdem > homhom 'dark, dim, obscure'. It is conceivable that nasals (but not stops) preceding an obstruent were lost after the change *d > h, but it appears pho- netically unlikely for deletion to affect nasals but not stops in such an environ- ment. In a few forms, preconsonantal stops in reduplicated monosyllables assimilated fully to the following stop, producing a geminate, as in *bukbuk > poppo 'powder from a decayed plant'. Such assimilations may have preceded the loss of the preconsonantal nasal in Chamorro pupon and pupong, but there is no direct evidence for such a hypothesis. For unknown reasons, the entire first sylla- ble was irregularly lost in *tijadaq > ngaha' 'look upward'.

3.3.7.2 Segmental irregularities. Several irregularities appear in the reflexes of the voiceless stops. In *ma-paqit > ma-la'et 'bitter', a phoneme substitution occurs that may have been motivated by a desire to distinguish this stative verb from the similar semantically shifted simplex formfa'et 'salty'. PMP *taki (doublet of *taqi) 'feces' appears as Chamorro take', with unexplained retention of *k and final glottal stop. This may be a loan, but if so, its source remains obscure. Topping cross-refer- ences a number of forms that differ in initial vowel vs. initial h. This may be a change in progress, in which initial h is dropped in casual speech, as in *kaRuki > haguhi or aguhi 'sand crab', or *dalikan > halihan or alihan 'trivet, hearth stones'. Given such variation between what are presumably careful and casual speech forms,

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the secondary h in forms such as *aRemar > hakmang 'moray eel', or *qatulay > atulay or hatulay 'big-eye scad' may be a product of hypercorrection.

The split of *k in final position is particularly puzzling, because etyma of iden- tical phonemic shape have taken different paths: *bakbak > pappa 'strip off bark', *bakbak > pakpak 'pop, burst forth with sudden violence and noise'; *b-al-akbak > palakpak 'cracking noise such as thunder', palappa 'flapping noise, rustling sound'. Zero reflexes appear to predominate, but not by an overwhelming margin (9:6). In addition, whereas syllable-final *k in nonfinal position is reflected as h in *mekmek > mohmo, the glottal continuant appears to have assimilated to the fol- lowing stop, yielding a medial geminate in both *bakbak > pappa and *bukbuk > poppo, but in *nuknuk > nunu it deleted without a trace.

For unknown reasons, stray glottal stops appear in *pa- >fa'- 'causative prefix', and *layaR > la'yak (next to layak) 'sail', and a stray h appears in *barjun > pahngon (next to the expected pangon) 'wake up'.

Finally, Thompson (1945:13) gives matua 'upper class, noble', a clear reflex of PMP *ma-tuqah 'mature, elder, of people', but with no indication of the expected glot- tal stop. However, the form is taken from a publication by the French navigator Louis de Freycinet, which appeared in several volumes issued between I829 and 1837. Although the form is written matua, it probably is matu'a, because we can safely assume that the glottal stop would not have been rendered orthographically, given the circumstances under which it was collected. This word evidently disappeared with the breakdown of the traditional Chamorro system of hereditary social classes.

Reflexes of the voiced stops exhibit few irregularities. Among the problematic forms are *bujeq > bu'o 'foam, bubbles, lather', with b for expected p and *tazem > tasm-e 'sharpen to a point', with s for expected ch. The first of these is surprising, as it shows the regular and highly distinctive development *j > '. If it is a loan from a

Philippine language, it must have been borrowed before PMP *j had merged with

any other phoneme in the lending language, but after the change *b > p in Chamorro. Chamorro tasm-e may be a loan from an Oceanic language, as reflexes of POC *tasim-i are fairly widespread. However, Nuclear Micronesian languages do not have this form with the s retained, thus raising doubts about whether it is bor- rowed. The reflex *j > d seen in *qalejaw 'day' > atdaw 'sun' may be due to condi- tioned change following the loss of medial schwa, but without further examples, this can only be speculation. Undoubtedly the most perplexing change affecting a voiced stop is that seen in *beRPi > pwengi 'night'. As noted earlier, the velarized labial pw appears to be very rare in Chamorro. Because similar initial consonants are found in many Oceanic reflexes of *beRri, this form may derive from an Oceanic source.

The irregularities seen in *dakut > hakot 'snatch, grab, seize' (expected **hahot) and *dalikan > alihan, hali'an, halihan (only the latter expected) 'trivet, hearth' suggest that Chamorro has a tendency to avoid the appearance of h in suc- cessive syllables. Because a few forms like halihan do occur in the language, how- ever, we evidently cannot speak of a phonotactic constraint.

Comparatively few irregular changes occur in reflexes of the nasals. As in many other languages, the Chamorro reflex of *ni-a '3SG genitive' has been reana-

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lyzed as a -CV suffix through fusion of the alveolar nasal and *i into a single pala- tal nasal. PMP *qajan shows an irregular n reflex in Chamorro na'an 'name', possibly the result of an assimilation to the nasal of the final syllable. For reasons that remain unclear, nangu 'to swim' and nufo' 'scorpion fish' both have doublets in Chamorro with an initial palatal nasal.

One irregularity in the reflex of *s is particularly salient: *sai > hayi 'who?'. Given the fact that *apa > h-afa 'what?' also shows an apparent fossilized prefix, it is possible that the close association of these two interrogatives contributed to a partial convergence in form.

The reflexes *1 > I and *1 > t appear to be exceptionless. There is one known exception to the stated development of *R: *beRiri > pwengi 'night'. As noted already, this form shows multiple irregularities that suggest that it is a loanword from an Oceanic language.

There are some possible irregularities in the reflexes of the glides, but these may in some cases be conditioned. Chamorro afa'fa' 'armpit' appears for anticipated **gwafa'; however, this may show that the addition of w before an initial vowel was prosodically conditioned. If Chamorro did not have an inherited system of phonemic stress, but generally stressed the penult, as is the case in the majority of attested AN languages, *afaqfaq would have begun with an unstressed vowel, and the rule of glide epenthesis may have applied only to stressed initial vowels.

In addition, neither *tau > tawtaw 'person, human being' nor *bahu > paw 'odor, smell' has the anticipated medial g (but cp. *bahu-an > pagwan 'give off odor, aroma'). In the former case, reduplication, together with a disyllabic canoni- cal target, probably led to the resyllabification of the original vowel sequence *-au as *-aw. This is harder to argue in *bahu > paw, because resyllabification would have run counter to the preferred canonical target, and the reflex of the canonically similar *sai 'who?' shows glide fortition (> hayi, not ** hay).

The change *i > gi 'at, at the, from' for expected **gwi, may show feature sim- plification due to high frequency, but a similar explanation is not available for the change in *ma-huab > *mawab > magap (expected **magwap) 'yawn'. The split reflex in *ini > gwini 'here', but ini 'this' is unexplained. In addition, there may be a previously unnoticed constraint in Chamorro against the occurrence of velar and labiovelar stops in the same morpheme, as seen in *aRuhu (> *aRu) > *waRu > gagu (not **gwagu) 'ironwood tree: Casuarina equisetifolia'.

3.4 SPEECH STRATA. Some writers (Costenoble I940:I9ff. and Carlson 1991) have suggested the presence of distinct lexical strata in Chamorro, presum- ably reflecting a history of intensive language contact. Costenoble's etymologies, however, are sometimes questionable, and create artificial problems that support artificial solutions. Appendix 2 documents the presence of a number of loanwords from Philippine languages, presumably all postdating the arrival of the Spanish in the Marianas. In addition, a few lexical items and structural features suggest fairly early influence from one or more Oceanic languages. Perhaps the most notewor- thy example of possible Oceanic influence in Chamorro is seen in the pair magi

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'here; toward the speaker' : gwatu 'there; away from the speaker', a widespread distinction in Oceanic languages that is unreported in the AN languages of insular Southeast Asia. The first term directly reflects PMP *maRi 'come' with apparent semantic change, but the second may be a borrowing that took place prior to the change *w > gw, because reflexes of *watu are otherwise unknown outside the Oceanic group. If Chamorro gwatu is a loan from a Nuclear Micronesian lan- guage, it must have been borrowed not only before the change *w > gw in Chamorro, but also before the loss of *t in Trukic languages (cf. Puluwat -waw 'towards the addressee', and similar forms in other languages of the Carolines).

One other word that raises questions about possible speech strata in Chamorro is ngayu ([x]) 'collect firewood', a form that is often paired with kayu 'wood' in island Southeast Asia, and clearly derives from a prototype with the active verb

prefix *mari-. A number of languages in Indonesia have reduced the prefix man- to

simple nasal substitution under the general pressure of a preferred disyllabic canon- ical shape. Because Chamorro normally preserves the prefix unchanged, the reduc- tion in this form raises suspicions about indirect inheritance. These suspicions are further strengthened by differences in the pentultimate vowel: hayu, but ngeyu.

4. THE LINGUISTIC POSITION OF CHAMORRO. In essence, three views have been expressed regarding the linguistic position of Chamorro: (I) Chamorro is most closely related to the languages of the Philippines, (2) Chamorro is most

closely related to one or more languages in Indonesia, (3) Chamorro has no close relatives within the AN language family.

At least since Safford (I909), various writers have noted the similarity of Chamorro verbal affixation to that of various Philippine languages. Safford himself lacked a clear concept of linguistic subgrouping, but he mentioned resemblances to

Tagalog and "Visayan" in the course of casual remarks about the similarity of Chamorro to various other languages. More explicitly, Topping (1973:3) specu- lated that the closest relatives of Chamorro are Tagalog and Ilokano.

The second view is advocated in casual form in Voegelin and Voegelin (1977), and through a more seriously argued position in Zobel (to appear), where an

attempt is made to assign Chamorro to a putative "Nuclear Malayo-Polynesian" subgroup that reportedly contains both Chamorro and Palauan, as well as the Cen- tral-Eastern Malayo-Polynesian languages and most languages of western Indone- sia, but not the languages of the Philippines, northern Sulawesi, Madagascar, or Borneo (except the Malayic and Tamanic groups). In effect, Zobel argues that Chamorro, Palauan, and some of the languages of insular Southeast Asia are more

closely related to the languages of eastern Indonesia and the Pacific than they are to the languages of the Philippines. Zobel speculates that Chamorro probably reached the Marianas from Sulawesi. There is no known phonological or lexical

support for this view, and Reid (to appear) rejects the Nuclear Malayo-Polynesian hypothesis on the basis of Zobel's own evidence and arguments.

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The third view was first explicitly articulated by Dyen (1965), who argued on lexicostatistical grounds that Chamorro forms a primary branch of the "Malayo- polynesian Linkage." Starosta and Pagotto (I985) consider grammatical evidence for linking Chamorro with the languages of the Philippines, and conclude that there is no corpus of exclusively shared innovations that could be used to justify such a subgrouping connection. Reid (to appear) adopts essentially the same point of view.

A somewhat different variation on the third view is seen in Starosta (1995), where it is proposed that Chamorro split off from other AN languages in Taiwan, and that it is therefore more closely related to some Formosan languages (Kana- kanavu, Paiwan, Amis, Atayalic, Saisiyat) than to others (Rukai, Tsou, Saaroa).

No attempt will be made to assess the merits of these views beyond a few passing remarks. Chamorro shows all of the phonemic mergers characteristic of Malayo- Polynesian languages, including '*S-metathesis' (Blust 1999:56), further exem- plified here by PAN *quSeNap > PMP *huqenap > Chamorro go'naf 'fish scale'. Innovations in the pronoun system and various lexical innovations cited in Blust (I995a, 1999) point to the same conclusion: Chamorro is descended from a single language ancestral to all AN languages outside Taiwan. Within the Malayo-Polyne- sian group, Chamorro shows no close ties with any other language. There are at least two principal reasons for the historically common perception that Chamorro sub- groups with Philippine languages. First, its verb system is often regarded as showing characteristics of "Philippine-type languages." But such an observation has no merit as subgrouping evidence, because it appeals to retentions of morphosyntactic char- acteristics that were present in Proto-Austronesian. Second, both Chamorro and Greater Central Philippines (GCP) languages reflect PAN *R as g. But the change *R > g is not a general characteristic of Philippine languages, and Chamorro cer- tainly does not belong to the fairly narrowly defined GCP group. In addition to these primary considerations, the presence of many Philippine loanwords in Chamorro may also have contributed to the impression that there is a close genetic relationship between Chamorro and the languages of the Philippines.

In short, phonological, lexical, and morphosyntactic evidence provide no clear or widely accepted basis for assigning Chamorro to any subgroup lower than Malayo-Polynesian. In various publications beginning with Blust (1977), the writer has advocated assigning Chamorro to a putative Western Malayo-Polynesian (WMP) subgroup of AN languages, a group based largely on the prevalence of homorganic nasal substitution as a functioning process in the formation of active verbs. However, as noted elsewhere (Blust 1999), rare phonological irregularities in both Formosan and Oceanic languages suggest that these languages descend from an ancestor in which homorganic nasal substitution was once active. The proper interpretation of these observations remains to be worked out, but for the moment they cast a pall on the notion of WMP as an innovation-defined subgroup.

5. A BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF CHAMORRO CULTURE HISTORY. Valu- able summaries of Chamorro culture history can be found in Thompson (1945),

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Spoehr (I954, I957), and Bellwood (I979). The following proposals are intended primarily to provide a broad overview, and to supplement the published statements of other scholars by filling gaps in the record. However, as will be seen, they can also be taken as rejections of certain proposals that have recently been advanced in the linguistics literature.

5.1 WHENCE THE CHAMORROS? In recent years, there has been a fair amount of speculation about Chamorro origins. With regard to the Chamorro lan-

guage, Topping (1973:3) suggested that "its closest linguistic relatives are proba- bly Ilokano and Tagalog." Starosta (I995:694) suggests that the Chamorros reached the Marianas through a direct migration from the west coast of Taiwan, thereby denying the membership of Chamorro in the Malayo-Polynesian (MP) subgroup of AN. Zobel (to appear), who accepts the MP status of Chamorro, assigns it to a "Nuclear Malayo-Polynesian" (NMP) group of languages within MP, and suggests that "it was probably ... from Sulawesi that the speakers of Chamorro and Palauan (or better: Pre-Chamorro and Pre-Palauan) sailed to the northeast to the distant islands of Palau and the Marianas." There are problems with all of these proposals. Topping advocates an immediate relationship of Chamorro with two Philippine languages that are only distantly related to one another. Starosta leaves a substantial amount of evidence for the MP affiliation of Chamorro unexplained and unmentioned. Finally, Zobel's proposal is difficult to reconcile with various facts of geography, demography, and meteorology that will now be considered.

Consideration I: geography. The Mariana Islands stretch like a great outspread net with its concave side facing the Philippine archipelago some 1,300 miles to the west. Although the fifteen islands of the Marianas chain extend almost 500 miles from north to south, as Spoehr (I957:22) noted, only the southern islands of Guam, Rota, Aguijan, Tinian, and Saipan contain much land suitable for human habita- tion. These five islands are located between about 13 and 15 degrees north latitude, and are therefore due east of southern and central Luzon in the Philippine group.

Except for the Equatorial Counter Current, the ocean currents in the western Pacific flow predominantly from east to west, and so do not favor the settlement of the Marianas from any location in insular southeast Asia. Much the same can be said for the prevailing winds, which vary seasonally (Irwin 1992:I I8ff). Apart from southern and central Luzon, the closest landfall to the Marianas in island Southeast Asia is the island of Morotai, just north of Halmahera in the northern Moluccas. But, like northern Halmahera as a whole, Morotai is a region in which Papuan lan-

guages have been spoken for an undetermined period of time. Irwin (1992:I27) maintains that "it would be no great surprise" to discover that Palau (Belau), Yap, and the Marianas "were more closely related at the time of colonisation," a position that is evidently similar to that of Zobel (to appear). However, from the standpoint of language, it certainly would be a surprise to discover that Palau, Yap, and the Marianas had shared an early period of common history exclusively of other Aus-

tronesian-speaking areas, as these three languages are only distantly related to one

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another. In short, neither archaeological nor linguistic evidence at the present time supports the view that the Marianas were settled by way of Palau as a "stepping stone." Rather, all indications are that the Chamorros reached their historical loca- tion through a single movement out of insular Southeast Asia. Arguments based on geography, then, favor the Philippines over areas further to the south as a likely source region for the prehistoric peopling of the Marianas.

Consideration 2: settlement time, population density, and migration potential. The available archaeological evidence suggests that the Mariana Islands were set- tled by AN speakers at least 3,500 years ago (Bellwood 1979:282, Spriggs 1989, Craib 1993, Rainbird 1994). For many years, the earliest evidence of human set- tlement in the Marianas was a radiocarbon date of 1527 B.C. + 200 years, which Alexander Spoehr obtained at the site of Chalan Piao on the southwest coast of Saipan. Spoehr (I957:168) further pointed out that "the carbon 14 date was obtained from an upper level of the site. The four feet of cultural material lying beneath the oyster shell from which the date was obtained must be considerably older." Bellwood (1979:282) noted that if calibrated, the date obtained by Spoehr would be placed circa 3800 BP.

More recently, this early date has been challenged on the grounds that it was obtained from a shell sample, which presents special complications to radiocarbon dating in the Pacific (Athens 1986, Bonhomme and Craib 1987). Despite this cloud- ing of the longstanding date from Chalan Piao, Craib (I993) has argued for dates of nearly equal antiquity from the site of Unai Chulu on Tinian, and he concludes that the Marianas were settled by "about 3500 BP." Needless to say, there is no certainty that the earliest dates obtained so far extend to the time of initial settlement.

Bellwood (I997:220), following Spriggs (I989), has suggested that the red- slipped pottery marking the arrival of Neolithic cultures at a number of sites in the Cagayan valley of northern Luzon (similar to the Marianas redware found at Cha- lan Piao), "might be as early as 2800 BC." In general terms, then, Austronesian speakers appear to have arrived in the northern Philippines from Taiwan by about 3,000 BC, and were in the Marianas probably not much more than a millenium later. By 3,500-4,000 BP, AN speakers would have been in the Philippines-particularly Luzon-for roughly a millennium, but would have inhabited areas further to the south for a shorter time period. Although features of the local environment may skew the broader picture, in historically known cases, population density tends to vary directly with length of settlement. Other things being equal, migrations are more likely to take place from areas of higher population density than from areas of lower population density. Consideration 2, like Consideration I, thus also favors the Philippines as the most likely region from which the Marianas were settled.

Consideration 3: the typhoon zone Chamorro pakyo 'typhoon, storm, tropical cyclone' reflects PAN *baRiuS, PMP *baRiuh 'typhoon'. One might speculate that pakyo is a loan from a Greater Central Philippines source such as Tagalog bagyo 'typhoon'. However, this interpretation is unlikely for at least two reasons. First, pakyo shows the regular change *b > p, whereas Philippine loanwords with b appear to be invariably borrowed without a change of the labial stop (appendix 2).

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Second, Guam and the other southern Marianas Islands lie directly in the "typhoon belt" that connects the Caroline Islands meteorologically to the central and southern Philippines, Taiwan, the Ryukyus, and southern Japan. Typhoons are thus an integral and frequently experienced part of the physical environment that the Chamorros knew, and a word for 'typhoon' was no more likely to be borrowed than a word for 'surf', 'sea', or 'rain.'

The cyclonic and anticyclonic forces that produce typhoons and related types of tropical storms on a global basis are operative within a zone that runs from approximately IO degrees to 35 degrees north and south latitude (Gentilli I998). Within the intertropical convergence zone, or doldrums, extending roughly ten degrees to the north and the south of the Equator, typhoons are virtually unknown. In the western Pacific, the doldrums include the whole of Indonesia and New Guinea. Within the Philippines, typhoons are most frequent in Luzon and the northern Bisayas, and are extremely rare in Mindanao. Deppermann (I939) reviews "practically all the records of typhoons" contained in the Manila Central Observatory of the Weather Bureau from I884-I939, and does not mention Min- danao. Brand and Blelloch (I972) give track segments for 30 typhoons that struck the Philippines in the period 1960-I970. Only one of these crossed Mindanao.

If Pacific weather systems have maintained essentially the same structure over the past four millennia, Chamorro pakyo 'typhoon' can be taken as evidence that in migrating to the Mariana Islands, Chamorro speakers never left the typhoon zone. This effectively excludes Sulawesi as a potential source area, and further excludes Palau as a possible "stepping stone." Because Chamorro clearly is a MP language, this leaves only the Philippines-especially the Philippines north of Mindanao-as a likely source area for the migration that settled the Marianas some 3,500 years ago or earlier.12

5.2 LANDFALLS IN THE MARIANAS. Surprisingly, the linguistic history of Chamorro may even provide some evidence as to the areas reached during the initial settlement of the Marianas.

Both Proto-Austronesian and Proto-Malayo-Polynesian used the terms *daya 'upriver, toward the interior', and *lahud 'downriver, toward the sea', as markers of a primary axis of spatial orientation (Blust 1997). In daughter languages, the semantic reflexes of these forms are often translated as cardinal directions. Where these translations differ from one location to another on the same island or close- knit island group, they reveal the derivative nature of the cardinal senses. Thus Balinese kaya (from *ka-daya) means 'south' in the north of Bali and 'north' in the south of Bali, while kelod (from *ka-lahud) means 'north' in the north of Bali, and

I2. In speculating about the prehistoric distribution of languages in his proposed "Nuclear Malayo-Polynesian" (NMP) subgroup, Zobel (to appear) tries to leave this possibility open, although it clearly is not his first choice: "Of course, these speculations do not take into account the possibility that NMP languages were also spoken in other areas, e.g., in the Phil- ippines, and have later been replaced by focus-retaining languages. Thus, Palauan and Chamorro speakers may have departed from an area outside of the present NMP area."

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'south' in the south of Bali. In either location the terms mean simply 'toward the mountains' and 'toward the sea' respectively, because Bali is a roughly circular island (with a peninsular extension to the west) that rises to a central volcanic peak.

Reflexes of *lahud and *daya in Chamorro show a more interesting and distinc- tive distribution: haya means 'south' on Guam and Rota, but 'east' on Saipan, while lagu means 'north' on Guam and Rota, but 'west' on Saipan. These differences in usage do not correlate at all with the usual mapping of cardinal direction senses onto a functioning system in which the primary axis of orientation is 'toward the interior' vs. 'toward the sea.' Rather, the semantic reflexes of PMP *daya and *lahud in Chamorro suggest that Guam and Rota were initially settled in the north, and Saipan in the west; as a result of these landfalls the relative meanings of these terms became fixed meanings that persisted long after the initial settlement of the islands. It is per- haps worth noting that Chalan Piao is located on the southwest coast of Saipan, and is thus consistent with the inference, based on semantic change in the reflexes of

*daya and *lahud, that Saipan was initially settled from the west.

5.3 WHY DOESN'T CHAMORRO SUBGROUP WITH THE LANGUAGES OF THE PHIIPPINES? If the Marianas were settled directly from the Philip- pines, shouldn't Chamorro show some evidence of subgrouping with Philippine languages?

Chamorro shares no body of demonstrable phonological or lexical innovations with the modem languages of the Philippines.13 But, given the radiocarbon dates for

early settlement of the Marianas, this should not be surprising. Blust (I99I) observed that the Philippine subgroup of AN languages, which includes all of the

languages of the Philippines except Sama-Bajau, as well as the Sangiric, Minahasan, and Gorontalic language groups of northern Sulawesi, shows greatest diversity in the northern and southern extremities of its range. By contrast, the central Philippines, which must have an equally long history of settlement by AN speakers, is linguisti- cally relatively homogeneous. Distributional facts of this kind point to episodes of prehistoric language leveling, or what Diamond (1992) has aptly called "resetting the clock": one language group expands at the expense of others, creating relative uniformity where earlier there had been diversity. In the case at hand, it was argued that a prehistoric language called "Greater Central Philippines" expanded both northward and southward from the Bisayas, commencing around 500 BC. As a result of this expansion, the previous linguistic diversity in the Bisayas, Palawan, southern Luzon, and much of Mindanao, was sharply reduced.

At the end of that paper (Blust I99I:I04), I ventured a further observation: "More generally, the Philippine archipelago as a whole shows much less linguistic

13. Zorc (I986) lists many of the innovations that characterize the Philippine group. Among the more important diagnostics is the double semantic shift of *Rumaq 'house' to 'sheath' and *balay 'public building' to 'house'. Both of these changes are reflected in Greater Central Philippines, Bilic, Sangiric, and Minahasan subgroups, but not in Chamorro, where *Rumaq > guma' 'house' (*balay evidently was lost). The second change is reflected in virtually all Phil- ippine subgroups.

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diversity than one would expect for a region that must have been settled very early in the history of the Austronesian expansions. There are thus grounds for inferring an even earlier episode of linguistic expansion and extinction, one that preceded the dispersal of Proto-Greater Central Philippines by perhaps a millennium." In the period 3500-4000 BP, it can reasonably be assumed that there were a number of AN languages spoken in the Philippines that had differentiated out from a founding population that had arrived in northern Luzon from Taiwan around 5000 BP. But by perhaps 3500 BP, one of these languages had begun to expand at the expense of oth- ers, giving rise in time to the present Philippine subgroup. Chamorro presumably derives from a population that escaped this linguistic holocaust by sailing out of the Philippines into the Pacific. Why the ancestral Chamorros left we probably will never know, but perhaps the primary reason was the expansion of Proto-Philippines itself. In this view, the lower-than-expected linguistic diversity in the Philippines and the early settlement of the Marianas are not unrelated facts, but rather pieces of a larger culture-historical puzzle that share a common edge.

Neither archaeological nor linguistic evidence supports the view that there were two or more major migrations to the Marianas. Rather, Chamorro contains a substantial number of loanwords not only from Spanish, but also from various languages of the central Philippines (appendix 2). These loans almost certainly entered the language within the past four centuries as a result first of the contact that the annual Manila Galleon provided between the Philippines and Guam, beginning in 1565, and later through the establishment of the Spanish colonial presence in I668 (Thompson 1945, Schurz 1959).

5.4 RICE, BETEL, AND CULTURE LOSS. Although the Chamorros were

growing rice at the time of Spanish contact in the sixteenth century, there has occa- sionally been some skepticism in the literature about the antiquity of rice cultivation in the Marianas. The etymologies *pajay >fa'i 'rice in the field, rice plant', *beRas > pugas 'uncooked rice', and *lesung > lusong 'rice mortar' should dispel these doubts, as all three terms are directly inherited from Proto-Austronesian, and so indicate an unbroken continuity in the tradition of rice cultivation. In addition to rice, sugarcane, taro, coconuts, betel nuts, and some other crops were also brought to the Marianas. The fact that the Chamorros were able to transport these cultivated food plants from the Philippines to the Marianas by at least 3500 BP also suggests that the migration out of Southeast Asia was planned, not accidental.

Despite these successes, other valuable aspects of material culture were lost, apparently including domesticated dogs, pigs, and possibly chickens (the status of mannok 'chicken' as a loanword is uncertain), millet, weaving, and the bow. The

disappearance of dogs and the bow may well have been connected, because in insu- lar Southeast Asia the primary value of both is in their usefulness in hunting. The Marianas offered no indigenous mammals as prey, turning the Chamorros to the sea for protein. In such a context, dogs would become not only useless, but compet- itors for food in times of scarcity, and consequently targets of opportunism.

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5.5 PIONEERING VOYAGERS. Much has been made of the voyaging capa- bilities of the Polynesians, as the settlement of eastern Polynesia involved crossing the greatest distances within the Pacific basin. In the case of Hawai'i, an open sea voyage of at least 2,200 miles was needed to reach the southernmost part of the island of Hawai'i from the northern Marquesas. But Hawai'i was not settled until AD 300-500 (Kirch I984:244). By contrast, the Chamorros must have crossed some 1,300 miles of open sea nearly two millennia before the settlement of Hawai'i. Table 3 summarizes the major voyages that AN speakers had to make in order to reach their historically attested locations in the Pacific, together with

approximate distances in miles and estimates of the times when they were made expressed in years before the present (BP).

TABLE 3. MAJOR VOYAGES IN THE AUSTRONESIAN EXPANSION OUT OF INSULAR SOUTHEAST ASIA

FROM -TO DISTANCE TIME

Philippines-Marianas 1,300 3,500 BP

Central Vanuatu-Fiji 600 3,200 BP

Southeast Solomons-Kiribati I,I00 3,000 BP?

Samoa-Marquesas 2,300 2,200 BP?

Marquesas-Hawai'i 2,200 1,700 BP

The spread of Oceanic-speaking peoples into the Pacific began at nearly the same time the Marianas were settled, but-with one possible exception-until eastern Polynesia was colonized, the maximum interisland voyaging distance needed to explain the distributional facts was far less than the distance traversed by the Chamorros in reaching the Marianas. The possible exception was the movement of Nuclear Micronesian peoples out of Melanesia, probably from the Southeast Solomons to Kiribati. The timing of this event is still unclear, but it is generally thought to postdate 3,500 BP. It was roughly another I,o00 years after the "long pause" in western Polynesia before extended voyages with ocean-going double- hulled canoes reached eastern Polynesia. The voyaging skills of the Polynesians are rightly acclaimed in both the scientific and popular literature on traditional sailing in the Pacific, as the distances covered in eastern Polynesia exceeded those of any other area. But the settlement of eastern Polynesia was the last episode in a millennia-long story of Austronesian migration over the sea. Long before humans reached eastern Polynesia, the Chamorros had pioneered long-distance voyaging into the Pacific with single-hulled outriggers, an achievement that is yet to be fully recognized in reconstructions of Pacific prehistory.

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Appendix 1: Chamorro reflexes of PMP

The orthography of Topping, Ogo, and Dungca (I975) has been modified in the following ways: I. -ai and -ao have been rewritten -ay and -aw, 2. guV- has been rewritten gwV-, 3. puV- has been rewritten pwV-. (C) marks forms taken from Costenoble (I940).

CHAMORRO

achay aafa'f a-fagaw afok, afuk-i agwa agwas ahe' / ahi' akmangaw / atmangaw alileng alof alu alunan a-manu / manu anineng anti apaga, apaga-yi apu asagwa, asagwa asiga asi'-i, ma-'ase' asn-e, ma-'asen asu atdaw atof, aft-e ayuyu bu'o' chago' chahan chalan chopchop chugo' fa' fa'et fa-fa'et fa'i fa-lagu fa-lulon fanihi fasu fat-fat (C) faya fi'a (C) figa-n figes fitu (C)

PMP

qazay apaqpaq paRaw qapuR qawa qawas qadiq qali-maiaw qalilir qalep qalu qalunan m-anu qaninur qanitu qabaRa qabu qasawa qasiRa (ma)-qasiq (ma)-qasin qasu qalejaw qatep qayuyu bujeq zauq zakan zalan zebzeb zuRuq pa- paqit paqit pajay pa-laRiw lulun paniki pasu epat paya pija piRa pi(gR)is pitu

ENGLISH chin armpit hoarse lime milkfish baby mullet marker of negation mangrove crab cateye shell to beckon barracuda pillow where, which shadow soul, spirit, ghost (carry on) shoulder ash spouse; marry salt forgive; feel pity salty smoke day; sun roof coconut crab foam, bubbles far cook in earth oven path, road to suck sap, juice causative salty; bitter fish sp. rice plant flee, escape wrap, roll up flying fox cheek four sardine how much, how many? fish eggs, roe stamp, crush seven

I. 2.

3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9.

I0.

II. 12.

I3. 14.

15. 16. 17. I8. I9. 20.

21.

22.

23.

24.

25. 26.

27. 28.

29.

30. 31. 32.

33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41. 42.

43. 44. 45.

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CHAMORRO PMP ENGLISH

46. foks-e peRes squeeze out, express 47. f-o'na, m-o'na huqena ahead, first 48. fugo' peReq wring, squeeze 49. fulu' (C) puluq ten 50. funas punas wipe out

5I. gagu aRuhu Casuarina equisetifolia 52. ganas ganas appetite 53. gapot Rabut pull out 54. gatus (C) Ratus hundred 55. gi i at, on

56. gimen (met.) inum to drink 57. go'naf huqenap fish scale 58. gonggong guugur rumble 59. guma' Rumaq house 60. gunos hunus wean; withdraw 61. gunot Runut coconut fiber 62. gunum (C) enem six 63. gupu Rebek to fly 64. gutos getus snap, break off 65. gwafak apak mat 66. gwafi hapuy fire 67. gwaha wada have; there is 68. gwahu aku I 69. gwalu(C) walu eight 70. gwasa' hasaq whet, sharpen 71. gwasang hasaj gills

72. gugat uRat vein, tendon

73. gwi'eng ijur nose 74. gwifi hipi dream 75. gwihan hikan fish 76. gwihi idi there (3p) 77. gwini; ini ini here; this 78. gwiya ia he, she 79. ha'ani daqani daytime 80. h-afa apa what? 81. haga daRa daughter; young girl 82. haga' daRaq blood 83. hagi daRi a fish: Scomberoides 84. hago' daReq sticky soil; clay 85. hagon dahun leaf 86. hagu kahu you (SG) 87. hagwet kawil fishhook 88. (h)aguhi kaRuki sandcrab 89. ha'i daqih forehead 90. h-akmang aRemau moray eel 9I. hakot dakut seize, grasp 92. hale' dalij root 93. hali kali dig up tubers 94. (h)alihan dalikan trivet, hearth stones 95. halom dalem in, into 96. hami kami we (excl.) 97. hamyo kamiu you (PL)

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CHAMORRO hanom ha-spok (met.) (h)asuli (h)atulay haya hayi hayu hima homhom -hu hugwa (C) hula' hun hungok hutu ifet -in- ka-nifes lago' (met.) lagu lagwa' lagwas lagwet lahi lahu la-langu lalo' lafia langet laso' layak liheng lima (C) liyang lu-luhot lumos, ma-tmos lumot lunio' lupok lusong ma-'aksom ma-'ase' ma-'asen magap magi ma-'i'ot maysa ma-ktos ma-la'et ma-layu ma-linaw ma-lingu

PMP danum ka-besuR kasili qatulay daya sai kahiw kima demdem -ku duha dilaq ken deieR kutu qipil -in- nipis luheq lahud lawaq lawas lawit laki lakaw laIu lalej laia lauit lasuq layaR linduI lima liai lukut lemes lumut lefiej lubuk lesur ma-qaRsem ma-qasiq ma-qasin ma-huab um-aRi ma-qiqut ma-isa ma-getus ma-paqit ma-layu ma-linaw ma-liju

ENGLISH fresh water satiated freshwater eel big-eye scad landward, upriver who? stick, wood clam dark, dim my two tongue quotative marker to hear louse a tree: Intsia bijuga nominalizer; perfective thin, flimsy tears seaward, downriver scoop net long hook man, male go, walk faint, unconscious housefly vegetable oil sky, heaven penis, testicle sail shelter five cave parasitic plant to drown, suffocate moss, seaweed sink into something deep hole mortar sour merciful salty yawn here; come narrow alone snap, break bitter wilted calm, still (water) lost, missing

98. 99.

Ioo. IOI. I02.

103. I04.

I05. I06. 107. 108. io8. 109.

IIO.

III. 112. I 3. II4. 115. 16. I 17. i 8. I 9. 120.

121.

122.

123. 124.

125. 126. I27. 128. I29. I30.

131. I3I. 132. 133. 134. 135. 136. 137. 138. 139. 140. I41. 142.

I43. I44. I45. 146. 147. 148. I49.

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CHAMORRO

mama' ma-ma'ti, ma'te mames -mami manengheng man-hufa ma-pta', puta' masa mata mata' matay matua ma-tuhok me'me' -miyu mohmo mokmok -mu muta' na na'an nangu napu nifen nigap niyok nosnos nu nufo' nunu -na namnam namu ngaha' ngai'an nga'nga' ngangas ngokngok -on pa'go pagu pagwan pangon pakpak, palakpak pakyo p-al-aspas paw papa' pappa piga' poksay pontan

PMP

mamaq ma-qati mamis -mami man-di0dig depa ma-betaq ma-esak mata ma-hataq m-atay ma-tuqah ma-tuduR miqmiq -miu mekmek muRmuR -mu m-utaq na Jajan

naiuy nabek nipen niRab niuR nusnus nu nepuq nuknuk -ni-a namnam fiamuk tioadaq ja-ijan 0aqoaq jauas

oekuek -en baqeRu baRu bahu-an bairun bakbak baRiuh basbas bahu babaq bakbak biRaq beRsay buntan

ENGLISH

to chew betel low, of tide sweet our cold fathom burst, crack open ripe, cooked eye raw, uncooked to die; dead noble, higher class sleepy urine, to urinate your(s) (PL) to chew, premasticate to gargle your(s) (SG) to vomit linking particle name to swim surf, breakers tooth yesterday coconut tree cuttlefish, squid genitive marker scorpion fish banyan, fig tree 3SG agent-possessor to chew mosquito look upward when? openmouthed to chew to mumble abilitative suffix now, today; new hibiscus scent, smell to wake up sound of clapping, etc. typhoon sprinkle; splash odor, smell below strip off bark taro, Alocasia spp. canoe paddle ripe coconut

150. 15I. 152.

153. 154. I55. 156. I57. 158. I59. 160. 161. 162.

163. 164. 165. 166. 167. 168. I69. I70.

171.

172.

173. 174. 175. 176. 177. 178. 179. 180.

182. 183. 184. I85. I86. 187. 188. I89. I90. 191.

192. I93. I94. I95. 196. 197. I98. 199. 200.

201.

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CHAMORRO PMP ENGLISH 202. poppO bukbuk powder from decay 203. pugaw buRaw to chase away 204. pugas beRas uncooked rice 205. pugwa' buaq betel nut 206. pulan bulan moon 207. pulan bulan-bulan a fish, the tarpon 208. pulu bulu hair; feather 209. puno' bunuq to kill 210. punot bunut coconut husk 211. pupon bunbun group, bunch 212. pupong bujburj ridge of the roof 213. puteng butuj a tree: Barringtonia asiatica 214. puti'on (met.) bituqen star 215. sagu sa(gR)u runny nose 216. sagwa' sawaq channel 217. sahagu sakaRu reef 218. sahy-an sakay-an vehicle; ride in 219. sakman saRman outrigger float 220. satg-e saleR-i install a floor 221. se'se' siqsiq cut with knife 222. Si si personal article 223. sigwa (C) siwa nine 224. siha sida they, them 225. songsong ce13ceij plug, stopper 226. so'so' suqsuq scrape meat from coconut 227. sotsot selsel regret; repentant 228. suhu sudu ladle 229. sulo' suluq torch 230. susu susu breast

231. -ta -ta our (INCL) 232. taga' taRaq to hack, chop 233. take' taki feces 234. taktak taktak to mince, chop 235. talanga talira ear 236. tali talih rope 237. talisay talisay a tree: Terminalia catappa 238. tamtam tamtam to taste, try 239. tancho' tuzuq point out 240. tano' taneq earth 241. tanom tanem to plant 242. tanges tarlis to weep 243. tawtaw tau person, human being 244. ta'pang taqebaj insipid, tasteless 245. tasi tasik sea, ocean 246. tasm-e tazem to sharpen 247. te'te' tiqtiq to drain, drip 248. ti'aw tiqaw goatfish 249. t-il-ingteng tiotirj clink, jingle 250. to'a tuqah mature (fruit) 251. tohn-e teken brace, support 252. toktok, tuktuk tuktuk cluck (hen); pound 253. to'lang tuqelai bone

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CHAMORRO PMP ENGLISH

254. tongtong tuutuij pound; resound 255. totng-e tutur-i to light, ignite 256. to'to' tuqtuq to pick leaves 257. tugap teRab to belch 258. tuho' tuduq to drip 259. tuhong tudu0 hat, head covering 260. tulu (C) telu three 261. tunok (met.) tuRun to let down 262. tunu tunu to bum 263. tupo' tubuj well 264. tupu tebuh sugarcane 265. tutu tutu to pound, to strike 266. tuyan tian belly, abdomen 267. uchan quzan rain 268. ugong quRug to moan, to groan 269. ugo' uRuq jealous 270. ugot quRut to massage 271. uha' qukaq to pry open 272. uhang qudar shrimp 273. ulin (C) qulin rudder 274. ulo' qulej caterpillar; maggot 275. ulu qulu head 276. -um- -um- actor focus 277. umang qumai hermit crab 278. unay qenay sand

REFLEXES OF MONOSYLLABIC ROOTS

I. agaga' *-Raq red 2. akihom *-kem clench, grip 3. atagga' *-Raq reddish 4. dilok *-luk bend, bow 5. dinga' *-0aq fork of a branch 6. langnga' *-Jaq gape 7. maknio' *-nej sink into 8. nuhong *-duo shady

Appendix 2: Loanwords from other Austronesian languages

The following forms are considered to be loanwords in Chamorro on the following basis: (I) they contain "loan phonemes" (b, d, k, or r) and have a plausible source in the Philip- pines or Indonesia, as babuy ([we]); (2) the form is known to have a non-Austronesian origin, as ates; (3) the form contains no loan phonemes, but its known distribution is confined to the Philippines and Chamorro, and the meaning is a type likely to be borrowed.

A. PROBABLE PHILIPPINE SOURCE

I. Chamorro alangilang, ilangilang 'a tree: Cananga odorata' : Cebuano alangilan, ilangi- lang 'medium- to large-size tree that produces a multitude of fragrant flowers, esp. in May and June: Cananga odorata' 2. Chamorro alimasak, alimasat 'type of fish', Cebuano alimdsag 'kind of edible crab'

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3. Chamorro alom 'a small native, somewhat weedy euphorbiaceous tree: Melanolepis multiglandulosa', Cebuano alum 'small tree with itchy leaves that are used as a poultice, Melanolepis multiglandulosa'. 4. Chamorro anonas 'custard apple, bullock's heart: Annona reticulata', Cebuano anunas 'heart-shaped fruit similar to itis: Anona reticulata'. Merrill (I954:152) notes that there are three species of the genus Annona in the Pacific, all of them natives of tropical America. This item may have been borrowed directly from Spanish. 5. Chamorro angilaw 'a tree: Grewia crenata'. Reflexes of PWMP *qanilaw 'a tree: Grewia spp.' appear in several Philippine languages, including Isneg, Tagalog, Hanun6o, Aklanon, Cebuano, Maranao, and Tagabili, generally with references to small trees or shrubs of the genera Columbia and Grewia. The irregular nasal in the Chamorro form suggests borrow- ing, but if so the source remains unclear. 6. Chamorro ates 'sweetsop, sugar apple: Annona squamosa', Bikol, Cebuano atis 'sugar apple: Annona squamosa'. As noted in no. 4 above, this a native of tropical America. 7. Chamorro babuy 'pig, swine', Tagalog bdboy, Cebuano bdbuy 'pig', Bikol bdboy 'wild boar'. This word could have been borrowed from a number of possible source languages in the Philippines. 8. Chamorro balutan 'infold, wrap up, swathe, swaddle', Kapampangan bdlut 'wrap some- thing', balut-an 'thing wrapped', Tagalog bdlot 'covering, wrapping'. This form has many potential sources. 9. Chamorro baras 'gravel, pebbles, small stones', Kapampangan balds 'sand', Tagalog balds 'crystallized syrup, coarse granulated sugar', Hanunoo bards 'sand; beach, seashore', Cebuano balds 'sand'. IO. Chamorro bo'bo' 'brackish spring by the seashore', Tagalog bubo' 'overflowing, pour- ing out (said of liquids)', Cebuano bu'bu' 'pour something out, into something; action of watering'. I . Chamorro bokbok 'uproot, break loose, pull out', Cebuano balukbuk, bukbuk 'dig up the soil around the roots of a small plant'. 12. Chamorro bongbong 'bamboo container used to hold a liquid', Tagalog bwnb6ng 'cylin- drical container (usually a length of bamboo)', Maranao bombong 'bamboo-like water reed'. 13. Chamorro buteti 'blowfish, pufferfish', Tagalog butete, Bikol butiti 'pufferfish: Tetradon lunaris', Cebuano butiti 'general name for pufferfishes'. This form could have been bor- rowed from any one of many languages in the Philippines. I4. Chamorro champan 'large flat-bottomed boat with a square end, sampan', Cebuano sampan 'flat-bottomed, square-ended barge', Malay sampan 'shoe-boat, boat for harbor use'. This form comes ultimately from a Southern Min dialect, and could in principle have been borrowed through the mediation of either a Philippine language or Malay. Borrowing from a Philippine language, however, appears more likely in view of the role of Guam as a way-station in the Manila Galleon trade that linked the Fukienese trading community in Manila Bay with Mexico from I565-i815. 15. Chamorro dakdak 'knock, rap, strike with a quick, sharp blow', Cebuano dakddk 'fall down with a bang; throw something down with force'. i6. Chamorro gachay 'ax, adze; split with ax', Ilokano, Hanun6o wdsay 'axe', Hiligaynon wdsay 'axe, hatchet', Cebuano wdsay 'large axe; cut or chop with an axe', Maranao oasai 'axe'. This form has many potential loan sources both in the Philippines and in Indonesia, although considerations of phonemic shape favor the former area. The initial g suggests that this form was borrowed before glide fortition, but if so it is unclear why the initial conso- nant is not gw-. It also remains unclear why both this form and no. 14 above show s bor- rowed as the affricate ch. I7. Chamorro gollay 'vegetable (generic term)', Tagalog, Bikol gilay, Maranao golai 'veg- etable'. The gemination of the medial consonant in this form is unexplained. I8. Chamorro haligi 'fence post, pillar, house post', Tagalog haligi 'post, pillar', Cebuano haligi 'house post'.

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Ig. Chamorro hulo' 'up, above, on top of', Tagalog hulo' 'source of a stream; that part of a town (usually higher) that is near a mountain or a hill'. This form and Chamorro ulu 'head' both reflect PMP *qulu 'head'. Although Chamorro hulo' probably has been borrowed from Tagalog, the Tagalog form itself is a Malay loan. The chronology of double borrowing here is consistent with historical information: most Malay loans would have entered Taga- log following the advent of Islam in Indonesia, but before the beginning of the Manila Gal- leon, because the introduction of Islam (first reported by Marco Polo in Aceh in 1292) initiated a period of Islamic proselytization and trade conducted by speakers of Malay in the Philippines, while the Manila Galleon (begun in Cebu in 1565, and moved to Manila in 1572) effectively ended Malay trading in Manila Bay. It is likely that most or all loans from Philippine languages into Chamorro, on the other hand, postdated the beginning of the Gal- leon trade that transported Chinese silks to Mexico and Peruvian silver to Manila, with reg- ular annual stops in Guam. 20. Chamorro ito' 'freshwater catfish', Kapampangan itu' 'catfish or carp', Bikol hito' 'freshwater catfish sp.', Aklanon hito' 'fish sp.' 21. Chamorro kabdn 'burlap sack-one hundred pound', Tagalog kabdn 'chest, trunk', Bikol kabdn 'chest, trunk, coffer', Cebuano kabdn 'trunk, chest', Maranao kaban 'chest, case, box'. 22. Chamorro ka'ka' 'crack, crevice, fissure', Cebuano kdka' 'children's word for female genitalia', Maranao kakaq 'tear, torn, separate, have a gaping wound'. 23. Chamorro kakak 'the sound heard when clearing the throat, as in hawking up phlegm', Tagalog kdkak 'cackling (of hens, ducks)', Bikol kakdk 'to squawk', Cebuano kdkak 'cackle'. 24. Chamorro kalaskas 'rattle, crackling (of dry leaves), any rustling sound', Bontok kalasdkas 'produce a rushing, rustling or rattling noise, as the sound of water rushing down a cliff, stones rattling down a slide, the sound made when pushing against the leaves of plants through tall grass', Cebuano kalasikas 'rustling sound like that produced by the motion of leaves'. 25. Chamorro kamuti 'sweet potato', Bikol kamote, Cebuano kamuti 'sweet potato: Ipomoea batatas'. 26. Chamorro latek 'crispy residue of coconut milk after oil is cooked out', Kapampangan latik 'a sauce of sugar and toasted coconut', Tagalog latik 'scum of coconut milk (after extracting oil by fire)', Cebuano latik 'syrup made of sugar and water or sugar and coconut milk'. 27. Chamorro lebbok 'muddy, cause to be muddy; cloudy, of liquid', Cebuano lubug 'for liquid to get or be made murky with sediment'. 28. Chamorro mannok 'chicken, poultry', Tagalog, Bikol manok, Cebuano manuk, Maranao manok 'chicken'. The status of this form as a loanword is unclear. The gemination of the medial consonant is unexplained whether the word is directly or indirectly inherited (cf. no. I7). 29. Chamorro nana 'mother', Tagalog ndnang, ndnay (with fossilized vocative endings) 'mother', Bikol ndna 'title for a mother, aunt, or godmother', Cebuano ndna 'title for grand- parents or women of an older generation; for one's elder sister'. 30. Chamorro salape' 'money, currency, silver (as a form of money)', Kapampangan sal- apiq 'money, coin', Tagalog salapi' 'money (in general)', Bikol salapi' 'fifty centavos; half-peso', Cebuano salapi' 'money; fifty centavo coin; silver'. 3I. Chamorro suman 'type of food made from rice and coconut milk. After rice is cooked in coconut milk it is wrapped in banana leaf and steamed. Usually served as a dessert', Tagalog suman 'rice cake of the glutinous (malagkit) variety wrapped longitudinally in banana or palm leaves', Bikol suman 'rice sweet made from glutinous rice flour, coconut milk, and brown sugar, shaped into a cylinder about six inches long and wrapped in buri (palm) leaves', Cebuano suman 'sweet prepared from crushed ingredients (rice, corn, pili nut, millet, etc.) formed into sticks, wrapped in banana leaves and steamed'.

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32. Chamorro talapia, tilapia 'type of freshwater fish originally imported from the Philip- pines', Cebuano tilapya 'freshwater fish with dark color'. The tilapia is of east African ori- gin, widely introduced into Southeast Asia. 33. Chamorro tandan 'rooster', Kapampangan tandang 'young male chicken, not yet a rooster', Tagalog tanddng 'rooster'. This is not a widespread Philippine form, and clearly replaced PMP *laluir 'rooster'. 34. Chamorro tankat 'cage, place of confinement', Tagalog tangkdl 'portable chicken coop made of woven strips of bamboo', Bikol tangkdl 'pigpen, pig sty', Cebuano tangkdl 'cage, covered enclosure'. 35. Chamorro tuba 'bud of coconut tree; beverage from sap of coconut tree', Ilokano tuba 'juice of the buri palm; a drink made from it', Bikol tuba' 'wine made from the sap of the coconut', Cebuano tuba' 'fermented and processed toddy from coconut palms'.

B. PROBABLE INDONESIAN SOURCE

36. Chamorro arak 'distilled liquor made from fermented coconut sap', Malay arak 'dis- tilled alcoholic liquor'. Ultimately from Arabic. 37. Chamorro langsan, langasat 'a tree: Lansium domesticwn', Malay langsat 'a variety of Lansiwn domesticun' 38. Chamorro tun 'mister, sir-used as respect when addressing an elderly male', Malay tuan 'master, lord'.

C. PHILIPPINE OR INDONESIAN SOURCE

39. Chamorro kankong ([ae]) 'type of plant: Ipomoea aquatica', Hanunoo kangkung 'acquatic morning glory: Ipomoea aquatica Forsk.; the young leaves are cooked as vegeta- bles', Malay kangkong 'a flowering convolvulus, eaten as a spinach: Ipmnoea aquatica'. 40. Chamorro nipa 'a palm that grows by the rivers, very good for making thatch', Hanunoo nipa 'nipa palm: Nipafruticans Wurmb.; the leaves are used for thatch', Malay nipa 'thatch-palm: Nipafruticans'. 41. Chamorro payu 'umbrella, parasol', Tagalog, Bikol pdyong 'umbrella, parasol', Malay payong 'umbrella'.

D. PROBABLE OCEANIC SOURCE

42. Chamorro pwengi 'night', Puluwat pwoong(i), Woleaian bwoong 'night'. The expected Chamorro reflex of PMP *beRji 'night' is **poknge. 43. Chamorro sawara', Woleaian tagiuraar, Puluwat taailaaa 'swordfish'

E. PROBABLE PACIFIC PIDGIN ENGLISH SOURCE.

44. Chamorro, Tok Pisin puspus'coitus, sexual intercourse'.

F. UNKNOWN SOURCE

45. Chamorro a-kagwe 'left (direction)', PMP *ka-wiRi 'left side'. 46. Chamorro udu 'dumb, mute, speechless', Old Javanese uduh 'an exclamation: oh!, ah!', Tae' udu 'an exclamation of grief', Ngadha udu 'to coo'.

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Department of Linguistics University of Hawai'i at Manoa 1890 East-West Road Honolulu, HI 96822-2318 [email protected]

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